Features
Post-election Dimensions of Governance—Revival, Reconstruction and Reconciliation

by C. Narayanasuwami
(A member of the former Ceylon Civil Service and Retired Senior Professional of the Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines)
There has been substantial discussion in recent weeks on what follows next after a convincing victory by the JVP/NPP. Informed and analytical articles have appeared in the country’s main media outlets outlining the varied tasks at hand for the new government to fulfil its mandate to the people. This Paper is intended to highlight a few priority areas for initiating development guided by the principles of good governance.
Components of Good Governance
Good Governance has been singled out as the most important criterion for sound development management. A World Bank Report on Governance and Development (1992), states that “good governance is central to creating and sustaining an environment which fosters strong and equitable development”. This concept has been reiterated several times subsequently in recent years.
The components of good governance are identified as follows; (i) an effective policy framework that incorporates both growth and equity-oriented policies, (ii) a corruption free management system that rewards good performance, (iii) a well-founded institutional framework, including a good public administrative structure with sound recruitment and retention policies for civil servants, (iv) a qualified, competent and skilled workforce at different implementation levels and (v) overall politico-legal framework that supports non-discriminatory policies, and promotes initiative and dynamism in project and program execution.
Sri Lanka has suffered substantially in upholding many of these requirements/values in the last few decades largely due to the adoption of ill-conceived policies and implementation structures, which combined with entrenched corruption in the entire body politic, seriously undermined effective execution of planned development interventions. Today we are at the crossroads because of the rampant misuse of public funds, flagrant violations of the rule of law and inefficient delivery of public services.
Prioritising and formulating developmental interventions
The tasks that lie ahead are formidable – the government must start working on areas requiring immediate intervention. The writer offers his views based on his own personal experience as a senior public servant in Sri Lanka and as an international civil servant who offered his services to 24 countries in the Asia- Pacific Region as a senior professional of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The suggestions that follow may evoke controversy but every citizen has the right to offer his/her thoughts on subjects of national importance.
In his first policy speech in the Parliament, the President identified key areas that require intervention, specifically drawing attention to agriculture, rural development, poverty reduction, fisheries, tourism and elimination of corruption, among others. The state of the country warrants simultaneous action on many of these areas. The question that arises is whether the country’s current implementation framework and public service orientation will be conducive to support initiatives in this regard without system change.
System change
was strongly endorsed during the elections and remains the key issue for the government today. Changing highly entrenched practices and procedures require commitment, accountability and a high sense of integrity. As the President himself noted in a recent public speech, corruption has seriously undermined the effectiveness of even the Anti-Corruption Watchdog. Several interrelated issues must be addressed on an urgent basis if system change is to become a reality.
Reforming Public Service
Reforms cannot be instituted unless systems inimical to change management and development are drastically modified or changed. Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, former Singapore Prime Minister is credited with the statement that a “little bit of totalitarianism is essential to develop countries which have remained lethargic for years”. This is undeniably an apt statement in the context of Sri Lanka which needs to adopt strong policies to make the public service deliver.
There was a recent statement that the public service is overstaffed with around 750, 000 of the 1.3 million staff considered redundant. A ‘needs review’ should be undertaken as soon as possible to carefully evaluate the scope for reduction and possible retirement and redundancy payments. This should be done in consultation and coordination with staff unions to ensure that the overall scope for redundancies is mitigated by re-employment in new ventures, transfers or changes in roles.
The issues relevant to this phenomenon have been addressed in several documents in the recent past – the writer addressed this problem in a Paper published by the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo in April 2016 entitled, “Public Administration in Sri Lanka and the 19th Amendment to the Constitution: Prospects for the Future”. This was further elaborated in his book, ‘Managing Development: People, Policies and Institutions’ published in 2019. Several strategies were identified to redeploy and retrain superfluous staff, merge staff functions and retire unproductive staff through ‘Golden Handshakes’ or similar incentive filled approaches. Unfortunately, very little has been done up to date.
It may be prudent to look at the historical context and learn from lessons to determine changes required to deepen developmental thrusts.
Phases in Sri Lanka’s Development Trajectory
The history of Sri Lanka’s development is characterised by several phases closely following the thoughts and actions of leaders who controlled its destiny since independence. The immediate post-independence period, 1948-1956, much of it under the first Prime Minister, Mr. D.S. Senanayake was the first development phase. This phase arguably was the period of agricultural reawakening with priority accorded to the renewal of the tank civilization. Several initiatives were taken to build, renovate and revive ancient tanks for agricultural development. Simultaneously, colonization schemes or tank-based settlements were established in hitherto underdeveloped areas such as Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. Epoch-making changes in the social sphere such as the establishment of the free education system and an equally accessible health system greatly beneficial to the citizens of Sri Lanka, created new opportunities for revitalising the tradition-bound social structure.
The second phase from 1956-1965,
turned out to be a period of mixed development in agriculture and industry with a substantial loss in the tempo of development due to the 1958 racial riots, the Sinhala Only Bill, and poor political leadership which undermined social cohesion and economic stability.
The third phase -1965-1970-
saw some progress in accelerating agricultural production with emphasis given to both plantation and domestic agriculture. No concerted efforts were made however, to address some of the fundamental problems affecting the industrial sector.
The next phase-1970-1977
-witnessed some success in enhancing agricultural productivity with equal emphasis given to paddy and subsidiary food production. This period saw the country moving toward self-sufficiency in subsidiary food production but unfortunately it did not last long because of rebel activity – JVP insurrection and LTTE activism- resulting in increased suppression and damage to life and property island wide.
The 1977-1989
phase was a turning point for private sector involvement in development activities which embraced garment industries, telecom and tourist-oriented ventures, in addition to development of small and medium scale enterprises. The private sector emerged as an engine of growth for the first time. Despite these positive developments, the country had to encounter significant downturn in agricultural productivity and social mobility, again due to civil conflicts and insurgencies, both in the north and south. The burning of the Jaffna Public Library, an insensitive and abhorrent event in Sri Lanka’s history, added to increased ethnic tensions.
The ensuing phase-1989-1993
witnessed continued civil conflicts leading to subdued development activities. The major thrust in development during this period was in state sponsored housing and urban development.
The next phase 1993-2004 and thereafter from 2005- 2020
could be categorised as the infrastructure era with roads, railways and airports given considerable investment support along with substantial private sector investment in export-intensive garment industries and agricultural products. Despite these efforts, the country’s growth remained stagnant because of corruption and mismanagement particularly after 2005, altering the pace, direction and durability of investment operations. This led to significant decline in valuable international goodwill and support. Variations in governance, including diminished trust and accountability in government operations, and the establishment of less impact projects such as airports created widespread dissatisfaction among the general populace.
Lessons of Development Learned during the past seven decades.
The foregoing analysis suggests that during the past seven decades Sri Lanka witnessed uneven, isolated and disjointed development efforts and substantial break up of social cohesion
that led to significant exodus of the population to western countries in search of greener pastures. The level of dissatisfaction and disenchantment was convincingly proven in the overwhelming support given by the people to JVP/NPP and Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) in particular, at the recent elections.
The major lessons of development could be summarised as follows:
· Development operations were centred on programs and projects that reflected the ideals, political philosophies and the entrenched thought processes of the ruling elite and was not assessed in a holistic manner taking into consideration the diverse needs of a multi-ethnic nation. There was no long-term vision although several 10 year and five-year plans, and a ‘Regaining Sri Lanka’ planning document were prepared. The tragedy of planning in Sri Lanka was that at no time did any of the development plans enlist all-party support and were not viewed as development visions representing overall national perspectives.
·Planning and executing development projects require mature skills in project development and consistency and continuity in implementation. Malaysia adopted a singularly successful monitoring system in the sixties and seventies. Relevant operations came under the direct purview of the then Prime Minister of Malaysia. The establishment of an ‘Operations Room’ in the Planning Secretariat of Sri Lanka in the late 1960s to monitor implementation, including identification of shortfalls with a view to taking remedial action, was an innovation that was adapted from the Malaysian model. This worked well initially but the momentum declined in subsequent years when enthusiasm waned with the change of governments. The concept was revived in 2022 but its operational performance has not yet been evaluated. It is widely recognised that development requires continuity, enlightened monitoring strategies and thoughtful mid-term interventions for achieving good outcomes.
· The three-decade civil war led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) severely damaged development operations, and the impact of this was noted in destroyed infrastructure, dilapidated irrigation systems, neglected agricultural activities, and destruction of small-scale industries, all of which resulted in increased poverty and distress among the affected population.
· Social cohesion was destroyed, and ethnic tensions had a pernicious effect on communal activities destroying peace, trust and happiness among well-bonded village communities.
· Unbridled corruption was pervasive from the level of the grass-roots level institutions to heads of institutions/departments making investments costly, unattractive and less profitable. This has had serious repercussions making investors run away from future investments. This was epitomised by a recent statement made by the departing Japanese Ambassador. The result unfortunately was less development and more social dislocation and suffering.
The above analysis confirms how governance approaches, including contradictory socio-economic policies, and lack of a long-term vision contributed to less effective and disjointed development over seven decades. The country continues to remain a developing nation while some of its neighbours have graduated to a first world status. Singapore followed by Malaysia are two examples of countries which had similar beginnings like Sri Lanka but developed fast to overcome their developing country status. Times have changed and a new mandate has been given to revive, review and reconstruct a nation bedevilled by past policies of mismanagement. Past mistakes should serve as solid lessons to promulgate a revitalised approach to development.
Delivering development amidst challenges and opportunities
Policy and Implementation Framework
While policies are framed at the political level the support mechanism for policy planning and implementation are orchestrated through administrative structures. It is axiomatic that an overarching super ministry is given the responsibility for planning and implementing development projects and programs. This has generally been the case in Sri Lanka and many other countries in the region. The President of Sri Lanka has taken over the responsibility for overall management of the ministry of finance, planning and economic development. Plan implementation should be considered central to planning and development and accorded high priority.
The ministry is expected to have overall supervision and oversight in the following areas;
· Support for Policy formulation,
· Designing implementation strategies, including setting of targets, establishing monitoring mechanisms and coordinating delivery of outputs,
· On-going monitoring and post-evaluation of projects and programs.
The current implementation strategies follow a centralised pattern utilising existing decentralized administrative structures at the provincial, district, divisional and grama sevaka levels. The adequacy of the existing administrative structure for planning and implementation needs to be reviewed, restructured and adapted to focus on project/program results/outcomes.
While individual ministries are responsible for implementation of sector-specific programs, it is important that there is proper oversight and coordination at the level of the ministry of plan implementation to ensure that implementation proceeds as originally proposed and that there are no impediments to achieving the intended outcomes. As the functions of monitoring and evaluation are key aspects of project management, it is essential that a highly professional team is set up at the planning ministry level with responsibilities for designing an implementation strategy that accords high priority to achieving targeted results. At the same time, it is important that the ministry also establishes sectoral oversight units or committees consisting of two or three senior staff to oversee implementation at sectoral ministry level by closely monitoring, interacting, and coordinating delivery of anticipated results.
Evaluation of projects/programs
periodically is another management exercise that goes hand in hand with regular monitoring to assess impact and ascertain the level of achievement of anticipated and actual outputs and outcomes. Countries which succeeded in maintaining a rigid, well-coordinated and supervised monitoring and evaluation system such as Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Peoples’ Republic of China and currently Vietnam have lessons to offer in this regard. Although Sri Lanka had received considerable multilateral assistance, including from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), to set up good monitoring and evaluation systems since the nineties, and staff were trained, the results achieved fluctuated over the years due largely to management shortcomings and limited enthusiasm displayed by sectoral ministries and departments.
Agriculture, rural development and poverty alleviation
Over 75 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population resides in rural areas and agriculture remains the backbone of the economy. Domestic agriculture has for decades remained traditional with a few innovations here and there. Though considerable success was achieved in providing improved seeds, better extension services, including advanced fertilizer and agro-chemicals (except during the period of President. Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was misguided to change over to the use of organic fertilizer), further technological improvements are necessary to help modernise agriculture.
Procurement, sale and marketing strategies have not progressed adequately to ensure timeliness, efficiency and improved prices to the farming community. Milling continues to remain an oligopoly constricting the emergence of small and medium scale millers. Rice prices are manipulated by the millers to the detriment of both producers and consumers. Reorganisation of agricultural marketing, including activation of modern tools, methods and practices, require more sophisticated government support.
Agricultural and rural development activities complement each other
and provide scope for advanced initiatives in other areas such as construction of rural roads and bridges and setting up of small-scale agro-industries. Improving the scope and content of rural development activities with focus on employment and income generation would constitute important transformative activities in line with the JVP/NPP manifesto and its public announcements during the election. The success of endeavours will depend on the commitment, direction and leadership provided by the different ministries and departments tasked with varied sectoral activities such as agriculture, industry, irrigation, rural development and transport.
Poverty cuts across sectors and territorial boundaries and affects about 26 percent of the population in Sri Lanka.
There is therefore a critical need to address poverty on a holistic basis. Both agricultural and rural development initiatives should be targeted to address extreme poverty in the first instance followed by other vulnerable groups. Infrastructure and industry related projects should also seek to improve the livelihood of rural people whose income levels are below the poverty line.
A separate unit in the ministry of plan implementation should ideally be responsible to initiate, monitor, evaluate and document poverty alleviation efforts undertaken by all ministries.
While sectoral ministries will target special programs for poverty alleviation, the role of the special unit in the ministry of planning should be to ensure that there is no overlap and duplication of efforts and that the final outcomes match originally proposed results. Success stories of other countries such as South Korea and Malaysia clearly suggest that direct interventions and targeted approaches brought about convincing improvement in the livelihood of the rural people.
Reconciliation
One of the hallmarks of the last election was the unity achieved among all communities to elect a new government to work towards equality and fairness in delivering the fruits of development. Having set out openly to achieve development for all, the President has a Herculean task now to complete it. He is aware that missed opportunities, lost ethnic harmony and resultant civil war, and rising corruption levels eroded the benefits of development and made people to wish for change. The nation is now looking for redemption and resolution of the ethnic conflict once and for all.
The question of whether the solution lies in implementing the 13th amendment to the Constitution in full or adopt a new variation ultimately lies in the hands of the government. The President has reiterated that he is for devolution of power and functions to the periphery. The writer considers that substantial devolution of power and functions to the periphery without prejudice to the powers and integrity of the central government would go a long way to satisfy ethnic aspirations.
Question arises as to what kind of structure is viable and justifiable. Looking at the countries around us and beyond, substantial devolution should involve decentralized power to manage education, health, land, police and revenue operations. While the aim of the government should be to ensure equality, justice and fairness for all, a structure is warranted to give legal status to this commitment. Whether this should be achieved through improved delegation to the existing provincial councils or through a new structure could only be settled at the political level with the participation of the concerned ethnic communities. Lack of progress in achieving a consensus can further delay development and hamper efforts to reaching economic stability and social transformation.
Review and revision of existing regulatory provisions for attracting foreign investment and promoting tourism.
Restrictive regulatory policies and practices have hindered the development process considerably in the recent past. Sri Lanka must set up a special overarching institution that will cut red tape, ease restrictions inimical to investment, and provide easy access to investment opportunities. Our embassies, and consulates should be instructed to raise the image of the new Sri Lanka that is willing to engage in fair and reasonable international trade cutting across red tape and corruption.
Tourism has great potential in Sri Lanka because the country is endowed with significant natural resources, including scenic landscapes with beautiful mountains and valleys, moderate climate, and pristine beaches. Tourism cannot be promoted merely through advertising and related promotional activities. Thailand attracts millions of tourists (32 million in 2024), and Vietnam 12.5 million in 2023, because of the exclusive tourist-oriented policies and well-coordinated institutional framework servicing the tourist industry. Improved administrative structure for tourism should facilitate easy entry and exit formalities for tourists. For example, easing of visa restrictions, reduction of cumbersome immigration procedures, improved airport and aviation facilities, and strengthened hotel services serve as important packages for attracting tourists and making them feel welcome to the country. The country has the resources – intellectual and financial – to formulate a new image that will promote tourism and expand trade potential that would help enlarge its foreign reserves.
Conclusions
This paper serves to provide a synopsis of developmental interventions over the last seven decades and identifies issues that constrained development over this period. It also highlights some of the pervasive impediments to development such as ineffective governance, mismanagement, public service inefficiencies and corruption. Some of the more pressing developmental areas that require intervention in line with the proclaimed policy statements of the current government are outlined and discussed with the objective of drawing the attention of the government to move forward decisively.
There is commitment and leadership to steer the country toward the path of development. Priorities therefore need to be accorded to (a) reforming the public service, (b) mitigating if not altogether eradicating corruption in the short term, (iii) moving forward to restructure agricultural and rural development policies to alleviate poverty, improve productivity and generate better employment and income, (iv) promoting international trade and investment, (v) attracting more tourists and (vi) resolving the ethnic conflict by promoting reconciliation and making structural changes through constitutional arrangements.
(To be continued next week)
Features
Inescapable need to deal with the past

by Jehan Perera
The sudden reemergence of two major incidents from the past, that had become peripheral to the concerns of people today, has jolted the national polity and come to its centre stage. These are the interview by former president Ranil Wickremesinghe with the Al Jazeera television station that elicited the Batalanda issue and now the sanctioning of three former military commanders of the Sri Lankan armed forces and an LTTE commander, who switched sides and joined the government. The key lesson that these two incidents give is that allegations of mass crimes, whether they arise nationally or internationally, have to be dealt with at some time or the other. If they are not, they continue to fester beneath the surface until they rise again in a most unexpected way and when they may be more difficult to deal with.
In the case of the Batalanda interrogation site, the sudden reemergence of issues that seemed buried in the past has given rise to conjecture. The Batalanda issue, which goes back 37 years, was never totally off the radar. But after the last of the commission reports of the JVP period had been published over two decades ago, this matter was no longer at the forefront of public consciousness. Most of those in the younger generations who were too young to know what happened at that time, or born afterwards, would scarcely have any idea of what happened at Batalanda. But once the issue of human rights violations surfaced on Al Jazeera television they have come to occupy centre stage. From the day the former president gave his fateful interview there are commentaries on it both in the mainstream media and on social media.
There seems to be a sustained effort to keep the issue alive. The issues of Batalanda provide good fodder to politicians who are campaigning for election at the forthcoming Local Government elections on May 6. It is notable that the publicity on what transpired at Batalanda provides a way in which the outcome of the forthcoming local government elections in the worst affected parts of the country may be swayed. The problem is that the main contesting political parties are liable to be accused of participation in the JVP insurrection or its suppression or both. This may account for the widening of the scope of the allegations to include other sites such as Matale.
POLITICAL IMPERATIVES
The emergence at this time of the human rights violations and war crimes that took place during the LTTE war have their own political reasons, though these are external. The pursuit of truth and accountability must be universal and free from political motivations. Justice cannot be applied selectively. While human rights violations and war crimes call for universal standards that are applicable to all including those being committed at this time in Gaza and Ukraine, political imperatives influence what is surfaced. The sanctioning of the four military commanders by the UK government has been justified by the UK government minister concerned as being the fulfilment of an election pledge that he had made to his constituents. It is notable that the countries at the forefront of justice for Sri Lanka have large Tamil Diasporas that act as vote banks. It usually takes long time to prosecute human rights violations internationally whether it be in South America or East Timor and diasporas have the staying power and resources to keep going on.
In its response to the sanctions placed on the military commanders, the government’s position is that such unilateral decisions by foreign government are not helpful and complicate the task of national reconciliation. It has faced criticism for its restrained response, with some expecting a more forceful rebuttal against the international community. However, the NPP government is not the first to have had to face such problems. The sanctioning of military commanders and even of former presidents has taken place during the periods of previous governments. One of the former commanders who has been sanctioned by the UK government at this time was also sanctioned by the US government in 2020. This was followed by the Canadian government which sanctioned two former presidents in 2023. Neither of the two governments in power at that time took visibly stronger stands.
In addition, resolutions on Sri Lanka have been a regular occurrence and have been passed over the Sri Lankan government’s opposition since 2012. Apart from the very first vote that took place in 2009 when the government promised to take necessary action to deal with the human rights violations of the past, and won that vote, the government has lost every succeeding vote with the margins of defeat becoming bigger and bigger. This process has now culminated in an evidence gathering unit being set up in Geneva to collect evidence of human rights violations in Sri Lanka that is on offer to international governments to use. This is not a safe situation for Sri Lankan leaders to be in as they can be taken before international courts in foreign countries. It is important for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and dignity as a country that this trend comes to an end.
COMPREHENSIVE SOLUTION
A peaceful future for Sri Lanka requires a multi-dimensional approach that addresses the root causes of conflict while fostering reconciliation, justice, and inclusive development. So far the government’s response to the international pressures is to indicate that it will strengthen the internal mechanisms already in place like the Office on Missing Persons and in addition to set up a truth and reconciliation commission. The difficulty that the government will face is to obtain a national consensus behind this truth and reconciliation commission. Tamil parties and victims’ groups in particular have voiced scepticism about the value of this mechanism. They have seen commissions come and commissions go. Sinhalese nationalist parties are also highly critical of the need for such commissions. As the Nawaz Commission appointed to identify the recommendations of previous commissions observed, “Our island nation has had a surfeit of commissions. Many witnesses who testified before this commission narrated their disappointment of going before previous commissions and achieving nothing in return.”
Former minister Prof G L Peiris has written a detailed critique of the proposed truth and reconciliation law that the previous government prepared but did not present to parliament.
In his critique, Prof Peiris had drawn from the South African truth and reconciliation commission which is the best known and most thoroughly implemented one in the world. He points out that the South African commission had a mandate to cover the entire country and not only some parts of it like the Sri Lankan law proposes. The need for a Sri Lankan truth and reconciliation commission to cover the entire country and not only the north and east is clear in the reemergence of the Batalanda issue. Serious human rights violations have occurred in all parts of the country, and to those from all ethnic and religious communities, and not only in the north and east.
Dealing with the past can only be successful in the context of a “system change” in which there is mutual agreement about the future. The longer this is delayed, the more scepticism will grow among victims and the broader public about the government’s commitment to a solution. The important feature of the South African commission was that it was part of a larger political process aimed to build national consensus through a long and strenuous process of consultations. The ultimate goal of the South African reconciliation process was a comprehensive political settlement that included power-sharing between racial groups and accountability measures that facilitated healing for all sides. If Sri Lanka is to achieve genuine reconciliation, it is necessary to learn from these experiences and take decisive steps to address past injustices in a manner that fosters lasting national unity. A peaceful Sri Lanka is possible if the government, opposition and people commit to truth, justice and inclusivity.
Features
Unleashing Minds: From oppression to liberation

By Anushka Kahandagamage
Education should be genuinely ‘free’—not just in the sense of being free from privatisation, but also in a way that empowers students by freeing them from oppressive structures. It should provide them with the knowledge and tools necessary to think critically, question the status quo, and ultimately liberate themselves from oppressive systems.
Education as an oppressive structure
Education should empower students to think critically, challenge oppression, and envision a more just and equal world. However, in its current state, education often operates as a mechanism of oppression rather than liberation. Instead of fostering independent thinking and change, the education system tends to reinforce the existing power dynamics and social hierarchies. It often upholds the status quo by teaching conformity and compliance rather than critical inquiry and transformation. This results in the reproduction of various inequalities, including economic, racial, and social disparities, further entrenching divisions within society. As a result, instead of being a force for personal and societal empowerment, education inadvertently perpetuates the very systems that contribute to injustice and inequality.
Education sustaining the class structure
Due to the widespread privatisation of education, the system continues to reinforce and sustain existing class structures. Private tuition centres, private schools, and institutions offering degree programmes for a fee all play a significant role in deepening the disparities between different social classes. These private entities often cater to the more affluent segments of society, granting them access to superior education and resources. In contrast, students from less privileged backgrounds are left with fewer opportunities and limited access to quality education, exacerbating the divide between the wealthy and the underprivileged. This growing gap in educational access not only limits social mobility but also perpetuates a cycle where the privileged continue to secure better opportunities while the less fortunate struggle to break free from the constraints of their socio-economic status.
Gender Oppression
Education subtly perpetuates gender oppression in society by reinforcing stereotypes, promoting gender insensitivity, and failing to create a gender-sensitive education system. And some of the policymakers do perpetuate this gender insensitive education by misinforming people. In a recent press conference, one of the former members of Parliament, Wimal Weerawansa, accused gender studies of spreading a ‘disease’ among students. In the year 2025, we are still hearing such absurdities discouraging gender studies. It is troubling and perplexing to hear such outdated and regressive views being voiced by public figures, particularly at a time when societies, worldwide, are increasingly embracing diversity and inclusion. These comments not only undermine the importance of gender studies as an academic field but also reinforce harmful stereotypes that marginalise individuals who do not fit into traditional gender roles. As we move forward in an era of greater social progress, such antiquated views only serve to hinder the ongoing work of fostering equality and understanding for all people, regardless of gender identity.
Students, whether in schools or universities, are often immersed in an educational discourse where gender is treated as something external, rather than an essential aspect of their everyday lives. In this framework, gender is framed as a concern primarily for “non-males,” which marginalises the broader societal impact of gender issues. This perspective fails to recognise that gender dynamics affect everyone, regardless of their gender identity, and that understanding and addressing gender inequality is crucial for all individuals in society.
A poignant example of this issue can be seen in the recent troubling case of sexual abuse involving a medical doctor. The public discussion surrounding the incident, particularly the media’s decision to disclose the victim’s confidential statement, is deeply concerning. This lack of respect for privacy and sensitivity highlights the pervasive disregard for gender issues in society.
What makes this situation even more alarming is that such media behaviour is not an isolated incident, but rather reflects a broader pattern in a society where gender sensitivity is often dismissed or ignored. In many circles, advocating for gender equality and sensitivity is stigmatised, and is even seen as a ‘disease’ or a disruptive force to the status quo. This attitude contributes to a culture where harmful gender stereotypes persist, and where important conversations about gender equity are sidelined or distorted. Ultimately, this reflects the deeper societal need for an education system that is more attuned to gender sensitivity, recognising its critical role in shaping the world students will inherit and navigate.
To break free from these gender hierarchies there should be, among other things, a gender sensitive education system, which does not limit gender studies to a semester or a mere subject.
Ragging
The inequality that persists in class and regional power structures (Colombo and non-Colombo division) creeps into universities. While ragging is popularly seen as an act of integrating freshers into the system, its roots lie in the deeply divided class and ethno-religious divisions within society.
In certain faculties, senior students may ask junior female students to wear certain fabrics typically worn at home (cheetta dresses) and braid their hair into two plaits, while male students are required to wear white, long-sleeved shirts without belts. Both men and women must wear bathroom slippers. These actions are framed as efforts to make everyone equal, free from class divisions. However, these gendered and ethicised practices stem from unequal and oppressive class structures in society and are gradually infiltrating university culture as mechanisms of oppression.The inequality that persists in gradually makes its way into academic institutions, particularly universities.
These practices are ostensibly intended to create a sense of uniformity and equality among students, removing visible markers of class distinction. However, what is overlooked is that these actions stem from deeply ingrained and unequal social structures that are inherently oppressive. Instead of fostering equality, they reinforce a system where hierarchical power dynamics in the society—rooted in class, gender, and region—are confronted with oppression and violence which is embedded in ragging, creating another system of oppression.
Uncritical Students
In Sri Lanka, and in many other countries across the region, it is common for university students to address their lecturers as ‘Sir’ and ‘Madam.’ This practice is not just a matter of politeness, but rather a reflection of deeply ingrained societal norms that date back to the feudal and colonial eras. The use of these titles reinforces a hierarchical structure within the educational system, where authority is unquestioned, and students are expected to show deference to their professors.
Historically, during colonial rule, the education system was structured around European models, which often emphasised rigid social distinctions and the authority of those in power. The titles ‘Sir’ and ‘Madam’ served to uphold this structure, positioning lecturers as figures of authority who were to be respected and rarely challenged. Even after the end of colonial rule, these practices continued to permeate the education system, becoming normalised as part of the culture.
This practice perpetuates a culture of obedience and respect for authority that discourages critical thinking and active questioning. In this context, students are conditioned to see their lecturers as figures of unquestionable authority, discouraging dialogue, dissent, or challenging the status quo. This hierarchical dynamic can limit intellectual growth and discourage students from engaging in open, critical discussions that could lead to progressive change within both academia and society at large.
Unleashing minds
The transformation of these structures lies in the hands of multiple parties, including academics, students, society, and policymakers. Policymakers must create and enforce policies that discourage the privatisation of education, ensure equal access for all students, regardless of class dynamics, gender, etc. Education should be regarded as a fundamental right, not a privilege available only to a select few. Such policies should also actively promote gender equality and inclusivity, addressing the barriers that prevent women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and other marginalised genders from accessing and succeeding in education. Practices that perpetuate gender inequality, such as sexism, discrimination, or gender-based violence, need to be addressed head-on. Institutions must prioritise gender studies and sensitivity training to cultivate an environment of respect and understanding, where all students, regardless of gender, feel safe and valued.
At the same time, the micro-ecosystems of hierarchy within institutions—such as maintaining outdated power structures and social divisions—must be thoroughly examined and challenged. Universities must foster environments where critical thinking, mutual respect, and inclusivity—across both class and gender—are prioritised. By creating spaces where all minds can flourish, free from the constraints of entrenched hierarchies, we can build a more equitable and intellectually vibrant educational system—one that truly unleashes the potential of all students, regardless of their social background.
(Anushka Kahandagamage is the General Secretary of the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
Features
New vision for bassist Benjy

It’s a known fact that whenever bassist Benjy Ranabahu booms into action he literally lights up the stage, and the exciting news I have for music lovers, this week, is that Benjy is coming up with a new vision.
One thought that this exciting bassist may give the music scene a layoff, after his return from the Seychelles early this year.
At that point in time, he indicated to us that he hasn’t quit the music scene, but that he would like to take a break from the showbiz setup.
“I’m taking things easy at the moment…just need to relax and then decide what my future plans would be,” he said.
However, the good news is that Benjy’s future plans would materialise sooner than one thought.
Yes, Benjy is putting together his own band, with a vision to give music lovers something different, something dynamic.
He has already got the lineup to do the needful, he says, and the guys are now working on their repertoire.
The five-piece lineup will include lead, rhythm, bass, keyboards and drums and the plus factor, said Benjy, is that they all sing.
A female vocalist has also been added to this setup, said Benjy.
“She is relatively new to the scene, but with a trained voice, and that means we have something new to offer music lovers.”
The setup met last week and had a frank discussion on how they intend taking on the music scene and everyone seems excited to get on stage and do the needful, Benjy added.
Benjy went on to say that they are now spending their time rehearsing as they are very keen to gel as a team, because their skills and personalities fit together well.
“The guys I’ve got are all extremely talented and skillful in their profession and they have been around for quite a while, performing as professionals, both here and abroad.”
Benjy himself has performed with several top bands in the past and also had his own band – Aquarius.
Aquarius had quite a few foreign contracts, as well, performing in Europe and in the Middle East, and Benjy is now ready to do it again!
-
Sports2 days ago
Sri Lanka’s eternal search for the elusive all-rounder
-
Features6 days ago
Celebrating 25 Years of Excellence: The Silver Jubilee of SLIIT – PART I
-
Business6 days ago
CEB calls for proposals to develop two 50MW wind farm facilities in Mullikulam
-
Business4 days ago
AIA Higher Education Scholarships Programme celebrating 30-year journey
-
News3 days ago
Gnanasara Thera urged to reveal masterminds behind Easter Sunday terror attacks
-
Features6 days ago
Notes from AKD’s Textbook
-
News2 days ago
ComBank crowned Global Finance Best SME Bank in Sri Lanka for 3rd successive year
-
Features2 days ago
Sanctions by The Unpunished