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The jvp and the Tamil people change the party line now!

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by Kumar David

The JVP must change its position on the rights of the Tamil people. The Tamils are themselves no longer demanding secession therefore, self-determination in the Leninist sense, is irrelevant, but the they must have the right to manage their affairs in their areas of domicile. In this context “devolution” is a useful term; the small print obviously has to be negotiated with the Sinhalese and the Muslim people and the Upcountry Tamils to the extent that they see themselves as different from the “Ceylon Tamils” (for want of a better term). Even the TNA has conjured up a verbal gymnastic posture called the “right to internal self-determination” to avoid being lynched by both sides. I wish it luck.

Hold it! I am running ahead of myself. It all started with a straw poll I sent to more than a dozen people about ten days ago. They were not all leftists and included progressives and liberals, but all were what one might call intellectuals and included former university colleagues. I don’t know what motivated me to do this out of the blue. I enquired of my sample “If the next presidential election were to be held in 2023/4, and if not voting was not permitted in so far as this straw-poll is concerned, who will you vote for?”I offered a big range of choices: Sajith, Ranil, the Sajith-Ranil combo in any form, and Rajapaksa-pohottuwa options in many forms (Dullas, Namal etc.) and the Rajapaksa-Ranil marriage of reprobates. Of course, the left options were included such as the JVP-NPP and the Frontline Socialist Party (FSP) also known as Peratugami.

Imagine my surprise (I am not making this up because I am an NPP member) when well over half replied that they would support the JVP-NPP, while nearly all the others said they had the JVP-NPP very much in in their sights but needed more time. While some respondents thought the JVP/NPP could not win, no one explicitly expressed their own support for any of the other options. This was a wake-up call, frankly an unpleasant wake-up call for me. Why unpleasant? Because if the JVP-NPP is going to do well then there is work, a lot intervention and kicking arse that needs to be done to knock sense into these fellows! You don’t want a JVP-NPP government in office with cock and bull notions full of its head, do you? If they are going to win you and I and all us have a hell of a lot of work to do before that.

There are three massive issues on which the JVP must be confronted and put right: one, Democracy, two the Tamil Question, and third the Economic role of the State. The JVP is humming and hawing about Democracy, it hints that it has finally seen the light, it slyly concedes that it was a bloody fool in 1971 and 1989-91 and forfeited the confidence of the people etc; good, good. However, it has not issued a full and formal admission of its errors, nor has it spelt out its current “Democracy” programme: That is, its plans for elections and future changes of government. Crucially it has not proposed a structure of government e.g. (a) Westminster, (b) Executive, (c) Legislative like the old Ceylon State Council or similar to the vast powers of the US Congress, or (d) the One-Party state. It is high time the JVP thought through the options available all over the world and publicised its views.

The second “massive” issue that the JVP has to address is the subject of this essay, the Tamil Question which will take up most of this column. The third is the economic role of the State. I have often expressed the view that in the early stage a dirigisme state (setting directions and choosing priorities for growth) is a necessity. However, I have also pointed out in recent pieces that this is a passing phase. The state must not become an enduring encumbrance on the people (like Stalinism). It must pass away, otherwise it constrains human freedoms, stifles creativity and undermines economic productivity. The state must “wither away” to use the classical terminology of anarchists and socialists. Right now, the JVP is rightly concerned about safeguarding sate-enterprises from privatisation and fears that encroaching capitalism will reduce worker’s rights and the benefits of the people. In a philosophical sense however it would also be good if the JVP, like the anarchists, Marx, Lenin and Rosa also declares the need to protect the people from an overreaching dictatorial state. To recap then, I am saying there are three “massive” topics to discuss with the JVP: Democracy, the Tamil question and fundamental role of the State.

The Tamil Question

Observe that I speak of the Tamil Question and do not mention a Muslim or a Catholic Question. There is a reason for this. Imagine for arguments sake that some Pope or Saint, some centuries ago had proposed a damn-fool moral theory (it actually did with Galileo). Then in later historical times this becomes an encumbrance because to refute it the Church will have to anger many believers who have in the interim aligned themselves with the said damn-fool theory.

The JVP is in a similar quandary. The leadership, or at least most of the current leaders know that Rohana Wijeweera was a racist in his feelings about the plantation workers, he had no sympathy for the rights of the “Ceylon” Tamils and he formed racist alliances with Mahinda Rajapaksa. It will be traumatic for the inner circles (Central Committee and ex-military leaders) to wake up now and call Wijeweera a damn-fool racist. The obstacle to correcting the inherited standpoint on the Tamil question is the embarrassment of having to call Wijeweera plain wrong. The problem does not end there, we have the Somawansa episode. Somawansa in cohorts with racist Chief Justice Silva broke up the combined northern-eastern provincial unit. Somawansa may or may not be an intrinsic racist at heart, he may have been playing opportunist race politics, I don’t know. But the episode is an acute embarrassment to the current leadership. How can it denounce these deified Saints and Popes?

Anura Kumara in bad company!

It is very interesting that the JVP adopted a progressive attitude towards the Muslims as against its stance on the Tamils. Saint Wijeweera and Pope Somawansa were long gone and no longer burdened the Party with their venerable bull-shit. The JVP could stretch its arms and legs (atha-paya diga arala) and act progressively on the Muslim issue. The humiliation and ill-treatment of Muslims by looney extremist Buddhist monks and the Rajapaksa regime was mainly a post-2014 phenomenon (Wijeweera was assassinated in 1989, Somawansa left the JVP in 2014 but was marginalised earlier).

It is not for me to propose tactics to the JVP leaders; they will work something out themselves. Some points though are obvious. The Tamils themselves are not (no longer) demanding Eelam or a separate state. The great majority, I think are simply not interested in separatism or dismiss it as an unattainable fanciful dream. Therefore, the theory of self-determination including the right to secession is no longer relevant.

The NPP (National Peoples’ Power)

Perspectives on the Tamil Question and the Democracy Issue are better in the NPP than in the JVP. This is thanks to the intervention of Attorney Lal Wijenayaka, Professor Vijaya Kumar, both long established in the Samasamaja tradition, as well as many other left and liberal minded activists in the NPP’s top committees. I am confident that the NPP supports devolution of power to communities and regions and is well ahead of the JVP in this respect. The NPP also has clearer ideas about democracy. Like the JVP it rejects the executive led presidential system, option (b) in my list some paragraphs above, and both the NPP and presumably the JVP oppose option (d), the One-Party State.

Neither has spelt out its preferences between various versions of the Westminster model, first-past-the-post or proportional representation, or between unicameral or bicameral legislatures. Nor has either proposed committee structures (the Ceylon Legislative Council of yore had some attractive features) or examined the committee structure of the US Congress and other countries. So, you see there is still a lot of work to do in both the JVP and the NPP to flesh out how Democracy is actually to be practised.

The State

Humans lived in communities without formal hierarchies long before States came into being. The original ‘stateless’ form was democratic in the sense that it was an association of humans with minimal hierarchy – anthropologists can enlighten us more. Formal anarchism usually associated with Marx’s great rival Mikhail Bakunin advocates stateless societies, that is forms of free associations. Socialists see anarchism as a utopian left-wing movement farthest left on the political spectrum, but running ahead of its time. Marxists have a relationship with anarchism similar to what St Augustine said about chastity: “Oh Lord give me chastity, but not yet”.

The state is bad; it is a coercive instrument; it is an imposition (for example of the capitalist class, the fascists or a foreign power) upon the freedoms of the people. But right now, I am intrigued by a more prosaic topic. The dirigisme or directive state has a role to play in the initial stages of economic growth, but there has to be a time-line when that phase can be transcended; when the impositions can pass. In the meantime, there is the JVP’s current problem of the need to protect state enterprises from being handed over to capital. There are no abstract answers to these questions, it is concrete events and the hands-on experiences of the next three years that will tell us what to do and when to do what. In the meantime it would be useful to initiate discussion of these topics in the chambers of the JVP with its more indigenous factions and with the residual military sections if any in the Party.



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Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience

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iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk

As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.

The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.

The Current System’s Fatal Gaps

Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.

Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.

Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.

This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.

A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka

Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:

Science and Predictive Intelligence

We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:

AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events

Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)

High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities

Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat

The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.

This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.

Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure

Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.

Governance Overhaul

A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.

People Power and Community Preparedness

We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.

Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom

Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:

Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems

Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways

Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts

Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy

Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.

A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism

Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:

Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient

Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps

World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers

Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action

Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.

Resilience as a National Identity

This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.

Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.

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The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I

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Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):

‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’

Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.

Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is  an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of  this essay.

It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.

 “Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.

“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.

The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).

Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially  among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.

Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.

The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.

Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of  the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri  Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000  in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.

Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras.  They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.

These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to  three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.

(To be continued)

By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️

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US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world

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An UN humanitarian mission in the Gaza. [File: Ashraf Amra/Anadolu Agency]

‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.

Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.

Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.

If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.

Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.

It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.

If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.

Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.

Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.

However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.

What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.

Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.

Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.

Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.

For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.

The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.

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