Midweek Review

Schoolchildren gather at a House on fire with shocking revelations

Published

2 years ago

2022/12/7

Sahan Weerasooriya

Primary students visiting Parliament on Dec 01 (pics courtesy Parliament)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Narendra Fernando, Sergeant-at-Arms of the crisis-ridden Parliament, has declared that the largest number of students, in the post-independence era, visited the House on Thursday (Dec. 01).

Director, Legislative Services, Janakantha Silva, who is also the Acting Director of Communication, quoted Fernando as having said that approximately 5,000 students, from 32 schools, received permission to visit Parliament on that day. The top official was further quoted as having said that was a world record.

According to the statement, issued by Parliament, last Thursday, since the re-opening of Parliament for students on Sept, 19, 2022, the House received over 25,000 schoolchildren. Declaring that schoolchildren have been allowed, as per a decision taken by the Committee on Parliamentary Business, chaired by Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, the Parliament appreciated the support extended by President Ranil Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, for the initiative taken by the House.

President Wickremesinghe has also assured funds required to provide a free glass of milk for each school child, visiting Parliament from next month. The House declared that this move received the blessings of both the government and the Opposition.

The government and Opposition owed an explanation as to what they really expected to achieve by allowing schoolchildren to observe parliamentary and at times unparliamentary debates. The conduct of members of Parliament has deteriorated, over the years, to such an extent, the media, on several occasions, questioned why schoolchildren were exposed to the utterly disgraceful conduct of the people’s uncouth elected members.

The day after the statement, issued by the Serjeant-at-Arms, a clash between Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka and State Wildlife Minister Wimalaweera Dissanayake proved again that the Parliament is certainly not suitable for schoolchildren. The exchange, triggered by the war-winning Army Commander’s disparaging comment on the Digamadulla District lawmaker, over the controversial digging of trenches, underscored the appalling status.

The Gampaha District Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) MP earned the wrath of Wimalaweera Dissanayake for being harshly critical of digging trenches at the latter’s behest to thwart marauding wild elephants causing havoc in peasant homesteads. Fonseka’s declaration that the State Minister’s strategy was foolish enraged the State Minister who called the five- star General Kalawedda (pole cat), Vel Vidane (a somewhat demeaning and distorted translation with not even a hint of military prowess of the term Field Marshal), etc.

How many schoolchildren had been in the gallery when the war-winning General was abused in such a manner because of his own provocation of a self-made man? Wimalaweera Dissanayake has even earned a university degree, through sheer personal perseverance, amidst much adversity. The insinuation by the Field Marshal that the digging of trenches is a ruse to carry out sand mining at an unprecedented scale cannot be ignored. Though in this particular instance cited, it may not have been the case, knowing Dissanayake’s true character. But the crux of the matter is that in a ‘land like no other’ whether anything can be done without the powers that be making money in such usual instances. How many schoolchildren witnessed the exchange between lawmakers Fonseka and Wimalaweera Dissanayake?

Safi Nagar affair

Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena at the launch of Punchi Dupathe Kurulu Kathandaraya. Chief of Staff and Deputy Secretary General of the Parliament, Mrs. Kushani Rohanadeera, is next to the Speaker

JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s attack on Environment Minister Nazeer Ahamed, also on Friday, over Geological Survey and Mines Bureau (GSMB) authorization of a massive sand mining racket in Safi Nagar, in the East, exposed corruption from the highest level to the lowest rung in this vital government institution. The accusations were justified on the basis of a letter Secretary, Environment Ministry, Dr. Anil Jasinghe, has written to Director General, GSMB, Sajjana de Silva, late last month, demanding an explanation, within 14 days, regarding the issuance of an illegal permit for sand mining in Safi Nagar, in the Muttur electorate.

Those schoolchildren, visiting Parliament, must have got a firsthand opportunity to hear how politicians and officials abused their authority. The scale of corruption must have shocked them. Parliament should be ashamed of what is continuing to happen in this bankrupt country.

Environment Minister Nazeer Ahamed never disputed the shocking revelation that GSMB Chairman Dr. Senarath Hewage Prasad Manjula, as the head of a private mining company, called Uptown Ventures, had received a mining license. Manjula has received the appointment, as GSMB Chairman, in Feb. 2022, after the sacking of Prof. Anura Walpola under controversial circumstances.

Before further discussing the happenings, in Parliament, on Friday, let me recall what Manjula’s predecessor, Prof. Walpola, told Pamodi Waravita of ‘The Morning’, in an exclusive interview carried in its online edition, on March 02, 2022. The story, headlined ‘Removed GSMB Chair levels allegations against GSMB DG’, the writer dealt with the circumstances leading to Sajjana de Silva’s appointment as Director General of GSMB. Accordingly, Sajjana de Silva has received the appointment as DG during the Covid-19 lockdown, on the basis of his seniority.

Prof. Walpola has explained that the GSMB board made the appointment, on a temporary basis, as it couldn’t physically meet, due to the Covid-19 lockdown. Sajjana de Silva filled the vacancy created with the retirement of the person who served in that position. The new appointment took effect in March 2020. Walpola is on record as having said that when the GSMB board physically met in June 2020, Sajjana de Silva’s appointment was rejected. However, the DG produced a letter he had received from then Environment Minister S.M. Chandrasena that confirmed his appointment.

Prof. Walpola, who received appointment as Chairman, GSMB, in Dec. 2019, claimed that at the time Sajjana de Silva obtained confirmation he was under investigation by the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID).

In spite of a spate of complaints against the new DG, the Ministry refrained from taking action against him. Prof. Walpola was quoted as having alleged that the DG had the backing of six GSMB personnel, under investigation.

Perhaps, the most interesting disclosure, made by Prof. Walpola, was the issuance of a license to his successor, Prasad Manjula, by DG Sajjana de Silva, contrary to the Mines and Mineral Act. Obviously, the then Environment Minister, the incumbent Minister as well as successive Ministry Secretaries, chose to turn a blind eye.

It would be pertinent to stress that Prof. Walpola lost the chairmanship, of this vital state enterprise, less than two weeks before the GSMB board was to appear before the parliamentary watchdog committee.

Illankai Thamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) lawmaker Shanakiyan Rasamanickam first raised the issue at hand at a COPE meeting, on February 23, 2020. The Batticaloa District MP questioned the rationale behind accommodating the proprietor of a mining company as the Chairman of GSMB. Obviously, the COPE lacked the power to intervene. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration not only allowed the illegal transaction but also protected the wrongdoers.

Friday’s attacks on the government, over the Safi Nagar affair, should be examined against the backdrop of a despicable project that placed the GSMB in the hands of a person who had been engaged in large scale sand mining.

Those who allowed schoolchildren to observe parliamentary proceedings should be aware the Parliament has nothing to offer except educate them on unbridled waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement.

Joint attack on Nazeer

Statements made by JVP leader Dissanayake, TNA MP Rasamanickam, and SJB MP Ajith Mannapperuma, as regards the Safi Nagar, bared an unbelievable state of affairs. The Parliament dealt with the matter, during the committee stage debate with the JVP, TNA and SJB, demanding why Minister Ahamed protected the culprits. The JVPer largely based his criticism on Dr. Jasinghe’s no nonsense letter, that demanded a plausible explanation, within 14 days.

Having contested the last general election, on the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC) ticket, in August 2020, Deputy Leader of that party Ahamed, an engineer by profession, at the onset of the unprecedented political turmoil, switched his allegiance, in April 2022, to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Ahamed simply ignored party leader Rauf Hakeem warning of disciplinary action for what he called breach of party discipline.

With the advent of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe, as the President, in July, the Batticaloa District MP received the environment portfolio. Ahamed seems to have so far stood by the GSMB operation. However, Dr. Jasinghe’s missive to DG, GSMB suggested that the Environment Ministry finally responded to continuing criticism over the Safi Nagar affair.

Both print, electronic, including social media, continuously attacked the government over the inordinate delay in taking action against both the DG and Chairman of GSMB. ‘Hiru’ spearheaded the media campaign with aggressive coverage of the developments continuously, until the damaging disclosure in Parliament on Friday.

Lawmaker Dissanayake asked why Uptown Ventures was granted a license to engage in sand mining, in state land, in a clear case of conflict of interest and regardless of a proposal made by another party. The MP has taken up the issue against the backdrop of Dr. Jasinghe’s allegation that DG, GSMB, discredited and abused his position.

MP Rasamanickam declared in Parliament that GSMB Chairman was the person who secured the license to remove 100,000 cubes of sand from Safi Nagar. The MP questioned how an official, who is supposed to ensure transparency and legality in sand mining, received a license for the same? The TNA representative declared his readiness to face any legal challenge. Declaring he had the required evidence to prove his accusations, MP Rasamanickam alleged the DG, GSMB, is responsible for all corrupt activities therein.

The Batticaloa District MP said that if necessary he would call an international press briefing regarding Minister Ahamed’s failure to act on the letter issued by Dr. Jasinghe, to DG, at the centre of the whole sordid deal. The TNA representative demanded the immediate interdiction of the official while warning of consequences in case his demand was not met.

At the onset of his statement, lawmaker Dissanayake asked Minister Ahamed to clarify Sajjana de Silva’s status. Responding to the JVPer’s query, Minister Ahmed said that though being appointed in an acting capacity, Sajjana De Silva has been confirmed in his position.

MP Dissanayake said: Sajjana de Silva received the appointment during S.M. Chandrasena’s tenure as the Environment Minister. The appointment didn’t have the required approval from the management committee of GSMB.

Minister S.M. Chandrasena: At the time, Sajjana de Silva was granted an acting appointment, he headed the seniority list.

MP Dissanayake: At the very beginning, I clarified this matter. I sought and obtained the status of the GSMB official. Though you said Sajjana de Silva was granted an acting appointment, your letter of appointment didn’t say so.

The Parliament was told how a license obtained by Uptown Ventures for the cultivation of chilies, in 3,000 acres of land, permitted the enterprise to engage in large scale sand mining. The project received government sanction for mining of 5,000 cubes of sand, on a monthly basis. The House was asked how the proprietor of Uptown Ventures ended up as Chairman of GSMB. The JVPer pointed out the absurdity in the GSMB Chairman’s defence that he was no longer the head of that venture. But, at the time the illegal sand mining took place, at Safi Nagar, Senarath Hewage Prasad Manjula-led Uptown Ventures, the JVPer declared, reiterating accusations pertaining to the Safi Nagar project.

Pointing out that Dr. Jasinghe’s report identified the GSMB Chairman as one of the persons involved in the corrupt transaction, MP Dissanayake declared the direct involvement of the political leadership in the Safi Nagar operation. Those responsible had been exposed and were now naked before the public. SJB MP Ajith Mannapperuma chided Minister Ahamed for remaining silent. Urging the Minister to come clean, the Gampaha District MP asked why he remained silent when such serious accusations were made against the two top officials of the GSMB. The former UNP MP asked whether Minister Ahamed lacked the backbone to set the record straight.

Minister Ahamed said that as regards DG, GSMB, the Ministry had already issued a charge sheet and that action was in progress. “Likewise, the Chairman’s issue with regard to Safi Nagar, complaint has been lodged with the CID, and the Auditor General Department is evaluating the whole thing. The report will be submitted. Once that is done, necessary action will be taken as per the advice given by all those institutions”, the Minister said.

Dissident SLPP MP Weerasumana Weerasinghe said that there was no need to await the Attorney General’s opinion to take action in respect of repeated disclosure made by ‘Hiru.’ The outspoken Communist Party representative said that Environment Secretary Dr. Jasinghe’s missive to the DG, GSMB, was more than sufficient to take punitive action against the culprits.

Having asked whether Secretary to the President, Saman Ekanayake, was present in Parliament, lawmaker Weerasinghe said there was no point in making grandiose statements at COP27 if the government could not take punitive measures against errant officials. The MP was referring to the 2022 United Nations Climate Change Conference or Conference of the Parties of the UNFCCC, more commonly referred to as COP27, held in Egypt last month. Weerasinghe asked Ahamed whether he chose to safeguard the ministerial portfolio or would handle the issue without fear or favour.

NDI funds House project

Amidst continuing political-economic-social crisis caused by failure on the part of the executive, legislature and judiciary to address issues at hand, the Parliament has launched a new project to educate primary school students. With the financial backing of the National Democratic Institute, the Parliament has launched ‘Punchi Dupathe Kurulu Kathandaraya,’ in Sinhala, Tamil and English to educate those who haven’t even reached their teens of what the Parliament called representative democracy.

The book launch took place at the children’s section of the Colombo Public Library with the participation of Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena. What really Parliament and NDI hoped to achieve by educating primary students is not clear. Likewise, ongoing efforts to set up ‘parliaments’ at schools, introduce electronic voting et al at a time Parliament failed in its mandatory responsibilities, such as public finance and enactment of laws, may not help restore public confidence in the political party system. Those struggling to make ends meet, as a result of the economic ruination, may be flabbergasted if they hear of silly projects undertaken by Parliament, using meagre resources at a time of unprecedented economic turmoil. May be that money could be better utilized to improve nutritional level of our schoolchildren.

Washington headquartered NDI operates in many countries through its partners and the operation here is no exception. Funded by the US taxpayer as well as other international sources propagating Western values, the NDI project should be examined against the backdrop of a range of US initiatives here. The controversial US role at the 2010 presidential election is a case in point. The US backing for war-winning Army Commander Gen. Sarath Fonseka, at that election, is not a secret, thanks to Wikileaks revelations.

Remember, the USAID funded USD 13 mn (Rs 1.92 bn) project to enhance democracy, transparency and accountability in 2016. That three-year project was launched in the wake of the Central Bank bond scams, perpetrated in Feb. 2015 and March 2016. Did that high profile initiative produce desired results? Seven years after that US initiative and scores of other projects undertaken by successive governments and NGOs, Sri Lanka has ‘achieved’ bankruptcy status.

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Midweek Review

Easter Sunday carnage: Mysterious decisions, failures and politics of opportunity

Published

2 days ago

2024/10/16

Sahan Weerasooriya

Police commandos enter the Dematagoda home of Shangri-La and Cinnamon Grand bombers Mohommad Ibrahim Ilham Ahmad and Mohommad Ibrahim Insaf Ahmad, where, Fathima, the wife of Ilham Ahmad triggered a blast killing her three sons and three policemen.

The SLPP’s decision to reach an agreement with Maithripala Sirisena in the run-up to the general election in August 2020 is nothing but a fatal decision. The SLPP disregarded Sirisena’s pathetic and catastrophic failure to thwart the Easter Sunday carnage when the party finalized an electoral pact that enabled the SLFP to contest on the SLPP ticket. Sirisena returned to Parliament from Polonnaruwa on the SLPP ticket. The former President was among 12 SLFPers elected on the SLPP ticket. One SLFPer entered through the SLPP National List, while another was elected from Jaffna, under the SLFP symbol hand.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and Jathika Jana Balawegaya (JJB) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake is the fourth President trying to get to the bottom of the April 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, the only post-war major violent incident. If his predecessors in the top seat had been compromised in some way or another, and that was the reason for their failure, then he is our true hope!

The nearly 30-year brutal internecine war that appeared to drag on endlessly was brought to a successful conclusion in May 2009 to the surprise of many, through proper leadership, both militarily and politically, with the Mahinda Rajapaksa Government deciding to fight it to a finish, unlike previous regimes. Even some of the former security forces top brass, also made a business out of it when they were at the helm. Having witnessed the sorry way the LTTE challenge was met previously, war-winning Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, too, made a prophetic public pronouncement that he would not leave the war to a successor to fight.

Maithripala Sirisena, who had served as the President, in addition to being the Minister in charge of Defence and Public Security, as well as Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, at the time of the multiple Easter suicide attacks, was faulted by the Supreme Court in January 2023. The SC ordered him to pay Rs. 100 mn. Sirisena paid the entire amount by August 2024. The final instalment amounted to Rs 12 mn.

The failure on the part of Sirisena’s administration to thwart the attacks, blamed on the now proscribed National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ), facilitated Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s sweeping victory at the Nov. 2019 presidential election. There is no doubt about that against the backdrop of the Gajaba Regiment veteran repeatedly assuring the country that security would be restored. Therefore, the crux of the matter is whether the wartime Defence Secretary ordered the Easter Sunday carnage for his benefit, while he and his powerful family were out of power. If it had been the case, as alleged by his opponents, there should be a plausible explanation as to why the extremist NTJ wanted to promote Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s candidate at all, as most Muslims by then detested the Rajapaksas because of their perceived bias towards Sinhala extremists, like Bodu Bala Sena. Such feelings among Muslims were obviously exploited by interested parties with the help of some of their leaders. Even corrupt monks, too, were exploited by them with foreign trips, and what not, to fan flames on the majority side. And, obviously, their ultimate target was the war-winning Rajapaksas for defying the West and destroying their pet Tigers.

Those who planned and executed the Easter Sunday terror project, Mohamed Zahran Mohammed Hashim (Shangri-La bomber) and Mohommad Ibrahim Ilham Ahmad (Shangri-La bomber) and Mohommad Ibrahim Insaf Ahmad (Cinnamon Grand bomber) and rest of the team, obviously couldn’t have been unaware of the opportunity the bloodbath afforded to the SLPP candidate. May be it was yet another plot to destroy the Rajapaksas as the dastardly attacks in a way helped the Rajapaksas to return to power, while other sinister plans against them were being brewed.

The Catholic Church wholeheartedly backed Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the 2019 presidential election. The top leadership had been so confident the new President would ensure investigations free of political interference, the Church backed the SLPP candidate unreservedly at the August 2020 parliamentary election as well. The Church also declined an offer made by President Gotabaya to nominate a person of its choice to the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCoI) on the Easter Sunday attacks. The Church obviously felt that nomination of a person perceived to be their nominee could undermine the PCoI named by Sirisena in Sept. 2019.

Hence, the five-member PCoI, headed by Supreme Court Judge Janak de Silva, only consisted of Appeal Court Judge Nissanka Bandula Karunarathna, retired Judge of the Court of Appeal, Nihal Sunil Rajapaksa, retired Judge of the High Court, Bandula Kumara Atapattu, and retired Ministry Secretary Ms. W.M.M. Adikari, continued with the Inquiry with no representation from the Catholic Church.

Sirisena appointed the PCoI as the report presented by the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) that conducted an inquiry (May-Oct. 2019) into Easter Sunday carnage showed him in a bad light. Sirisena obviously wanted to clear himself, hence the appointment of the PCoI.

Disastrous move

Trouble started soon after the PCoI handed over its final report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa on Feb. 01, 2021. The President had earlier received the first and the second interim reports which were handed over to him on Dec. 20, 2019 and on March 02, 2020 respectively. Director General, Legal Affairs of the Presidential Secretariat, Hariguptha Rohanadheera, handed over the report to Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, on February 25. Two days before Rohanadheera met Livera, President Rajapaksa caused himself and his government irreparable damage by appointing a six-member Committee, consisting of SLPP parliamentarians, to examine the report.

A statement issued by the Presidential Media Division declared that the Committee had been entrusted with a wide ranging mandate. The PMD explained: “Identifying the overall process, including the measures that need to be taken by various agencies and authorities such as the Parliament, judiciary, Attorney General’s Department, security forces, State Intelligence services and implementing recommendations as stipulated by PCoI to avert recurrence of a national catastrophe of such magnitude is the prime responsibility of the said Committee.”

The Committee, chaired by President’s elder brother Chamal Rajapaksa, included Johnston Fernando, Udaya Gammanpila, Dr. Ramesh Pathirana, Prasanna Ranatunga, and Rohitha Abeygunawardena.

Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa owed the country an explanation as to why he named such a Committee that only strengthened accusations regarding his role in the Easter Sunday terror project.

‘Sri Lanka’s Easter Tragedy: When the Deep State gets out of its Depth

’, authored by Prof. Rajan Hoole meticulously dealt with the issues at hand. In spite of its launch in late Sept. 2019, just about five months after the Easter Sunday massacres, Hoole’s work didn’t receive the expected response but the course of action President Rajapaksa resorted to as regards PCoI, in Feb. 2021. influenced the public. By then, the Sinhala version of the Prof.’s work was available.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government conveniently failed to implement the PCoI recommendations. In July 2021, less than five months after the President had received the PCoI report, the Catholic Church (National Catholic Committee for Justice to Easter Sunday victims), politely called for the implementation of the recommendations. Their plea was disregarded.

Director, State Intelligence Service (SIS) Senior DIG Nilantha Jayawardena, who had been the main culprit, as asserted by the PSC and the PCoI responsible for security failure, remained in the police till July 2024. Jayawardena served as Senior DIG in charge of the Central Province before receiving appointment as Senior DIG (Administration), in other words, the number two in the Department.

Having raised the Easter Sunday carnage at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council, and with the Vatican, the Church, without hesitation, backed the unprecedented public protest campaign (March-July 2022) that forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. That brought UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe into power in July 2022. Having declared his intention, in Sept. 2022, to secure the assistance of Scotland Yard, Wickremesinghe quickly and conveniently forgot his promise as he slowly turned around the economy. Emboldened by apparent success on the economic front, Wickremesinghe made a catastrophic bid to postpone presidential election. The rest is history.

PCoI recommendations regarding MS, RW

The PCoI report differed from the PSC in respect of the findings regarding political party leaders. Based on the PCoI findings, the Church, in July 2021, questioned President Rajapaksa as to why punitive recommendations, pertaining to Yahapalana President Sirisena (Final Report of PCoI. Vol 01. Page 265) hadn’t been implemented. The Church also demanded to know as to why Premier Wickremesinghe hadn’t been investigated for his shortcomings and failures (Final Report of PCoI. Volume 01. Pages 276-277).

The PCoI recommended that the AG consider criminal proceedings against Sirisena, under any suitable provision in the Penal Code. The Church found fault with the PCoI for not making any specific recommendations in respect of Wickremesinghe after having blamed him for contributing to the overall security failure.

The PCoI asserted that Wickremesinghe’s negligent approach towards extremism had been one of the primary reasons for the government’s failure to counter the growing threat. Therefore, the Premier’s failure facilitated, what the Church called, the build-up of Islamic extremism to the point of the Easter Sunday attack.

Within three weeks of his election, President Dissanayake visited St. Sebastian’s Church at Katuwapitiya, Negombo, where he assured justice for the Easter Sunday victims. One of the key issues that should receive the attention of the investigators is the continuing controversy over the Easter Sunday mastermind.

Who actually masterminded, or engineered, the Easter Sunday terror project? Retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, who served as Public Security Minister during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s tenure as President, declared Mohammadu Ibrahim Mohamed Naufer alias Naufer Moulavi as the mastermind. However, many people are skeptical about the claim. The Kattankudy-born man, who had been arrested in Dambulla, a few days after the Easter Sunday blasts, is in custody pending investigations and court proceedings.

Top spokesperson for the Catholic Church Rev. Father Cyril Gamini Fernando recently declared a person identified as Abu Hind as a key figure in the Easter Sunday conspiracy. Widely believed to be a creation of the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of India, that technical persona, or avatar, infiltrated the network planning Easter Sunday attacks. Those who still suspect an Indian had had a hand in the terror project haven’t explained as to why New Delhi provided specific intelligence on three occasions before the suicide attacks. The use of such avatars is all part of counterintelligence strategy employed not only by India but many other countries as well. So was it a foreign plot or something on those lines? No wonder foreign personnel were crawling over some of the attacked places, like the Colombo Shangri-La, no sooner it happened, and even before some of our own investigators got down to work.

Dematagoda link

But have we paid sufficient attention to the family of wealthy spice exporter Mohammed Yusuf Ibrahim who live at Mahawila Uyana Road, Dematagoda. If not for their financial and moral support, the Easter Sunday operation couldn’t have been mounted under any circumstances. Would it be unfair on our part to ascertain them as the Easter Sunday masterminds or prime facilitators? The question is whether Easter Sunday strikes could have materialized without the involvement of the Ibrahim family.

One of Ibrahim’s sons, Mohommad Ibrahim Ilham Ahmad along with Mohamed Zahran Mohammed Hashim mounted an attack on Shangri-La. Ilham’s brother, Mohommad Ibrahim Insaf Ahmad blasted himself inside the Cinnamon Grand hotel. The two brothers are believed to have first met Zaharan at a wedding ceremony in the East. The two brothers may have also met Zaharan in Kurunegala, home town of Zaharan’s wife Abdul Kadar Fathima Hadiya. It would be pertinent to mention that Ilham had managed their spice farm in Matale.

Fathima Jefri, the wife of Ilham, detonated a bomb on the first floor of their three-storey luxury home when investigators came to their place to gather evidence. The blast killed three CCD (Colombo Crime Division) personnel who entered the house, as well as her three sons. Fathima, in her early 20s, had been pregnant at the time.

Mohammed Yusuf Ibrahim, who had been the President of the Pettah Traders Association, was among the JVP National List nominees for the 2015 parliamentary election. Of course at the time the JVP accommodated the wealthy trader on its National List, the deadly ‘religious’ plot may not have been conceived. Therefore, it wouldn’t be fair to demand an explanation from the JVP or JVP-led JJB, now in power ,regarding the inclusion of Mohammed Yusuf Ibrahim on their 2015 National List.

Prominent lawyer Hejaaz Hizbullah, who had been detained in April 2020 in connection with the Easter Sunday carnage, was granted bail and released in Feb. 2022. Investigators failed to link Hizbullah to the Easter Sunday plot though he professionally knew the Ibrahim family.

Instead of playing politics with the issues at hand, the government should undertake a thorough review of all available information. The truth is that the radical preacher Mohamed Zahran Mohammed Hashim had been under investigation years before the Senior DIG Jayawardena, in his capacity as Director SIS received the first Indian intelligence alert on April 04, 2019.

Jayawardena’s failure to act is inexplicable as on his request the entire investigation on the extremist had been brought under the SIS on April 08, 2018, a year before the attacks. The delay on the part of the Attorney General’s Department in providing required instructions/advice pertaining to extremist activity to the police, too, contributed to the overall security failure. The PCoI recommended disciplinary action against State Counsel Malik Azees and Deputy Solicitor General Azad Navavi.

The Yahapalana government disregarded the then Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse’s dire warning issued in Parliament in mid Nov. 2016 regarding radicalization of the local Muslim community against the backdrop of some Sri Lankans joining the Islamic State (IS). A section of the government parliamentary group and other interested parties lambasted Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, a President’s Counsel, over his prima facie suspicions. The Justice Minister wouldn’t have made such a grave declaration, in Parliament, if he was not sure about what he was talking about.

What really made both the political and intelligence apparatus turn a blind eye to extremism? The shocking revelation made by Yahapalana Minister Harin Fernando, immediately after the Easter Sunday carnage that his father received a specific warning on April 20 regarding the impending attacks from a CID investigator, underscored a pathetic state of affairs.

As a responsible Cabinet Minister there cannot be any doubt that he alerted Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and Deputy Defence Minister Ruwan Wijewardene regarding the impending attacks.

Collective int’l failure

The PSC in its report questioned the failure on the part of SIS to act swiftly and decisively against the backdrop of information available on active extremist groups, including arrest warrant issued on Shangri-La bomber Mohamed Zahran Mohammed Hashim way back in March 2017. Having found fault with the SIS Chief, the PSC headed by the then Deputy Speaker Ananda Kumarasiri, asserted that Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, IGP Pujitha Jayasundera, Chief of National Intelligence retired DIG Sisira Mendis and Director of Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) Brigadier Chula Kodituwakku, in addition to the SIS Chief, were collectively responsible for the catastrophic security failure.

The need to examine the CID and TID response to the extremist threat, as well as the impact of the 2018 Oct. political conspiracy to bring in Mahinda Rajapaksa as PM, should also receive the attention of the new government. The bottom line is that the intelligence services had loads of information on the NTJ and they should have been able to thwart the deaths of 270 people and injuries to over 500 even with Indian warning. That is the truth.

Allegations directed at retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Salley regarding his direct involvement with the suicide squad should be investigated, taking into consideration the overall failure on the part of the SIS, Secy Defence, IGP, CNI and DMI to thwart the Easter Sunday plot. The investigation should seek to ascertain whether Salley, in spite of being attached to our High Commission as Minister Counsellor in Kuala Lumpur, influenced the DMI.

Following extremely serious allegations pertaining to Salley’s role in the Easter Sunday plot made by the UK’s controversial Channel 4 well-known for doing hatchet jobs, about an alleged clandestine meeting between the former DMI chief and the suicide squad at an estate in the Puttalam district in Feb 2018, President Wickremesinghe appointed a three-member Committee in Sept., 2023 to investigate the allegations. Salley, in response to a questionnaire posed to him by Channel 4, claimed that between Dec. 2016 and Dec. 2018 he left Malaysia only once for a week in Dec .2017 to visit Colombo. And he hadn’t left Malaysia for any other country during this period. This should be investigated. Having served as head of DMI from Oct. 2012 to Nov. 2016, he received a diplomatic appointment. Brig M D U V Gunathilake succeeded Salley. But at the time of the Easter Sunday carnage Brig. Chula Kodithuwakku had been at the helm of the DMI.

The committee, chaired by retired Supreme Court Justice S.I. Imam, consists of retired Air Force Commander A.C.M. Jayalath Weerakkody and President’s Counsel Harsha A.J. Soza PC.

In June 2023, Wickremesinghe appointed a Committee, headed by retired High Court judge Ms. A.N.J. De Alwis, to probe the SIS and CNI and other related services regarding the handling of the Easter Sunday intelligence warnings received from India and local investigations carried out before that. The Committee included SLAS special grade Officer Ms. K.N.K. Somaratne and Attorney-at-Law W.M.A.N. Nishane.

Wickremesinghe’s failure to release the reports, before the Sept. 21 presidential election, is baffling. The UNP leader’s successor President Dissanayake is yet to release the reports. As demanded by the Catholic Church and former MP Udaya Gammanpila on behalf of the Opposition, the reports should be released. The reports should be able to shed light on the entire intelligence apparatus and when examined along with all other material available can expose the murder plot. The need to identify conspirators at all levels regardless of their standing in the society cannot be disregarded.

Midweek Review

Humanities in the ‘art’ of healing: A case for subject integration

Published

2 days ago

2024/10/16

Sahan Weerasooriya

“Medical intervention in someone’s life is a break-in to their world. In a way, it’s a violation of their world that turns them into dependents.”

Luce Irigaray (From her book, “Je, Tu, Nous”: toward a culture of difference)

by Susantha Hewa

Luce Irigaray’s (French feminist, philosopher, psychoanalyst and cultural theorist) above quote may, at a glance, seem defiant or even impudent. Perhaps, it is not so. Anyhow, the incorporation of “Medical Humanities” into medicine curriculum, which was the subject of Randima Attygalle’s interview with Dr. Santushi Amarasuriya, published in The Sunday Island of October 6, 2024, may perhaps resonate with the undertones of Irigaray’s quote above. Possibly, in light of what Dr. Santushi Amarasuriya, Clinical Psychologist and Head of the Department of Medical Humanities says about the new discipline- to quote: “It helps medical practitioners to reorient themselves into a holistic and person-centered approach to health care” – may help us to get a more nuanced understanding of Irigaray’s seemingly confrontational sentiment.

The above interview brings to light the important role the Department of Medical Humanities (established in 2016) is playing to improve the quality of medical education given to prospective healthcare professionals. In the words of Dr. Amarasuriya, the goal of medical humanities is “to foster compassionate care, professionalism and ethical practice among medical and other health care professionals, whilst also being sensitive to the socio-cultural context in Sri Lanka”. This will be good news for the citizens who certainly deserve a better healthcare service. It was not so long ago that there were tragic episodes related to “substandard medicine” undermining patients’ right to life and proper health. It goes without saying that the country was grateful to all those who helped expose the alleged corruptions related to it. Those who have read the text of the interview may have rejoiced at the news of the said upgrading of the syllabus. Surely, the society should be grateful to all those academics and professionals who have contributed to the creation of the new department.

As we know, empathy humanises the relationship between the doctor and the patient, which will be beneficial to both parties. Incidentally, as Dr. Joe Schwarcz, in an article titled, “Would Osler stand by his famous quote today?”, where he refers to Prof. William Osler- one of the founders of the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine- says that the latter had used to tell his students, “Listen to your patient, he’s telling you the diagnosis”! And, more interestingly, Dr. Michael McCarthy in his article “The importance of humanities in medicine” notes, “Legend has it that Dr. William Osler prescribed a reading list to his students, books not only about physiology and science, but classic literature. He was able to see that “Don Quixote” and “Gray’s Anatomy” both had indispensable value to a physician”. Perhaps, no one would grudge the apportioning of due respects to Dr. Osler, who would have realized the crucial importance of medical students reading literature so as to become more proficient doctors- to cultivate a “holistic and person-centered approach to health care”.

In the above two extracts of Dr. Osler, the first – “Listen to your patient, he’s telling you the diagnosis” – underlines the importance of empathy between the medic and the patient. Consider the famous lines:

“A glance at our rags would be more

Revealing. One and the same cause wears out

Our bodies and our clothes.” (Bertolt Brecht’s poem, “A worker’s speech to a doctor”)

Surely, Brecht’s somewhat incisive “diagnosis” implied in the above lines is beyond the jurisdiction of the doctor, but it doesn’t detract from Dr. Osler’s advice to his students to listen to their patients with more empathy. Further, Brecht’s relevance in the context is felt more when we come to the second excerpt alluded to Dr. Osler, which says that he prescribed to his students “books not only about physiology and science, but classic literature”. It signifies the substantial role humanities can play in enhancing medical practice, which, by the way, is an illustration of the useable relatedness of all disciplines, which we usually keep separated for convenience.

It’s no news that frequently a result is produced by more than one seemingly dominant cause. Yet, it is easy to overlook all the underlying causes of an event. Often, we depend on researchers and experts to show us the numerous underlying causes of a single event, say – 9/11 attacks in 2001, tsunami in 2004 or Covid19 epidemic in 2019 – that we begin to appreciate there being more to something than meets the eye. Hence the need for the collaboration of customarily discrete disciplines, i.e. medicine, history, mathematics, literature, etc., for a fuller understanding of any issue, which highlights the value of the new-fangled programme (Medical Humanities).

Of course, in designing syllabuses, it wouldn’t be easy to strike a fine balance between a dogged focus on one field of expertise and an obsession with a more eclectic approach covering several subjects with the aim of bringing the best of benefits to the society. The best option may be to introduce the right amount of the seemingly “external” ingredient at the right time to enrich the quality of the cocktail, as the University of Colombo Medical Faculty has done. As Prof. William S. Beck has said, “Fields of learning are surrounded ultimately only by illusory boundaries—like the “rooms” in a hall of mirrors. It is when the illusion is penetrated that progress takes place. … science is a vital part of our culture, our culture is part of it, it permeates our thinking, and its continued separateness from what is fondly called “the humanities” is a preposterous practical joke on all thinking men. (Modern Science and the Nature of Life).

Perhaps, we can be optimistic that other “privileged” disciplines would take a cue from the Colombo Medical Faculty to broaden and enhance their programmes by integrating traditionally alienated disciplines. Surely it would help usher in a more people-centred education in the country.