Features
80th Anniversary of the Communist Party & The Communist Movement: Potentials & Problems
by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka
The Communist Party of Sri Lanka (CPSL) will celebrate its 80th anniversary early next month. That will mark the 80th birthday not merely of the Communist Party but the broader Communist movement – as distinct from generic Left movement–in Sri Lanka.
As I have argued in an earlier article (The sins of the fathers: The Old Left’s two traditions – The Island), the communist tradition has been considerably consequential on this island and is alive and well in the form of a strong and dynamic contemporary left which derives from and identifies with the communist ideological heritage.
To illustrate, and if I may be pardoned a personal note, in the early-mid 1970s, i.e., despite the terrible repression of the April 1971 uprising, both Prof Rohan Samarajiva and I, who hold antipodal economic and political perspectives today, were, as an undergraduate and high-school student respectively, members of a revolutionary Left organization, Mitipahara (‘Hammer Blow’), founded by the youngest member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, an intensely intelligent alumni of Moscow State University, who broke away from the party. Still awaiting university entrance, that was the first time I was taken in for questioning by the Intelligence Services Division.
This widely shared heritage alone would make the 80th anniversary of the parent or grandparent party, the Communist party, something well worth celebrating.
There are two other specific reasons to do so. Firstly, the CPSL is due to launch its alternative national economic program. Recalling the knowledgeable and often prescient contribution to economic debates in parliament over decades by DEW Gunasekara who is now the elder statesman guiding the Communist Party, and aware of the group of stellar young economists around the party or sympathetic to it currently, I’d say this document would be a most valuable contribution and a policy event of considerable significance. This is more so because the two main left formations on the island today have not launched such a document (the NPP-JVP’s being an amateurish effort which has suffered the fate that befalls a lead balloon).
Secondly, however small a party it may be, the CPSL has a vital role to play because of its international connections. It is the only party in Sri Lanka that is officially and organically linked to the ruling communist parties of China, Cuba and Vietnam, and thereby the international network and conclaves of communist parties.
This endows the CPSL with the potential to punch quite considerably above its weight. The ruling Communist parties lead countries of historic (China) or stellar (Vietnam) economic achievement or have huge moral-ethical prestige (Cuba). In turn this would permit the CPSL to play two roles.
One, to firm up multifaceted economic ties between Sri Lanka and these countries, even securing economic and social advice, in a situation in which the CPSL is part of a progressive center-left or social democratic administration after the next Presidential and parliamentary elections.
Two, to use the prestige of its international connections and the political incentive provided by such connections—the two main left formations in Sri Lanka today would dearly love affiliation-to serve as intermediary and facilitator of a Left Bloc, which may or may not broaden through evolution into a Center-Left bloc.
LINKING-UP THE LEFT
In short, the CPSL can return to the initiative it undertook in 1979, of a united Left platform, which succeeded briefly, as manifested in a public gathering at Hyde Park, with Rohana Wijeweera as a speaker. That initiative tragically collapsed not chiefly because of the ultra-sectarianism of the JVP, but because of the combination of ‘parliamentary cretinism’ and sectarianism of the LSSP (which had introduced the infection to the island’s left) which insisted that its candidate Victor Ivan (‘Podi Athula’) be the left candidate at the Galle by-election.
Today, the CPSL is the only entity that can conceivably bring the JVP-NPP and the FSP around the same table or onto the same platform and hopefully into a Left Bloc around which smaller left parties and groups can gather.
Such a bloc is vital to resist the imminent rollback of labour laws and land reform laws, IMF austerity, and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s free-market fundamentalism. The President harks back to his father’s “BR Shenoy Plan” of 1965 and is advised by Dr Ricardo Hausmann who was the appointee IDB of Juan Guaido, the rightist Venezuelan pretender to the Presidency and puppet of the Trump administration.
There is no contradiction between a Left Bloc, and a Left Democratic Bloc. Firstly, because it is the Left that has the strength to fight for democracy today, in the streets if needs be, at a time the President has de-funded elections and the UNP Chairman is advocating a Referendum as in 1982. Secondly, any Left and Democratic Bloc, or more simply a Center-left Bloc requires a Left Bloc as its foundational core and motor-force.
DEVIATION & OBSTACLE
There is a problem though; an obstacle to the CPSL playing the most crucially constructive role it can at the crossroads that Sri Lanka has arrived at in terms of its socioeconomic and political model and therefore the fate of people and its geopolitical destiny as an island.
It is once again in the wrong company. This brings us to another, lesser-known anniversary. It was exactly 45 years ago that the CPSL, mangled by the voters after its long stint with the SLFP under the latter’s dominance, began the serious process of self-criticism. The first document was in internal circulation in 1978, the last of its kind in 1980. They were excellent documents though the contents began to be diluted and the process reversed after 1980.
The self-criticism centered on two main themes– of deviations to the right. First, the error of tailing behind the bourgeoisie as represented by the SLFP. It was seen as a gross misapplication of, and a right deviation from, the ‘four class bloc including the national bourgeoisie’ line of the Communist party, endorsed at the 4th Congress in Matara in 1950, upon Dr SA Wickramasinghe’s return from the World Federation of Trade Unions (WFTU) Congress in Beijing in 1949 where he met Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi.
This part of the self-criticism culminated in a revision in the formulation of the stage of social transformation (the ‘stage of the revolution’), veered towards the designation as ‘anti-capitalist/socialist’ but finally settled on ‘socialist-orientation’ (which was the ideological trend in Moscow). In its Sinhala version, it was a tighter, more correct usage: ‘samaajavaadayata ellavoo’ or ‘samaajavaadaya ilakka kala’ i.e., directly aimed at socialism.
The second point of the self-criticism is far more pertinent today. It is the error on the Nationalities question and succumbing to or countenancing Sinhala chauvinism in the name of anti-imperialism.
This was painfully ironic. In their twin submissions to the Soulbury Commission in 1944-1947, it was the Communist party and its affiliate the Ceylon Trade Union Federation (CTUF), which had urged either regional autonomy or even federalism as a solution to Ceylon’s nationalities question. In point of fact, they were the first to designate the problem scientifically as a nationalities question—which the LSSP failed to.
There is a particularly poignant little personal tale here. The racist “Dudley-gey Badey, Masala Vadai” slogan (later known remonstratively as ‘the Masala Vadai line’) of 1966 did not originate with the CPSL but with the LSSP—specifically its newspaper the Janadina. But it was picked up by the CPSL. The iconic editor of the Aththa, BA Siriwardena, put down his pen refused to write anything racist and walked out of the office—and drowned his sorrows at the Press Club (known as Simeon’s, after its proprietor) relating the story in anguish and disgust to my father, Mervyn (and me).
Today, the CPSL is in an alliance with the current avatars of the Masala Vadai line, though it could be called the ‘Kurundi Vihara line’. They are the loose cannon who cannot be controlled by the CPSL. They will discredit the CPSL while forestalling its potential to play the valuable role I have suggested in outline in this article.
REVISIT HISTORY
As it arrives at its 80th birthday, the CPSL should perhaps re-examine two moments in its history. Firstly, the 3rd Congress in Atureliya 75 years ago, in 1948, which is better known for its abortive ‘armed occupation’ action than the insights of its political line under Gen. Sec Harry Abeygoonewardena. The line was abandoned in 1950 in Matara. I’d say the correct line was (and perhaps is) a synthesis of Atureliya and Matara, which we never saw.
Secondly, the huge missed opportunity of 1972, when Dr SA Wickramasinghe and Sarath Muttetuwegama crossed over to the Opposition in protest at the retroactive character of the Criminal Justice Commission (CJC) Bill under which the rebels of April 1971 were tried. That more principled faction of the CPSL was supported by the newspaper Aththa and its respected editorialists. The paper, which had been banned from public transport by Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake, was sealed shut by Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike.
The split in the CPSL was healed by the return of Gen Sec KP Silva from Moscow. Lenin however, had made clear that a split was to be preferred to either confusion or opportunism. Had the CPSL rebels, led by the party’s founder-leader, followed the example of the Communist Party of India-Marxist (CPI-M) and stayed independent, it could have been the nucleus of a left alternative to the SLFP-led Government and deprived the UNP of a 5/6ths majority in Parliament in 1977.
The lesson for today is clear: the foreign policy of any ruling Communist Party however exalted and must not become the domestic policy – or even the foreign policy–of any other Communist party. Taking the line from Moscow of Beijing is a cardinal error that the Cubans and the Vietnamese never made, which is why most revolutionary left movements in the global south, especially Latin America, saw themselves on a ‘Hanoi-Havana line’ in the 1970s and 1980s.
BELATED BIRTH
When all is said and done, the positive contributions of the Communist party in Sri Lanka as elsewhere, have certainly outweighed the negative.In the case of Sri Lanka/Ceylon, there is another factor of a historical anomaly which perhaps explains the errors and failures of the island’s Communist movement and the Left movement as a whole.
Strikingly, Sri Lanka’s Left, including the Communist left, was born late—even by Asian standards. The Communist Party of China was founded in 1921. The Communist Party of Vietnam in 1930. It took till 1935 for the LSSP to be born. It was 1943 when the Communist party was founded.
This belated birth meant that the Communist Party of Ceylon was born with a great disadvantage. It was formed after the Third International — the ‘Comintern’–founded by Lenin, had been dissolved by Jospeh Stalin to remove the ‘foreign’ stigma from local Communist parties and to enable them to be more national when implementing the anti-Fascist Popular Front (which proved hugely successful). This was not a mistake at the time, or was a ‘necessary error’ (to use an Althusserianism) because in the statement of dissolution it was correctly observed that the Communist parties had grown and matured sufficiently as national mass parties.
Not so, the Communist Party of Ceylon which had not yet been born. It’s year of birth being the year of dissolution of the Comintern, it did not have the vital spirit and tough-mindedness of the Lenin-Stalin-Dimitrov-Togliatti ‘enrolment’. Zhou Enlai and Ho Chi Minh were Comintern communists.
The looser successor to the Comintern, the Cominform, was founded in 1947. By then, the Communist Party of Ceylon had been born, shaped, formed and mentored in the gap between the Comintern and Cominform, by the Communist parties of Great Britain and India—hardly the most militant and experienced of parties.
No leader of the Communist Party of Ceylon ever met Stalin. The International Communist Movement was organizationally non-existent as a single framework, between 1943, the year of the dissolution of the Comintern and 1947, the year of the founding of the Cominform. It was, in a sense, a vacuum.
The CPSL and the larger Communist movement of the island (right up to the JVP and FSP) bear the genetic weaknesses of this oddly belated birth and the absence of a direct connection with the great revolutionary parties, their complex theoretical and steely militant tradition and their leaders of titanic stature.
Nobody—person or party–can be blamed for the year and circumstances in which, and into which, they were born. But they are marked by it, and often have to fight hard to transcend the limitations of that moment.
Features
Why ‘Southasianness’ should continue to matter for the ‘SAARC Eight’
At a time when Sri Lanka’s foreign policy is coming under intense scrutiny by some local sections it is only right that impartial and independent commentators shed some clarity on what fundamental foreign policy directions Sri Lanka ought to take. The extremely fluid and complex nature of current international politics renders such an understanding crucially important.
Given its vulnerabilities in a number of spheres Sri Lanka has no choice but to persist in broadly following the path of Non-alignment. That is, it should be ‘a friend of all and an enemy of none’, to the extent possible. However, it does not follow that in the process it could compromise what is seen as its national interest.
The latter point needs stressing against the backdrop of the criticisms the Sri Lankan government has been attracting from some quarters over what is made out to be some opaqueness in security and defence cooperation agreements it has entered into with India. It remains advisable for the Sri Lankan government to enter into pacts of this nature with India, but the government is obliged to disclose the contents of these agreements to the Sri Lankan people without undue delay in consideration of the uncompromisable sovereign rights of a people in a democracy.
However, there is no denying that the government should make it a central foreign policy premise to always work in cooperation with India. A consideration of what it cost Sri Lanka in the past to be in a disharmonious relationship with India and how such policy missteps worked against Sri Lanka’s best interests ought to dictate to Sri Lanka the advisability of maintaining uninterrupted cordial ties with India. Moreover, common sense ought to drive home to a country the costs of being at loggerheads with one’s closest neighbour who has also proved a ‘ready friend in deed.’
That said, it is the bounden duty of Sri Lanka’s diplomatic community or establishment to ensure that such cooperation does not degenerate into a policy of subservience towards India. That is, finesse and farsightedness in local diplomacy become prime requirements.
While India’s geographical location and physical size, besides her other strengths, contribute towards her centrality in regional and world affairs, her neighbours would be thinking and acting far-sightedly if they not only focus on India and her legitimate interests but also ensure continuous friction-free intra-South Asian relations. That is, for them collective South Asian well being should be of fundamental importance.
Much more than for India perhaps, such harmonious ties are of inestimable importance to India’s neigbours who are up against multiple vulnerabilities which are to a great extent regionally rooted. The latter could never, that is, afford to take their minds off the region’s collective development prospects.
The above are some of the reasons why it could prove highly counter-productive and self-defeating for the ‘South Asian Eight’ to render dormant and ineffective the historic SAARC organization. Rather than ‘dead’ SAARC has been allowed to drift into the ‘Limbo of Forgotten Things.’
The growing inter-dependence of the ‘SAARC Eight’ ought to impress on the collectivity the need to step-up regional cooperation in multiple areas which impinge on its members’ legitimate interests. For instance, the youth-led ‘Cockroach’ revolts, first in India and subsequently outside, should convince South Asia that it is continuing to be plagued in a major way by poverty and equity-linked issues. That is, West-inspired, largely market economics-dictated ways to see an end to poverty are simply not working completely.
Likewise climate-related questions are ravaging South Asia in unimaginable ways; Nepal being just one case in point. The rationale for regional cooperation remains valid and undefeated. It is time for revived and stepped-up SAARC cooperation. That is, the solutions to the region’s development dilemmas need to be found in mainly the region.
This amounts to making a case for a continued sense of ‘Southasianness’ among the SAARC countries. That is the conviction should be firm that they know their developmental challenges best and that answers to these issues must be primarily evolved by the grouping itself in cooperation with concerned sections.
From the above viewpoints the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo did very well to tie-up with the South Asian University (SAU), India, to increase public awareness on the developmental problems affecting South Asia and for initiating a number collaborative measures that aim at ameliorating them. The relevant agreement was formalized in early September at the RCSS. The sealing of the pact took place under the aegis of SAU President Prof. K.K. Aggarwal and RCSS Executive Director Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha.
A press release issued by the organizations said the collaboration aims ‘to foster research networks, partnerships and collaborations for transformative change across South Asia.’ It also mentioned that the partnership marked the first agreement to be signed by SAU with an independent think tank in Sri Lanka.
Among other things, pacts such as the above are bold moves in the direction of fostering a spirit of intellectual independence in those areas of the South facing some of the stiffest developmental challenges. Rather than ‘import’ solutions to these challenges from outside the region, the SAU-RCSS initiative aims at fostering fresh approaches to evolving solutions to problems that are uniquely South Asian.
It is hoped that the SAU and RCSS initiative while leading a to a greater degree of Southern intellectual independence in the area of development thinking would also help in kick-starting the SAARC process all over again in a major way.
What ought to lend fresh urgency to the latter undertakings are fast-breaking current developments in international politics. It ought to be perceived by the most underdeveloped regions of the South that going forward their well being would matter least or not at all to the major powers of both East and West.
For example at the time of writing the foremost among US and Chinese political leaders are meeting in the US in what is made out to be a historic coming together of sorts to address issues of common concern. It is highly unlikely that the parties would be addressing the economic preoccupations of the least developed countries. The same goes for other states that matter from the East and West.
Essentially, the US and China would be looking at ways of strengthening business ties that matter majorly for them. The South and its issues would prove to be of peripheral interest, if at all they happen to matter to the protagonists. Such developments ought to be fresh reminders to the South and their collaborative organizations that there is no escaping self-help and joint solidarity.
Features
Is Sri Lanka prepared for global literacy crisis?
by Prof. M.W. Amarasiri de Silva
Adult literacy has for a long time been one of Sri Lanka’s greatest sources of pride, serving as a social indicator that has set the country apart from several of its neighbours in the region. For many years Sri Lanka has been recognised for keeping its literacy rates at a level like those of middle-income countries and even some high-income ones, even though it has faced economic difficulties and political instability. However, since new global research has now shown an unexpected and concerning decline in adult literacy in several high-income countries, it is important to consider what this means for Sri Lanka.
The phenomenon described by Jishnu Das, Yash Dhuldhoya and Ethan Sager, the unexplained fall in functional literacy among adults in wealthy nations. calls for a more thorough examination of the nature of literacy, the pressures exerted by the modern information environment, and the vulnerabilities that Sri Lanka might encounter as it moves towards a more digital, ageing and complex society. Even though Sri Lanka’s basic literacy rates remain high and steady, the global trend acts as a warning that literacy is not a fixed accomplishment but a dynamic capability which must be continually fostered, safeguarded and adapted to changing circumstances.
Decline in functional literacy
The drop in literacy rate in high-income countries is not due to people losing the ability to read or write in the ordinary way. On the contrary, it reflects a decline in functional literacy, which is the capacity to deal with, understand, and apply information in real-life situations. This kind of literacy involves following instructions, comprehending official documents, using digital interfaces, interpreting medical information, and making sense of complicated texts that demand continuous attention.
Researchers stress that the decline cannot be attributed merely to disruptions caused by COVID-19 or the increasing use of smartphones; instead, there is going on something more fundamental: a weakening of the cognitive and informational bases that adults need to function properly in modern society. In countries such as the United States, the percentage of adults regarded as functionally illiterate has increased significantly, indicating that even highly educated societies are having difficulty in keeping up the skills required to handle ever more complex streams of information.
Sri Lanka immune?
At first sight, Sri Lanka seems to be immune from this trend. The country’s adult literacy rate is still above 92 per cent and youth literacy is even higher. According to the 2024 Census, literacy rates exceed 97 per cent among people aged ten and over, with nearly equal levels between the sexes. These figures show the continued strength of Sri Lanka’s system of free education, a system which in the past has guaranteed widespread access to school and has produced generation after generation of citizens who could read and write at a basic level.
There has also been a steady improvement in educational attainment, with an increasing number of adults finishing secondary education and a larger proportion going on to tertiary institutions. Unlike the mysterious drops observed in rich countries, Sri Lanka’s literacy figures demonstrate stability and even a slight improvement.
However, although the surface appearance is reassuring, an even more complicated reality exists. The literacy figures for Sri Lanka only record basic literacy, that is, the ability to read and write simple sentences, and they do not include measures of functional literacy. It is impossible to tell from these statistics whether adults can interpret a bank statement, understand a medical prescription, use an online government portal, or critically assess information that is spreading on social media. As is shown by the global trend, having a high level of basic literacy does not ensure a strong degree of functional literacy. On the contrary, functional literacy can fall even if basic literacy stays the same. This difference is important for Sri Lanka, particularly since the country is currently experiencing rapid digitalization, demographic ageing, and social change.
Major risk factor
A major risk factor is the move towards digital information environments. In high-income countries, researchers believe that the prevalence of smartphones and short-form digital content may be diminishing people’s ability to engage in deep reading. Nowadays, individuals take in information in short, rapid segments by scrolling through social media feeds, quickly reading headlines, and viewing short videos. Such behaviour decreases the opportunity for sustained reading, which is necessary for keeping comprehension, critical thinking, and the capacity to deal with complex information intact.
Sri Lanka is going through a comparable change. There has been a sharp increase in the number of people using smartphones, and social media sites have become the main sources of news, leisure, and communication. Although there are many advantages to having digital access, it also results in a situation where superficial reading becomes the standard approach and could therefore lead to a decline in functional literacy over time.
Demographic ageing as challenge
A further challenge that is coming up is demographic ageing. Sri Lanka is rapidly moving towards becoming an ageing society, with an increasing number of older people who might experience cognitive decline, have less exposure to new information, and enjoy few opportunities for further learning. In high-income countries, ageing populations have led to a fall in functional literacy since older individuals have had difficulty adapting to digital systems and complicated bureaucratic procedures.
The older generation in Sri Lanka, many whom were educated many decades ago under different curriculum standards, could end up becoming increasingly vulnerable in a world in which essential services, such as banking and healthcare, are being moved online. If appropriate support is not provided, the country may witness a growing gap between basic literacy and functional literacy among older adults.
In Sri Lanka, the way in which administration and the workplace are organised has in the past placed greater trust in personal communication and on basic forms of documentation. What in high-income countries would require complex reading is instead carried out through face-to-face contact in Sri Lanka. Nevertheless, this situation is now changing. Government services are becoming available online, banks are introducing digital systems, and in workplaces there is an increasing need for employees to use electronic systems. Since these changes are happening at a faster rate, the demand for functional literacy will increase. Should adults not be able to meet these new demands, Sri Lanka might start to see the kind of decline in literacy that has been seen in other places.
Misinformation and disinformation
Another worry is the spread of misinformation and disinformation. In Sri Lanka, there has already been the quick dissemination of false information via social media, with this having an impact on public health, politics, and social cohesion. Since functional literacy is essential for allowing people to assess sources, doubt the claims made, and tell the difference between reliable information and falsehoods, a lack of functional literacy causes societies to be more open to manipulation, polarisation, and confusion.
The fact that there has been a global drop in functional literacy at the same time as misinformation has increased points to a dangerous feedback cycle: when literacy is low people become more prone to misinformation, and the misinformation in turn damages their ability to think critically about information. Given that the country has a high level of social media use and a lack of digital literacy training, Sri Lanka should take this risk seriously.
Even though there are these risks, Sri Lanka has several advantages which can assist in avoiding a drop in functional literacy. The country’s system of basic education is still strong, showing high enrolment figures and good results in basic literacy.
Families in Sri Lanka still place a great deal of importance on education and reading is still a respected cultural activity. Furthermore, because of its relatively small size and the fact that it has a centralized form of government, it is more efficient than in bigger countries to carry out nationwide literacy campaigns. These strengths offer a firm basis for developing new strategies for protecting and improving functional literacy.
Literacy a process
It should be realised by Sri Lanka that attaining literacy is not a single accomplishment achieved in childhood. In the modern world, literacy must be a skill that is constantly put into practice, kept up to date and adapted to changing circumstances. The fact that adult literacy is declining worldwide shows that even in wealthy countries with well-developed education systems deterioration can occur if adults are not supported in keeping their cognitive and informational abilities. Sri Lanka cannot afford to be careless.
It is necessary for the country to invest in adult education, in programmes concerning digital literacy and in the development of cognitive skills for all age groups. It also needs to establish ways of measuring functional literacy rather than just basic literacy so that policymakers can detect emerging weaknesses and act in advance.
A vital measure is to increase the opportunities for adult learning. Although Sri Lanka has effective literacy programmes based in schools, the country’s infrastructure for adult education is limited. Community centres, libraries, universities, and vocational institutes should take on a more significant role by providing courses, workshops, and reading programmes which are tailored for adults. The programmes should place an emphasis not just on reading and writing but also on digital navigation, critical thinking, and information processing. Adults should be given the chance to practise the skills that are necessary for them to function effectively in a rapidly changing world.
Importance of digital literacy programmes
It is just as important to have digital literacy programmes. Since an increasing number of services are being offered online, adults need to learn how to use digital tools with confidence and in a safe manner. This involves knowing how to fill out online forms, moving around on government websites, using banking apps, and being able to spot misinformation. The digital literacy courses available should be accessible, affordable, and adapted to different age groups, especially older adults who might feel put off by technology. Schools can also contribute by incorporating digital literacy into their curriculum so that future generations acquire good functional literacy skills from an early age.
Sri Lanka should also investigate introducing policies which promote cognitive health among older people. Since cognitive decline can lead to a deterioration of functional literacy, it becomes more difficult for older individuals to deal with information. It is possible to help keep cognitive function by setting up programmes that promote reading, social interaction, physical activity, and continued learning. During regular medical visits, healthcare professionals should include cognitive assessments so that any problems affecting literacy-related skills can be picked up early.
Sri Lanka needs to create tools for measuring functional literacy, since the figures available on basic literacy give an incomplete account of the country’s capabilities. By using assessments of functional literacy like those employed in high-income countries, Sri Lanka would be able to monitor how well its adults can apply their literacy skills in real-life situations.
Features
From Colombo to Vegas: Sri Lankan talent shines at WCOPA
The World Championships of Performing Arts (WCOPA) is known globally as the Olympics of performing arts, but Sri Lankans came to know of it more closely when Natharie Wickramasinghe, representing Team Sri Lanka at WCOPA 2026, in Las Vegas, earned a Bronze Medal in the Ethnic/Folklore Dance category.
Behind Sri Lanka’s WCOPA journey is Sri Lanka-born Chris Rajendra, who migrated to the United States in 2007, and deserves special congratulations.
Passionate about discovering and promoting talent, Chris has been actively involved in the pageant and performing arts, industry since 2002.
A major milestone came in 2015, when he introduced WCOPA, to Sri Lanka, for the first time, creating an international platform for Sri Lankan performers.
Sachini Ayendra became the very first candidate to represent Sri Lanka at WCOPA, in 2015, marking the beginning of Team Sri Lanka’s journey.
Chris served as National Director for Team Sri Lanka from 2015 to 2018, and has returned to the role for the 2026–2027 term, continuing his commitment to identifying, developing and promoting Sri Lankan talent internationally.
His involvement in pageantry and performing arts includes:
Recruiter, Miss Nevada United States – 2014

Chris Rajendra: National Director – WCOPA Team Sri Lanka
Manager, Miss Colombia Las Vegas – 2013 to 2017
Director for the West Coast and International Divisions of Ms. Latina International and Ms. International World – 2017
National Director for Team Sri Lanka – WCOPA, 2015–2018 and 2026–2027
Co-National Director for Team USA – WCOPA 2026
In the USA, Chris began his career in retail before transitioning into insurance and financial services, where he built extensive experience in sales, marketing, leadership and business development.
He owned and operated a brokerage, affiliated with multiple insurance companies, and later served as Marketing Director with Transamerica and World Financial Group.
As his business expanded across Las Vegas and California, he continued to hone his expertise in sales, marketing and client relations. He now works as a Sales Executive at Hilton Grand Vacations.
Looking ahead, Chris will shortly launch the application process for Team Sri Lanka 2027, giving talented Sri Lankan performers another opportunity to represent the country on the world stage.
The 2027 World Championships of Performing Arts will take place in Las Vegas, USA, in July or August 2027.
Through his work in both the corporate and performing arts worlds, Chris Rajendra continues to combine leadership, networking and talent development — creating opportunities for Sri Lankan performers to showcase their abilities on a global platform.
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