Editorial
Turf protection
With two weeks left before the long awaited presidential election, the campaigns of the principal contenders widely perceived to be Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa and the incumbent, Ranil Wickremesinghe – not necessarily in that order – are gaining momentum. Namal Rajapaksa was a late entry to the fray after billionaire businessman Dhammika Perera backed out for reasons he has not chosen to explain to the people. There have been defections by the score, so many that it’s hard to count, from the Rajapaksa party with the majority opting to go with RW, while a few have thrown their lot with Sajith Premadasa. What is crystal clear is that these defections have little to do with the fast approaching big contest but very much to do with the parliamentary election that will soon follow.
Defections as well as hastily cobbled alliances are obviously meant to cover parliamentary turf. The various MOUs or agreements between the different participants have not been made public but discerning people know that national list seats, portfolios, places on party lists of election candidates and what have you are all part of the currency of exchange. Obviously some of those outside parliament serving as party organizers for various electorates must become sacrificial lambs to accommodate defectors. They will not take kindly such arrangements and it remains to be seen what will follow. There can, of course, be let downs as evidenced by the country’s post-independence politics.
Who can forget that Mr. W. Dahanayake, a onetime prime minister, was persuaded not to run at Galle, for long his home turf, and placed on the UNP national list. Came the election results and his name was not among those selected for appointment to Parliament. If we remember right, President Premadasa made some arrangement about his pension. But he was forced into retirement. Another fall guy, if we may borrow from the American lexicon, was Mr. Maithripala Senanayake, who had long served the SLFP as its de facto deputy leader. He too was placed on a national list and fobbed off after the poll by being appointed Governor or the North Central Province. These examples vividly illustrate that anything is possible in politics.
Among the principal contenders, only the NPP/JVP has declared that there would be an immediate dissolution of the incumbent Parliament in the event of their election. The president is empowered by the constitution to dissolve the legislature at his discretion no sooner two years and six months have passed since its first meeting. This period has now lapsed and whoever is elected president on September 21, is empowered to dissolve. AKD says this is the first thing he will do once elected (note that he doesn’t say if he is elected) and has even gone as far as saying how he would form an interim government until a new Parliament is elected.
This with just his present three-member parliamentary group. He says that his parliamentary seat would be vacated should he become president and will be filled by a nomination by the party. He plans to run an interim government with four ministers – himself plus three MPs – and hold portfolios not allocated himself until a new Parliament is elected. Nothing is impossible: RW became PM and then president with a single national list seat!
Readers would remember that RW was under heavy pressure from the SLPP which elected him president, and particularly by Basil Rajapaksa, to first hold a parliamentary election and follow with a presidential contest. Wickremesinghe resisted this demand, made undoubtedly on a calculation that the SLPP whose stock had plunged to its lowest depths post aragalaya in July 2022, would be able to salvage at least a respectable parliamentary presence with such an arrangement.
By then many of the termites that disappeared from the picture had crawled out of the woodwork. The SLPP kept saying interminably that it would run a candidate for president but remained remarkably shy of naming that worthy. RW too dragged his feet about declaring his own candidacy while his proxies set about organizing his campaign. Clearly he was awaiting word of SLPP support but in the interim had no scruples about attracting pohottuwa MPs to his camp. Whether it was that or any other reason that made the SLPP abandon Wickremesinghe, we do not know.
The NPP/JVP made a concerted effort last week to convince a wide segment of business leaders that they had no reason to fear an administration of their party. The audience they attracted was significant. No doubt other contenders for the presidency also attracted a similar presence. Election funders commonly back more than one horse in the race regarding whatever they drop into political war chests both as insurance and investment. That has no doubt paid off in the past. Many observers and commentators have predicted that this election, unlike previous presidential polls, will see no candidate clearing the magic 50 percent plus one barrier at the first count. That would involve counting second and third preference votes. If there is yet no conclusive result, whoever led the popular vote will be declared the winner.
Whatever the outcome, photo-finish or otherwise, let us hope there will be no violence. While numerous complaints of violation of election law has already been reported, there has been no murder or mayhem thus far. Let us hope this situation will prevail until the final winner is declared.
Editorial
Selective transparency
Saturday 27th December, 2025
The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?
PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.
The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.
When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.
Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?
Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.
Editorial
Desperate political sandbagging
Friday 26th December, 2025
There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.
The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.
Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.
The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.
The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.
All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.
Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.
The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.
Editorial
Christmas spirit, relief and pledges
Thursday 25th December, 2025
Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.
Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.
The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.
Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.
All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.
Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.
About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.
The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.
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