Connect with us

Features

Where is the urgency? All Party huddle & boycott, and Supreme Court challenge

Published

on

by Rajan Philips

No one at the All Party Conference on Wednesday showed any urgency about addressing the severe shortages of essentials – food, medicine, milk, cooking gas and fuel that people are experiencing. Prices of all essentials have become unaffordable for most people, and the supplies are not enough even for the few who can afford them. No one at the APC asked questions about the procurement and supply situation involving consumer essentials. The next day in parliament there was stupid banter about potential crossovers from the boycotting SJB to government but no serious questions or answers about essential supplies.

The government may now be forced to come up with answers before the Supreme Court where the Bar Association, on Friday, filed an unprecedented fundamental rights application against the entire government, asking the Court to direct, among others, “the Cabinet of Ministers and/or any other Respondents to immediately consult with all the relevant stakeholders and independent experts to formulate and implement policies to provide uninterrupted access and to provide concessions in relation to the prices of essential goods and services to the people including LP gas, fuel, electricity, milk powder, medicine and food and to report to the Supreme Court of the policies formulated on the above.” No one asked for this so forcefully either at the APC or in parliament.

The only answer so far is the empty boast in parliament by Agricultural Minister Mahindananada Aluthgamage that a “special mechanism was in the making to supply rice at a reasonable price during the upcoming festive season.” A mechanism in the making to provide rice for the New Year! Nice, but at what price? And what about rice or food availability before and after the April New Year. The Minister went further and as reported, “told Parliament that he could guarantee that there won’t be a food crisis” in the country. People have become all too familiar with this government’s broken guarantees. To make matters worse there are fears now about global food and fuel crises with both high prices and scarce supplies, as a result of the war in Ukraine. And Sri Lanka is hardly in a position to weather these new storms that are already spreading.

International observers have noted the growing ubiquity of protests over rising food prices and shortages in Albania, Iraq, Sri Lanka and Sudan among others. David Beasley, the executive director of the UN Word Food Programme (WFP) has commented that the food situation in many countries today is worse than the 2011 crisis of rising food prices that triggered the Arab Spring uprisings in Egypt and across North Africa. There is much discontent in Sri Lanka, but no one is sensing any revolutionary spring. The regime is clearly unstable but no one is scheming to topple it except through the electoral process. Yet, no one can predict how the public mood will change and what it will precipitate if the current shortages and high prices continue to worsen and the government fails to provide relief to the people.

That is why it is bewildering that neither APC attendees nor its boycotters have been showing any urgency about ensuring and monitoring a steady supply of consumer essentials. The government if it is organized, as it ought to be, should be putting out daily information about current supply levels of each essential commodity; the local availability of any of them; and the import requirements along with procurement arrangements including foreign exchange allocations, exporting country, as well as shipping, timing and local distribution. Hopefully, the Supreme Court will order the government to do this daily.

The supply situation is so dire and unpredictable that a government that cannot provide daily information on inventory levels does not deserve to continue in power. Equally, opposition parties do not deserve to become government unless they demonstrate their superior capabilities by constantly pressuring the government to provide inventory information, or do their own research and indicate how they would manage matters differently.

Monitoring inventory levels will be of no use unless the government can find foreign exchange to procure imports. At the least, inventory updates will inform the government and parliament the minimum foreign exchange levels that will be required to maintain at least subsistence levels of essential supplies. And where will the government get the requisite from – India, China, and at long last the IMF? Such information will also be useful in negotiations with the IMF to ensure priority allocation of sufficient foreign exchange for basic food supplies while restructuring debt payments, as well as for helping those with dwindling means to meet their basic needs.

APC and Boycott Politics

Astonishingly at the APC, the Central Bank Governor who has been simply pigheaded in resisting IMF help for over two years, and in prioritizing debt payment over importing food and fuel essentials, was asked to deliver a lecture on the country’s economic situation. The Minister of Finance, whose business it was to address the conference, kept mum, as he has been for the last three months, until Ranil Wickremesinghe needled him and forced him to admit that, in spite of its repeated denials, the government in fact had received the IMF’s Report on Sri Lanka, albeit in draft form. Mr. Wickremesinghe was at his cynical best as he put Nivard Cabraal in his place, and obliged the President to apologise to the Conference for the Governor’s silly remarks about the previous administration.

Besides government representatives, the APC was attended by a motley crowd of political parties with Ranil Wickremesinghe playing the elder statesman role. His bête noire, Maithripala Sirisena, who is credited for the APC idea, was also in attendance. Dr Tissa Vitarana was reduced to being the emissary, along with Ven. Athuraliye Rathana Thera, for the 11-Party alliance which is curiously constrained to stay in the government while opposing the Cabinet.

The two main opposition parties, the SJB and the JVP, boycotted the APC, and they were joined by the Plantation Tamil political parties, including even the CWC. The new, post-grandfather, generation of CWC leaders have been assiduously cultivated by Mahinda Rajapaksa, but they are fed up with Gotabaya Rajapaksa on account of his organic fertilizer craziness and his apparent refusal to listen to their concerns. The CWC leaders had an audience with Mahinda Rajapaksa before announcing their boycott of Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Almost all other Tamil and Muslim Parties would seem to have attended the Conference. The TNA was a surprise attendee considering the number of times the TNA leaders were rebuffed by the President in their persistent efforts to have a face-to-face meeting with the man. There is no need to read too much into this for there is no certainty about the future of the APC.

One unintended side benefit of the APC is that it will keep the President publicly engaged in civilian politics and restrain him from straying into non-civilian or military options, given his military background. At the same time, the level of outrage in the country should dissuade even military people thinking about political takeovers. There is no tradition for it and the fear of international isolation would also be a serious deterrent. But preventing military intervention is not the main purpose of politics. The only purpose now is to prevent mass starvation and social chaos.

At the APC, the government would seem to have agreed to redirect its resources from development programs to essential welfare measures. The Minister of Finance has also indicated that he will present to parliament an updated or interim budget based on the current situation and needs of the people. So, the Minister would be back in parliament and parliament can resume business and oversight of the government’s actions on the economy and the country’s finances. The SJB and the JVP will have the opportunity to hold the government to account and to show what they have to offer if and when they get their turn to govern.

What was not discussed at the APC or by the two boycotting parties is the government’s purported approach to engaging the IMF. Even before the President announced the decision to seek IMF’s help, the government appointed a 11-member Economic Council (which is really a sub-committee of Cabinet), and a 16-member Advisory Committee comprising as many businessmen as economic experts. The Advisory Committee has since recommended the “immediate appointment of a Technical Team consisting of officials representing the Central Bank and the Treasury to formulate programs proposing international financial assistance,” as well as the appointment “of a financial advisor and a legal advisor,” and still another “expert team to assist the Finance Minister.”

If all this is not enough, Cabinet Spokesman Ramesh Pathirana has now announced that the government will be appointing “a technical committee to help negotiate with the International Monetary Fund and will also a hire a legal firm to assist with the process.” And the process “will be headed by Professor GL Pieris and also honorable minister of justice, PC Ali Sabry and also assisted by Central Bank Governor and Treasury Secretary.” Go Figure. And to make everything bizarre, the legal firm will be an international legal firm! Perhaps the new international legal firm will also be enlisted to assist the Attorney General with his arguments to the Supreme Court in the fundamental rights application that the national Bar Association filed on Friday.

It is not clear whether it is only ignorance and incompetence that is at work here, or whether there is something clever by half going on in the government. Whatever it might be, it is not auguring well for what needs to be urgently done to bring supplies and redress to the people, and slowly start the heavy work of putting back the economy on track. The latter task is beyond the competence of this government on its best days. The country is constrained to depend on the government to carry out the immediate task of providing the basic essentials of life even on its worst days. There is no urgency at the political level. Will the Supreme Court be able to inject the fierce urgency that is badly needed in government for the sake of the people?



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

Published

on

University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

Continue Reading

Features

Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

Published

on

At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

Continue Reading

Features

Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

Published

on

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

Continue Reading

Trending