Editorial
Soldiers from hell

Monday 13th March, 2023
The Rajapaksa-Wickremesinghe regime has been able to bulldoze its way through thanks to the pusillanimity and timorousness of the Opposition, which is divided and all at sea. The SJB, the JVP-led NPP, the SLFP and the SLPP dissident groups are at war with one another instead of taking on the government with might and main.
The spectre of vigilantes and mercenaries being deployed to attack anti-government protesters, the way the UNP governments did in the 1980s and early 1990s, looms over the country. A group of armed persons in what looked like military uniform were sighted on Tuesday (07), when the police cracked down on a protest held by the Colombo University students. Carrying assault rifles and wooden poles and iron rods, they operated alongside the police in full view of the public. The Army promptly denied reports that its personnel had played any role in quelling that protest. If so, those who swung into action must have been a bunch of mercenaries disguised as soldiers!
Most police bigwigs do not scruple to sell their souls to politicians. It looks as if they swore an oath of homage and fealty to political leaders in power in return for various favours including promotions, extensions in service and diplomatic postings thereafter. They have brought the Police Department into disrepute under all Presidents, especially J. R. Jayewardene, Ranasinghe Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga and Mahinda Rajapaksa. They are doing so under the incumbent dispensation as well.
Senior police officers acted as goons for the UNP regimes and stooped so low as to salute notorious, pro-government criminals such as Gonawala Sunil and Soththi Upali. In 1992, the OIC of the Fort police station prevented a group of journalists who were attacked by a gang of UNP thugs armed with guns, swords and bicycle chains, at an Opposition protest near the Fort Railway station, from lodging a complaint; he blocked their path and declared that his station was closed for the day! D. B. Wijetunga, who was the Defence Minister in the Premadasa government claimed that some irate commuters had carried out the attack because journalists were blocking the entrance to the busy railway station! Ranil Wickremesinghe held Cabinet posts in both Jayewardene and Premadasa regimes. Beddegana Sanjeewa, a contract killer and extortionist, was appointed a Reserve Sub Inspector and made a member of President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s security division, whose head faced prosecution for acting like a stormtrooper himself. The Mahinda Rajapaksa government had goon squads specialising in doing dirty political work under Mervyn Silva’s command. Thugs carrying iron bars openly joined the police in crushing protests, and when asked why no action had been taken against men armed with iron rods, etc., the then Police Spokesman had the chutzpah to claim that those characters may have been carrying ‘sticks’ to ward off street dogs! Wickremesinghe and Rajapaksa are sharing power today.
The situation was expected to take a turn for the worse under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, but when he realised that it was curtains, he chose to head for the hills instead of unleashing the police, the military and goons on the protesting public. That was about the only right decision he made as the President! He was expected to act like Hitler, but it was after his ouster that the Sri Lankan version of the Third Reich began to take form.
We can now see military personnel similar to the SS ( the ‘Protective Echelon’ or ‘Political Soldiers’ in Nazi Germany) in action. It is being argued in some quarters that Gotabaya did not order crackdowns on protesters because the US cranked up pressure on him to act with restraint. If so, is it that the current regime is suppressing the people’s democratic rights including franchise and having protests brutally attacked because the US is turning a blind eye to its repressive actions?
The leaders of the SLPP-UNP regime seem to be living in a time warp, and thinking that the terror tactics they employed with the help of the police, the military and vigilantes, in the late 1980s and early 1990s, will be effective in keeping their political enemies at bay in this day and age as well. They are making a huge mistake. At this rate, the day may not be far off when they have to outrun people in close pursuit unless they care to mend their ways and hold the local government polls thereby making the public simmer down.
One can only hope that the Opposition will make the best use of the videos and still images of the soldiers from hell sighted near the Colombo University last week and redouble its efforts to corner the government on political and human rights fronts. The SJB, the JVP, etc., ought to sink their differences and remain maniacally focused on the issue of the government using goons in uniform to quell protests. Otherwise, such attacks are bound to intensify in time to come, sounding the death knell for democracy.
Editorial
‘Monkey menace’

Monday 31st March, 2025
The JVP/NPP administration has sought to handle crop-raiding monkeys exactly the way Sri Lankan governments deal with their political opponents—throwing them into prison. While the Opposition is complaining that some of its members are being arrested and remanded at the behest of the powers that be, the government has unveiled a plan to relocate monkeys in Kandy to some aits in reservoirs in the Central Province. Environmentalists and animal rights groups have already started protesting against this grand plan and questioning the feasibility of the proposed project. Will the monkeys to be taken to those eyots have access to food? Will they be left to their fate after being relocated?
The so-called monkey menace is far too complex to be tackled once and for all with the help of simple methods such as translocation. How does the government intend to deal with the monkeys in other areas, where there are no reservoirs/rivers with aits? Besides, the government had a hard time enumerating the monkeys the other day, and how difficult it will be to catch them goes without saying. One may recall that it took Wildlife officers about one whole week to catch and treat a wild jumbo that had lost one of its tusks in a collision with a truck on the Habarana-Maradankadawala road near Galapitagala recently.
What characterises the strategies adopted by successive governments to prevent depredation is that they are human centric, with little attention paid to the crop-raiding animals that are also victims. Their focus has been on preventing crop raiders from invading human habitats, and the methods used for that purpose include warding off wild animals, their translocation and controlling their populations.
There has been a persistent campaign for physically eliminating depredators as a quick fix. Much is also being spoken about the need to erect electrified fences, etc., to prevent wild elephants from invading villages. The desperation of cultivators, politicians and officials to deal with the ever-worsening problem of crop losses might make such measures look like lasting solutions, but they alone will not yield the desired results in the long run.
Hence the need to adopt a holistic approach to the problem and examine all dimensions thereof, especially the adverse impact of human activity on animal habitats. While short-term measures may be compelling, they will not help eliminate the root causes of the problem, paving the way for a sustainable solution.
The success of any strategy to prevent depredation hinges on the elimination of the factors that drive wild animals to invade villages and ravage the crops. Some methods employed in other countries to overcome the problem include establishing protected areas for wild animals, restoration of degraded habitats, promoting sustainable agriculture, reducing animal habitat fragmentation and creating corridors to allow animal movement among fragmented habitats.
In Sri Lanka, post-harvest losses are reportedly around 40% due to temperature and humidity, lack of infrastructure, storage facilities, and technology, and poor handling practices. If these losses can be minimised significantly, it may be possible to reduce the amount of land currently used for agriculture and prevent the opening up of more land, especially ecologically sensitive areas like peripheral forests, for cultivation at the expense of animal habitats.
One of the main reasons for the failure of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government was that it had too many experts who undertook tasks they had little knowledge of; some medical doctors determined that administration’s agriculture policy, and made a mess of it, the disastrous organic farming initiative being a case in point. A minister of the incumbent government has given his expert opinion about a recent Sri Lanka Air Force trainer jet crash, attributing it to a pilot error even before an expert probe committee submits its report on the accident. So, the task of tackling the problem of crop raiders should be left to real experts; politicians and others should confine themselves to playing a supportive role.
Editorial
Setting a good example

Winding up the 2025 budget debate in his capacity of finance minister, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake once again told the country that legislation to abolish MPs’ pensions is forthcoming, presumably in the short term although he has not specified when. However, opposition lawmaker Ravi Karunanayake has stolen a march on the president and his government by bringing a private member’s motion to abolish pensions for parliamentarians which has already been unanimously adopted by the legislature and is now awaiting a formal government Bill for enactment. Ironically, MPs who voted unanimously to give themselves pensions are now on the brink of similarly voting to abolishing them.
We have on previous occasions harked back on the fact that former prime minister, Sir John Kotelawela, famously exhorted henda athey thiyanakan bedaganilla (as long as the spoon is in your hand, serve yourselves). This, our lawmakers have been assiduously doing over the decades. The parliamentary pensions, non-contributory as in the case of coveted pensions for life paid to public servants, was later extended to their widows and orphans. But in the case of the public service, surviving spouses and orphans were covered by a contributory Widows and Orphans Pension Fund while parliamentarians paid nothing for this extended privilege to their widows.
The president correctly understands that perks and privileges elected officials vote for themselves are deeply resented by the public. He has hence scored brownie points for himself and his government by announcing that having discovered that he was being paid an MP’s pension in addition to his salary as executive president, he was foregoing the former entitlement and has already written to parliament’s secretary general to that effect. He further announced that the present all powerful regime has decided that its ministers and deputy ministers will not enjoy both their parliamentary emoluments together with the salaries for their official positions. They are foregoing the former but will enjoy a fuel allowance on account of the latter. We do not know if this dual payment was made was so in the past.
Although President Dissanayake has not said as much, it appears that many of his predecessors in office have drawn their parliamentary pensions in addition to presidential entitlements covered by statutes. The demand for pensions go back to the previous House of Representatives when LSSP leader, Dr. NM Perera, a highly qualified senior full time politician with no professional income unlike some of his colleagues, suggested such payments. He has however been derided for, despite his socialist professions, being a plantation owner (Oakfield nd Moragolla estates) and owning a mill (Giridara) which became a cause célèbre in the sixties.
When legislation for parliamentary pensions was eventually enacted remains uncertain. Former secretary general of parliament, Mr. Nihal Seneviratne in his book of memories of a long career in parliament, which we are excerpting and running at present, says the legislation was introduced by a former speaker, Mr. KB Ratnayake, who was once minister of parliamentary affairs and sports. Other reports say that it came during the tenure of the JR Jayewardene government. However that be, such pensions have long been paid and many senior politicians who decided not to run for re-election fearing defeat at the last elections are now in receipt of their pensions.
Time was when eminent people spent private wealth to render public service through election to the legislature. Times have changed and opportunistic politicians seeking elected office to get what they can from such positions – legitimately and illegitimately – are dime a dozen. President Jayewardene often claimed that he made political office sufficiently materially attractive to discourage corruption. Singapore’s legendary Lee Kwan Yew did as much. While Lee achieved a desirable result, sullied occasionally though the guilty have been successfully prosecuted and jailed, Sri Lanka has abjectly failed on this score.
There was one instance in the sixties when a senior Eastern Province politician, who had served as a parliamentary secretary, lost his civic rights for seven years following the Thalgodapitiya Bribery Commission report and was expelled from parliament. Two ministers found guilty by that commission had the grace to resign. But we have seen a politician convicted of murder and sentenced to death being elected to parliament a few weeks later and being sworn as an MP despite the ruling of the attorney general that he was ineligible to sit. He was eventually acquitted on appeal, There was also a minister in the last government convicted for extortion with a suspended sentence of imprisonment and a hefty fine continuing to sit in the legislature and function as a minister while an appeal was pending.
The current government seem determined to halt the past practice of heaping gravy on the plates of elected politicians. No ministers or deputy ministers of the present regime live in government housing as was common in the past. Nor do the president and prime minister. There have been ministers who had built swimming pools at taxpayer cost in their official residences. One even installed an elevator in his official bungalow for his aging mother through a state corporation under his purview. Others have not paid utility bills for which they were liable.
The present regime has showcased profligacy of the past including luxurious mansions occupied by past presidents at taxpayer expense, hefty payments made to politicians whose homes and offices were attacked by aragalaya protesters far exceeding the caps on compensation payable to victims of natural disasters and much more. The report of the KT Chitrasiri Committee on trimming fat off the political establishment is in though not published. The government seems seriously intent on setting a good example and correcting past excesses.
Editorial
Protesters and liberators

Saturday 29th March, 2025
University students who campaigned very hard to ensure the JVP-led NPP’s victory in last year’s elections, may have thought they would be able to conduct a peaceful protest in front of the Health Ministry in support of a group of Allied Health Sciences graduates, without being arrested and hauled up before court. But they were in for a rude shock, yesterday, when the police swooped on the protesters and arrested 27 of them including several Inter University Students’ Federation (IUSF) members for violating a court order that banned their agitation.
Time was when JVP used to let out howls of protests when the police descended on protests, after obtaining court orders against them, at the behest of previous governments. It condemned police action based on court orders, as draconian tactics employed by dictatorial regimes bent on suppressing the people’s right to protest. It also launched numerous protests against the previous governments in violation of court orders, and even tried to march on the Presidential Secretariat only to be dispersed by the riot police, who used teargas, rubber bullets, and water cannon liberally. At present, the police do as the NPP government says and go all out to obtain court orders banning protests, which they crush, the way they did in the past.
Opinion may be divided on public protests which make already congested urban roads even more chaotic, much to the inconvenience of the public. Police action against protesters may therefore resonate with many people. However, successive governments have not cared to tackle the root causes of public protests––chronic grievances and injustices. The current NPP administration has failed to be different from its predecessors.
The Students’ Union of the Allied Health Sciences Faculty of the University of Peradeniya launched their protest on Thursday, demanding that the government do away with the requirement for its members to sit an examination to join the state health services. The fact that the medical graduates of national universities are recruited to the health service straightaway may have prompted the protesting Allied Health Sciences graduates to make the aforesaid demand. The protesters’ talks with the Health authorities failed yesterday, and they decided to intensify their agitation, coupling it with a fast. The police moved in, made arrests and pulled down a makeshift hut the agitators had put up for their fast. Some student leaders were heard, on television, cursing the NPP leaders they had backed.
The incumbent government should have addressed the grievances of the Allied Health Sciences graduates before they took to the streets. After all, the JVP/NPP made an election pledge to give the graduates of state universities priority in the public sector recruitment. Representatives of the unemployed graduates, at press briefings and in television interviews, play a video of JVP/NPP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake making the above-mentioned promise during his presidential election campaign last year. In an audio clip, JVP/NPP stalwart and former IUSF Convener, Sunil Handunnetti, is heard telling an unemployed graduate who telephoned him in the run-up to last year’s general election that they (the JVP/NPP leaders) would have to secure their jobs first—meaning election to Parliament—before resolving the issue of graduate unemployment. The members of the unemployed graduates’ association insist that their efforts to contact Minister Handunnetti have since been in vain.
The JVP leveraged its ability to mobilise flash mobs and hold protests to weaken previous governments in defiance of court/police orders. It drove students and workers to agitations, in their thousands, to advance its political agenda, condemning the past governments for using the police and judicial orders to suppress the people’s right to protest. Now, it is employing the same methods as its predecessors to crush protests instead of heeding the grievances of protesters. It ought to get protesters around the table and give them a patient hearing and do its best to solve their problems. That is the least it can do for those who believed its promises and worked tirelessly to ensure its impressive electoral victory last year.
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