Features
The Rajapaksa Legacy – Then and Now

by Anila Dias Bandaranaike, Ph. D.
My father, Sam Wijesinha from Getamanne, a village in Hambantota District, took pride in his Southern heritage. He knew D.M. Rajapaksa (DM), his brother, D.A. (DA) and their families well. Sam was Secretary General of Parliament for almost two decades till 1981, and the first Parliamentary Commissioner for Administration (Ombudsman) for 10 years thereafter. He worked closely with several political leaders during that time. Always courteous, he respected MPs who worked for the betterment of the people they represented.
According to Sam, DM was the first Rajapaksa to enter politics. In his D.A. Rajapaksa Memorial Oration of 2005 (Sunday Observer, December 25, 2005), He said that in 1944 when he was seated with DM at the Royal-Thomian cricket match, watching his son, George, bat, “DM was in an expansive mood and I asked him about his school days. He said they were exciting times with Sir Ponnabalam Arunachalam leading us, how his speeches attracted big crowds …. Then he said how it was sad the way our people let him down, not giving him a place in the Reformed Legislative Council of 1920. That was the beginning of our present ethnic troubles, he thought. It was around this time that he seriously reflected upon politics and went back to the village to take part in public life…” and “….start a lifetime of dedicated service.”
He said “DM represented the people of the Hambantota District …from March 7, 1936 till his untimely death on May 18, 1945.” and “The Leader of the State Council, Hon. D.S. Senanayake, in moving a vote of condolence said that ” From the day D.M. left Wesley College during the First World War (1914-1918,) he made the back-wood people of Ruhuna his own cause. He devoted his whole life to them with courage, independence and straightforward dedication.” According to Sam, when DM died, an unwilling DA was persuaded that “it was his bounden duty by his brother and his family and the peasants of Ruhuna to follow in his revered brother’s footsteps.” Later, DM’s sons entered politics. In the 1960 Parliament, all three electorates of the Hambantota District were represented by Rajapaksas, DA (Beliatta), Lakshman (Tissamaharama) and George (Mulkirigala).
Sam related that soon after DA became a member of the State Council, DA had told him that his wife was expecting their second child. It was my father who suggested that DA name him Mahendra, the idea taken from Emperor Ashoka’s life in Nehru’s book “Discovery of India”, which my father happened to be reading. Whenever anyone referred to “Mahinda”, my father would say firmly “His name is Mahendra, not Mahinda. I am the one who gave him that name”. DA had a family of nine children, five sons and four daughters. Four sons are active in politics today.
Sam described the momentous event in 1951 when a disillusioned S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike took the extreme step to cross over the floor of the House to the Opposition, hoping to carve out a new era for the country. He said the only other Government MP to boldly risk the decision and follow SWRD was DA . “DA was not by any means an affluent person, but a loner, working honorably with dedication to his people. He had to bring up a large young family. He was abandoning a prospective position in politics ….. However, he sincerely felt that the best hope for the rural masses lay in his bold decision.”
Sam referred to” George Rajapaksa make one of the finest speeches in the annals of the Legislature of this country …” He quoted George as having said of DM ” The people of Ruhuna sent him to the State Council, and until his death, he fought relentlessly against the feudal overlords who were lording it over the backwoods from which I come. On his death the only inheritance he left me was the heritage of a name and this little brown shawl that I wear round me of Kurakkan colour, which symbolizes the struggle of the peasants in Ruhuna…” and further “He reminded members of the House of all their many duties and obligations, but that their fundamental and highest obligation was to the people of this country“
My father ended his oration by stating ” DA was a public figure and many have remarked on his integrity, courage and perseverance with which he carried out his duties. But to those around him, he was a kind man and a good man, in a sense in which very few are called kind and good.” and ” He abused no one personally nor from a political platform, in parliament or in his personal relationships”.
This was how my father and others described the Rajapaksas then. They were decent people, with no pretensions to wealth, position, power or greatness. They understood the hardships faced by the rural masses whom they represented and strived to serve them. Such was the symbolism of their kurakkan shawls. As he did for many others, my father helped DA’s family with their legal, financial and land matters, their education and employment opportunities. Were his efforts in vain to better their ability to serve the people? I think not, in the early years.
After finishing his schooling in the mid-sixties, Mahinda worked as a Library Assistant at the Vidyodaya Pirivena. Concerned about workers’ rights, Mahinda joined trade union activities and was Secretary of the Ceylon Mercantile Union. After his father died in 1967, he entered politics in 1968 as SLFP organiser for Beliatta. Mahinda was very much a man of the people. He moved with the rural masses and understood their burning concerns for betterment. In 1970, he won his seat with a large majority, the youngest member of Parliament at the age of 24 years. Although he lost his seat in the landslide 1977 UNP victory, he continued engaging in politics and supporting the voiceless.
Regaining his seat in 1989, he continued to champion human rights, demanding justice for those who “disappeared” during the JVP insurrection, along with Dr. Manorani Saravanamuttu of the Mothers’ Front, whose son, Richard de Zoysa, was murdered by UNP government forces. He was active in Geneva and at home, requesting the United Nations to look into what had happened. When his party came back to power in 1994, as Minister of Labour, he continued to lobby for workers’ rights. That was the Mahinda Rajapaksa I first knew of – a man who understood the problems of the rural majority and workers in Sri Lanka, and fought for their betterment.
Always personable, with no pretensions, he was well liked. At St. Thomas’ College, Mt. Lavinia, his three sons were known to be well-mannered boys, talented on the rugby field. I am told that, as Prime Minister, Mahinda, with his wife Shiranthi, would come to watch their sons perform on the rugby field with no pomp or ceremony. I did not know the other three brothers, only that Chamal started his working life as a Police Sub-Inspector before entering politics, and that Gotabaya, a respected, disciplined army officer, retired from the army and went to the USA.
So what happened during the last 15 years, to the Rajapaksas who represented the rural masses of Sri Lanka?
Today, at astronomical cost, the Rajapaksas have given their base, Hambantota, – a colossal District Secretariat for its relatively small population, an unused International Conference Centre, a cricket stadium mostly idle, six-lane highways with no traffic, a white elephant International Airport and an International Seaport now given to the Chinese in lieu of debt repayments. Is this progress towards sustainable development for the people of Ruhuna?
The country faces multiple crises – inability to pay its foreign debts and essential import bills, most people unable to earn or feed their families, a pandemic still not brought under control, and an imminent food shortage following an impulsive ban on fertilizer – to name a few.
So, who or what do today’s Rajapaksas represent? Is it
rural agricultural masses facing food shortages and massive crop losses without fertilizer, or
able, educated urban professionals and skilled workers, leaving the country in despair, or
decimated rainforests, mangroves, wetlands, beaches and depleting wildlife suffering from rampant destruction by those with no understanding of our incredible, but fragile, biodiversity, or
rich businessmen with extravagant lifestyles of fast cars and fast living, aping the West, or self-serving advisors who have isolated the Rajapaksas from ground reality, or
the extended Rajapaksa family itself, captive in its self-inflicted gilded cage?
I pen these words wondering if they will strike a chord with any of DAs sons, Chamal, Mahinda, Gotabaya or Basil, to acknowledge their limitations and seek sound professional advice to move our country on a path to sustainable development.
NOTE: All quotes in italics were taken from the D.A. Rajapaksa Memorial Oration of 2005 delivered by Mr. Sam Wijesinha published in the Sunday Observer of 25 December 2005.
(The author retired and as Assistant Governor from the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) in 2007. As Director of Statistics, CBSL, she spearheaded the compilation of Provincial GDP data and the collection of survey data on living conditions in all 9 provinces after a lapse of 20 years since 1983. From November 2015 to December 2020, she was a member of the 3-member Delimitation Commission, one of 9 Independent Commissions appointed by the President under the 19th Amendment to the Constitution)
Features
Thousands celebrate a chief who will only rule for eight years

Thousands of people have been gathering in southern Ethiopia for one of the country’s biggest cultural events.
The week-long Gada ceremony, which ended on Sunday, sees the official transfer of power from one customary ruler to his successor – something that happens every eight years.
The tradition of regularly appointing a new Abbaa Gadaa has been practised by the Borana community for centuries – and sees them gather at the rural site of Arda Jila Badhasa, near the Ethiopian town of Arero.
It is a time to celebrate their special form of democracy as well as their cultural heritage, with each age group taking the opportunity to wear their different traditional outfits.
These are paraded the day before the official handover during a procession when married women march with wooden batons, called “siinqee”.

[BBC]
The batons have symbolic values of protection for women, who use them during conflict.
If a siinqee stick is placed on the ground by a married woman between two quarrelling parties, it means the conflict must stop immediately out of respect.
During the procession, younger women lead at the front, distinguished from the married women by the different colour of their clothing.

[BBC]
In this pastoralist society women are excluded from holding the top power of Abbaa Gadaa, sitting on the council of elders or being initiated into the system as a child.
But their important role can be seen during the festival as they build all the accommodation for those staying for the week – and prepare all the food.
And the unique Gada system of governance, which was added to the UN’s cultural heritage list in 2016, allows for them to attend regular community meetings and to voice their opinions to the Abbaa Gadaa.

Gada membership is only open to boys whose fathers are already members – young initiates have their heads shaven at the crown to make their rank clear.
The smaller the circle, the older he is.

As the global cultural body UNESCO reports, oral historians teach young initiates about “history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the function of the Gada system”.
Training for boys begins as young as eight years old. Later, they will be assessed for their potential as future leaders.

As they grow up, tests include walking long distances barefoot, slaughtering cattle efficiently and showing kindness to fellow initiates.
Headpieces made from cowrie shells are traditionally worn by young trainees. The only other people allowed to wear them are elderly women.
Both groups are revered by Borana community members.

Men aged between 28 and 32 are identified by the ostrich feathers they wear, which are known in the Afaan Oromo language as “baalli”.
Their attendance at the Gada ceremony is an opportunity to learn, prepare and bond as it is already known who the Abbaa Gadaa from this age group will be taking power in 2033.

The main event at the recent Gada ceremony was the handover of power, from the outgoing 48-year-old Abbaa Gadaa to his younger successor.
Well-wishers crossed the border from Kenya and others travelled from as far as Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, to witness the spectacle. The governor of Kenya’s Marsabit county was among the honoured guests.
Thirty-seven-year-old Guyo Boru Guyo, seen here holding a spear, was chosen to lead because he impressed the council of elders during his teenage years.

[BBC]
He becomes the 72nd Abbaa Gadaa and will now oversee the Borana community across borders – in southern Ethiopia and north-western Kenya.
As their top diplomat, he will also be responsible for solving feuds that rear their heads for pastoralists. These often involve cattle raiding and disputes over access to water in this drought-prone region.
During his eight years at the helm, his successor will finish his training to take on the job in continuation of this generations-old tradition.
[BBC]
Features
How universities lead transformation in global higher education

To establish a high-quality educational institution, it is essential to create a sustainable and flexible foundation that meets contemporary educational needs while adapting to future demands. The following outline a robust model for a successful and reputable educational institution. (See Image 1 and Graphs 1 and 2)
Faculty Excellence and Research Integration: Recruit faculty members with advanced qualifications, industry experience, and a strong commitment to student development. Integrate research as a cornerstone of teaching to encourage innovation, critical inquiry, and evidence-based learning. Establish dedicated research groups and facilities, fostering a vibrant research culture, led by senior academics, and providing hands-on research experience for students.
Infrastructure and Learning Environment: Develop modern, accessible campuses that accommodate diverse learning needs and provide a conducive environment for academic and extracurricular activities. Invest in state-of-the-art facilities, including libraries, laboratories, collaborative workspaces, and recreational areas to support well-rounded student development. Utilize technology-enhanced classrooms and virtual learning platforms to create dynamic and interactive learning experiences.
Global Partnerships and Multicultural Environment: Promote partnerships with reputable international universities and organizations to provide global exposure and collaborative opportunities. Encourage student and faculty exchange programmes, joint research, and international internships, broadening perspectives and building cross-cultural competencies. Cultivate a multicultural campus environment that embraces diversity and prepares students to thrive in a globalized workforce.
Industry Engagement and Graduate Employability: Collaborate closely with industry partners to ensure that programmes meet professional standards and graduates possess relevant, in-demand skills. Embed practical experiences, such as internships and work placements, within the academic curriculum, to enhance employability. Establish a dedicated career services team to support job placement, career counselling, and networking opportunities, maintaining high graduate employment rates.
Student-Centric Support Systems and Life Skills: Offer comprehensive student support services, including academic advising, mental health resources, and career development programmes. Provide opportunities for students to develop essential life skills such as teamwork, leadership, communication, and resilience. Promote a balanced academic and social life by fostering clubs, sports, and recreational activities that contribute to personal growth and community engagement.
Commitment to Sustainability and Social Responsibility: Integrate sustainability into campus operations and curricula, preparing students to lead in a sustainable future. Encourage social responsibility through community engagement, service-learning projects, and ethical research initiatives. Implement eco-friendly practices across campus, from energy-efficient buildings to waste reduction, promoting environmental awareness.
Governance, Independence, and Financial Sustainability: Establish transparent, ethical governance structures that promote accountability, inclusivity, and long-term planning. Strive for financial independence by building a sustainable revenue model that balances tuition, grants, partnerships, and philanthropic contributions. Prioritize flexibility in governance to adapt quickly to external changes while safeguarding institutional autonomy.
By emphasizing quality, inclusivity, innovation, and adaptability, an educational institution can cultivate a culture of academic excellence and social responsibility, producing well-rounded graduates who are equipped to succeed and contribute meaningfully to society. This framework provides a strategic approach to building an institution that thrives academically, socially, and economically.
Critique of the Traditional Sri Lankan University System
Outdated Curriculum and Lack of Industry Relevance: Many traditional universities in Sri Lanka operate with rigid curricula that are slow to adapt to rapidly changing industry needs, leaving graduates underprepared for the global workforce. Syllabi are often centered around theoretical knowledge with limited focus on practical, hands-on experience, problem-solving, and critical thinking skills.
Insufficient Research and Innovation Focus: The Sri Lankan university system places minimal emphasis on research, innovation, and practical application, which hinders the development of a strong research culture. Limited funding, resources, and incentives for faculty and students to pursue cutting-edge research reduce international visibility and publications, key factors in global rankings.
Lack of International Partnerships and Exposure: Traditional universities have minimal collaboration with foreign institutions, limiting opportunities for student exchange programmes, collaborative research, and global internships. This lack of exposure restricts students’ cultural awareness, adaptability, and networking skills, which are essential in today’s globalized economy.
Bureaucratic Governance and Inflexibility: Highly centralized and bureaucratic governance structures result in slow decision-making, stifling innovation and responsiveness to changing educational demands. Universities face significant limitations in introducing new programmes, hiring qualified faculty, and allocating resources, which affects their competitive edge and ability to adapt.
Underfunded Infrastructure and Resources: The lack of adequate funding for state-of-the-art infrastructure, technological resources, and modern learning spaces reduces the quality of education and student experience. Insufficient investment in libraries, laboratories, and virtual learning tools limits access to essential resources needed to build research capabilities and attract international students.
Limited Emphasis on Student-Centric Support Services: Support services such as career counselling, academic advising, and mental health resources are insufficiently developed in many institutions, impacting students’ overall well-being and employability. Universities often lack the means to prepare students for the workforce beyond academics, which results in graduates with high academic knowledge but limited job-ready skills.
Recommended Transformations for World-Class Standards
Curriculum Revamp with a Focus on Industry Relevance: Shift towards an interdisciplinary, outcome-based curriculum that aligns with industry requirements and promotes experiential learning. Establish partnerships with industries to incorporate internships, co-ops, and project-based learning, providing students with practical skills. Incorporate modules on critical thinking, problem-solving, and digital literacy, which are essential for employability and adaptability.
Enhancing Research Capacity and Innovation Ecosystem: Allocate dedicated funding for research and establish incentives for faculty and students to publish in high-impact journals. Develop specialized research centres and labs focusing on areas critical to national and global challenges, such as technology, sustainable development, and public health. Foster innovation hubs, incubators, and accelerators, within universities, to support entrepreneurship and collaboration with the private sector, driving societal impact and ranking potential.
International Partnerships and Global Exposure: Form alliances with reputable international universities to offer dual degrees, joint research programmes, and student and faculty exchange opportunities. Encourage academic collaborations that enable students to work on global projects, thereby enhancing cultural competence and preparing them for international careers. Create virtual exchange programmes and international seminars to engage students in global conversations without extensive travel requirements.
Autonomous and Responsive Governance: Decentralize governance to allow universities to make independent decisions on programmes, faculty hiring, and funding allocation, fostering flexibility and responsiveness. Implement performance-based accountability systems for university administrators, rewarding institutions that achieve excellence in teaching, research, and innovation. Empower universities to secure alternate funding sources through grants, industry partnerships, and philanthropic contributions, ensuring financial stability and academic independence.
Investment in Infrastructure and Digital Transformation: Prioritize investment in modern campus facilities, advanced laboratories, and digital learning environments to provide students with a high-quality academic experience. Expand access to online learning resources, digital libraries, and virtual classrooms, offering students a more adaptable, blended learning model. Create dedicated spaces for collaborative learning and interdisciplinary activities, fostering a culture of innovation and teamwork.
Robust Student-Centric Support Systems: Establish comprehensive support services, including career development, mental health resources, and academic advising, to help students navigate both academic and personal challenges. Introduce career-oriented training programmes focusing on employability skills, including communication, networking, and leadership, to prepare students for the workforce. Develop alumni networks and mentorship programmes, connecting students with successful graduates for career guidance and networking opportunities.
Emphasis on Sustainability and Social Responsibility: Embed sustainability principles in campus operations, curricula, and research activities to align with global priorities and contribute to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Initiate community engagement programmes that encourage students to apply their knowledge in real-world settings, fostering social responsibility and regional development. Encourage environmental initiatives, like waste reduction, energy efficiency, and green campus policies, reflecting a commitment to global best practices.
By adopting these strategies, traditional Sri Lankan universities can transform into competitive, globally recognized institutions. This shift would enable them to improve international rankings, increase graduate employability, attract a diverse student body, and contribute meaningfully to both the local and global knowledge economies.
The traditional university system in Sri Lanka, while rich in history and academic legacy, faces significant challenges in meeting the demands of the modern, globally connected world. The system requires critical reforms to enhance its alignment with international standards, improve rankings, and produce graduates ready for today’s dynamic job market. This essay discusses the shortcomings of the existing system and provides actionable recommendations to enable Sri Lankan universities to transform into globally competitive, high-ranking institutions.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Govt. needs to explain its slow pace

by Jehan Perera
It was three years ago that the Aragalaya people’s movement in Sri Lanka hit the international headlines. The world watched a celebration of democracy on the streets of Colombo as tens of thousands of people of all ages and communities gathered to demand a change of government. The Aragalaya showed that people have the power, and agency, to make governments at the time of elections and also break governments on the streets through non-violent mass protest. This is a very powerful message that other countries in the region, particularly Bangladesh and Pakistan in the South Asian region, have taken to heart from the example of Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya. It calls for adopting ‘systems thinking’ in which there is understanding of the interconnectedness of complex issues and working across different sectors and levels that address root causes rather than just the symptoms.
Democracy means that power is with the people and they do not surrender it to the government to become inert and let the government do as it wants, especially if it is harming the national interest. This also calls for collaboration across sectors, including political parties, businesses, NGOs and community groups, to create a collective effort towards change as it did during the Aragalaya. The government that the Aragalaya protest movement overthrew through street power was one that had been elected by a massive 2/3 majority that was unprecedented in the country under the proportional electoral system. It also had more than three years of its term remaining. But when it became clear that it was jeopardizing the national interest rather than furthering it, and inflicted calamitous economic collapse, the people’s power became unstoppable.
A similar situation arose in Bangladesh, a year ago, when the government of Sheikh Hasina decided to have a quota that favoured her ruling party’s supporters in the provision of scarce government jobs to the people. In the midst of economic hardship, this became a provocation to the people of Bangladesh. They saw the corruption and sense of entitlement in those who were ruling the country, just as the Sri Lankan people had seen in their own country two years earlier. This policy sparked massive student-led protests, with young people taking to the streets to demand equitable opportunities and an end to nepotistic practices. They followed the Sri Lankan example that they had seen on the television and social media to overthrow a government that had won the last election but was not delivering the results it had promised.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS
Despite similarities, there are also major differences between Bangladesh and Sri Lankan uprisings. In Sri Lanka, the protest movement achieved its task with only a minimal loss of life. In Bangladesh, the people mobilized against the government which had become like a dictatorship and which used a high level of violence in trying to suppress the protests. In Sri Lanka, the transition process was the constitutionally mandated one and also took place non-violently. When President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe succeeded him as the acting President, pending a vote in Parliament which he won. President Wickremesinghe selected his Cabinet of Ministers and governed until his presidential term ended. A new President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected at the presidential elections which were the most peaceful elections in the country’s history.
In Bangladesh, the fleeing abroad of Prime Minister Hasina was not followed by Parliament electing a new Prime Minister. Instead, the President of Bangladesh Mohammed Shahabuddin appointed an interim government, headed by NGO leader Muhammad Yunus. The question in Bangladesh is how long will this interim government continue to govern the country without elections. The mainstream political parties, including that of the deposed Prime Minister, are calling for early elections. However, the leaders of the protest movement that overthrew the government on the streets and who experienced a high level of violence do not wish elections to be held at this time. They call for a transitional justice process in which the truth of what happened is ascertained and those who used violence against the people are held accountable.
By way of contrast, in Sri Lanka, which went through a legal and constitutional process to achieve its change of government there is little or no demand for transitional justice processes against those who held office at the time of the Aragalaya protests. Even those against whom there are allegations of human rights violations and corruptions are permitted to freely contest the elections. But they were thoroughly defeated and the people elected a new NPP government with a 2/3 majority in Parliament, many of whom are new to politics and have no association with those who governed the country in the past. This is both a strength and a weakness. It is a strength in that the members of the new government are idealistic and sincere in their efforts to improve the life of the people. But their present non-consultative and self-reliant approach can lead to erroneous decisions, such as to centrally appoint a majority of council members, who are of Sinhalese ethnicity, to the Eastern University which has a majority of Tamil faculty and students.
UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS
The problem for the new government is that they inherited a country with massive unresolved problems, including the unresolved ethnic conflict which requires both sensitivity and consultations to resolve. The most pressing problem, by any measure, is the economic problem in which 25 percent of the population have fallen below the poverty line, which is double the percentage that existed three years ago. Despite the appearance of high-end consumer spending, the gap between the rich and poor has increased significantly. The day-to-day life of most people is how to survive economically. The former government put the main burden of repaying the foreign debts and balancing the budget on the poorer sections of the population while sparing those at the upper end, who are expected to be engines of the economy. The new government has to change this inequity but it has little leeway to do so, because the government’s treasury has been emptied by the misdeeds of the past.
Despite having a 2/3 majority in Parliament, the government is hamstrung by its lack of economic resources and the recalcitrance of the prevailing system that continues to be steeped in the ways of the past. President Dissanayake has been forthright about this when he addressed Parliament during the budget debate. He said, “the country has been transformed into a shadow criminal state. While we see a functioning police force, military, political authority and judiciary on the surface, beneath this structure exists an armed underworld with ties to law enforcement, security forces and legal professionals. This shadow state must be dismantled. There are two approaches to dealing with this issue: either aligning with the criminal underworld or decisively eliminating it. Unlike previous administrations, which coexisted with organized crime, the NPP-led government is determined to eradicate it entirely.”
Sri Lanka’s new government has committed to holding local government elections within two months unlike Bangladesh’s protest leaders, who demand that transitional justice and accountability for past crimes take precedence over elections. This decision aligns with constitutional mandates and upholds a Supreme Court ruling that the previous government had ignored. However, holding elections so soon after a major political shift poses risks. The new government has yet to deliver on key promises—bringing economic relief to struggling families and prosecuting those responsible for corruption. It needs to also address burning ethnic and religious grievances, such as the building of Buddhist religious sites where there are no members of that community living there. If voters lose patience, political instability could return. The people need to be farsighted when they make their decision to vote. As citizens they need to recognise that systemic change takes time.
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