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Post-election Dimensions of Governance—Revival, Reconstruction and Reconciliation

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by C. Narayanasuwami
(A member of the former Ceylon Civil Service and Retired Senior Professional of the Asian Development Bank, Manila, Philippines)

There has been substantial discussion in recent weeks on what follows next after a convincing victory by the JVP/NPP. Informed and analytical articles have appeared in the country’s main media outlets outlining the varied tasks at hand for the new government to fulfil its mandate to the people. This Paper is intended to highlight a few priority areas for initiating development guided by the principles of good governance.

Components of Good Governance

Good Governance has been singled out as the most important criterion for sound development management. A World Bank Report on Governance and Development (1992), states that “good governance is central to creating and sustaining an environment which fosters strong and equitable development”. This concept has been reiterated several times subsequently in recent years.

The components of good governance are identified as follows; (i) an effective policy framework that incorporates both growth and equity-oriented policies, (ii) a corruption free management system that rewards good performance, (iii) a well-founded institutional framework, including a good public administrative structure with sound recruitment and retention policies for civil servants, (iv) a qualified, competent and skilled workforce at different implementation levels and (v) overall politico-legal framework that supports non-discriminatory policies, and promotes initiative and dynamism in project and program execution.

Sri Lanka has suffered substantially in upholding many of these requirements/values in the last few decades largely due to the adoption of ill-conceived policies and implementation structures, which combined with entrenched corruption in the entire body politic, seriously undermined effective execution of planned development interventions. Today we are at the crossroads because of the rampant misuse of public funds, flagrant violations of the rule of law and inefficient delivery of public services.

Prioritising and formulating developmental interventions

The tasks that lie ahead are formidable – the government must start working on areas requiring immediate intervention. The writer offers his views based on his own personal experience as a senior public servant in Sri Lanka and as an international civil servant who offered his services to 24 countries in the Asia- Pacific Region as a senior professional of the Asian Development Bank (ADB). The suggestions that follow may evoke controversy but every citizen has the right to offer his/her thoughts on subjects of national importance.

In his first policy speech in the Parliament, the President identified key areas that require intervention, specifically drawing attention to agriculture, rural development, poverty reduction, fisheries, tourism and elimination of corruption, among others. The state of the country warrants simultaneous action on many of these areas. The question that arises is whether the country’s current implementation framework and public service orientation will be conducive to support initiatives in this regard without system change.

System change

was strongly endorsed during the elections and remains the key issue for the government today. Changing highly entrenched practices and procedures require commitment, accountability and a high sense of integrity. As the President himself noted in a recent public speech, corruption has seriously undermined the effectiveness of even the Anti-Corruption Watchdog. Several interrelated issues must be addressed on an urgent basis if system change is to become a reality.

Reforming Public Service

Reforms cannot be instituted unless systems inimical to change management and development are drastically modified or changed. Mr. Lee Kuan Yew, former Singapore Prime Minister is credited with the statement that a “little bit of totalitarianism is essential to develop countries which have remained lethargic for years”. This is undeniably an apt statement in the context of Sri Lanka which needs to adopt strong policies to make the public service deliver.

There was a recent statement that the public service is overstaffed with around 750, 000 of the 1.3 million staff considered redundant. A ‘needs review’ should be undertaken as soon as possible to carefully evaluate the scope for reduction and possible retirement and redundancy payments. This should be done in consultation and coordination with staff unions to ensure that the overall scope for redundancies is mitigated by re-employment in new ventures, transfers or changes in roles.

The issues relevant to this phenomenon have been addressed in several documents in the recent past – the writer addressed this problem in a Paper published by the Centre for Policy Alternatives, Colombo in April 2016 entitled, “Public Administration in Sri Lanka and the 19th Amendment to the Constitution: Prospects for the Future”. This was further elaborated in his book, ‘Managing Development: People, Policies and Institutions’ published in 2019. Several strategies were identified to redeploy and retrain superfluous staff, merge staff functions and retire unproductive staff through ‘Golden Handshakes’ or similar incentive filled approaches. Unfortunately, very little has been done up to date.

It may be prudent to look at the historical context and learn from lessons to determine changes required to deepen developmental thrusts.

Phases in Sri Lanka’s Development Trajectory

The history of Sri Lanka’s development is characterised by several phases closely following the thoughts and actions of leaders who controlled its destiny since independence. The immediate post-independence period, 1948-1956, much of it under the first Prime Minister, Mr. D.S. Senanayake was the first development phase. This phase arguably was the period of agricultural reawakening with priority accorded to the renewal of the tank civilization. Several initiatives were taken to build, renovate and revive ancient tanks for agricultural development. Simultaneously, colonization schemes or tank-based settlements were established in hitherto underdeveloped areas such as Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa. Epoch-making changes in the social sphere such as the establishment of the free education system and an equally accessible health system greatly beneficial to the citizens of Sri Lanka, created new opportunities for revitalising the tradition-bound social structure.

The second phase from 1956-1965,

turned out to be a period of mixed development in agriculture and industry with a substantial loss in the tempo of development due to the 1958 racial riots, the Sinhala Only Bill, and poor political leadership which undermined social cohesion and economic stability.

The third phase -1965-1970-

saw some progress in accelerating agricultural production with emphasis given to both plantation and domestic agriculture. No concerted efforts were made however, to address some of the fundamental problems affecting the industrial sector.

The next phase-1970-1977

-witnessed some success in enhancing agricultural productivity with equal emphasis given to paddy and subsidiary food production. This period saw the country moving toward self-sufficiency in subsidiary food production but unfortunately it did not last long because of rebel activity – JVP insurrection and LTTE activism- resulting in increased suppression and damage to life and property island wide.

The 1977-1989

phase was a turning point for private sector involvement in development activities which embraced garment industries, telecom and tourist-oriented ventures, in addition to development of small and medium scale enterprises. The private sector emerged as an engine of growth for the first time. Despite these positive developments, the country had to encounter significant downturn in agricultural productivity and social mobility, again due to civil conflicts and insurgencies, both in the north and south. The burning of the Jaffna Public Library, an insensitive and abhorrent event in Sri Lanka’s history, added to increased ethnic tensions.

The ensuing phase-1989-1993

witnessed continued civil conflicts leading to subdued development activities. The major thrust in development during this period was in state sponsored housing and urban development.

The next phase 1993-2004 and thereafter from 2005- 2020

could be categorised as the infrastructure era with roads, railways and airports given considerable investment support along with substantial private sector investment in export-intensive garment industries and agricultural products. Despite these efforts, the country’s growth remained stagnant because of corruption and mismanagement particularly after 2005, altering the pace, direction and durability of investment operations. This led to significant decline in valuable international goodwill and support. Variations in governance, including diminished trust and accountability in government operations, and the establishment of less impact projects such as airports created widespread dissatisfaction among the general populace.

Lessons of Development Learned during the past seven decades.

The foregoing analysis suggests that during the past seven decades Sri Lanka witnessed uneven, isolated and disjointed development efforts and substantial break up of social cohesion

that led to significant exodus of the population to western countries in search of greener pastures. The level of dissatisfaction and disenchantment was convincingly proven in the overwhelming support given by the people to JVP/NPP and Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) in particular, at the recent elections.

The major lessons of development could be summarised as follows:

· Development operations were centred on programs and projects that reflected the ideals, political philosophies and the entrenched thought processes of the ruling elite and was not assessed in a holistic manner taking into consideration the diverse needs of a multi-ethnic nation. There was no long-term vision although several 10 year and five-year plans, and a ‘Regaining Sri Lanka’ planning document were prepared. The tragedy of planning in Sri Lanka was that at no time did any of the development plans enlist all-party support and were not viewed as development visions representing overall national perspectives.

·Planning and executing development projects require mature skills in project development and consistency and continuity in implementation. Malaysia adopted a singularly successful monitoring system in the sixties and seventies. Relevant operations came under the direct purview of the then Prime Minister of Malaysia. The establishment of an ‘Operations Room’ in the Planning Secretariat of Sri Lanka in the late 1960s to monitor implementation, including identification of shortfalls with a view to taking remedial action, was an innovation that was adapted from the Malaysian model. This worked well initially but the momentum declined in subsequent years when enthusiasm waned with the change of governments. The concept was revived in 2022 but its operational performance has not yet been evaluated. It is widely recognised that development requires continuity, enlightened monitoring strategies and thoughtful mid-term interventions for achieving good outcomes.

· The three-decade civil war led by the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) severely damaged development operations, and the impact of this was noted in destroyed infrastructure, dilapidated irrigation systems, neglected agricultural activities, and destruction of small-scale industries, all of which resulted in increased poverty and distress among the affected population.

· Social cohesion was destroyed, and ethnic tensions had a pernicious effect on communal activities destroying peace, trust and happiness among well-bonded village communities.

· Unbridled corruption was pervasive from the level of the grass-roots level institutions to heads of institutions/departments making investments costly, unattractive and less profitable. This has had serious repercussions making investors run away from future investments. This was epitomised by a recent statement made by the departing Japanese Ambassador. The result unfortunately was less development and more social dislocation and suffering.

The above analysis confirms how governance approaches, including contradictory socio-economic policies, and lack of a long-term vision contributed to less effective and disjointed development over seven decades. The country continues to remain a developing nation while some of its neighbours have graduated to a first world status. Singapore followed by Malaysia are two examples of countries which had similar beginnings like Sri Lanka but developed fast to overcome their developing country status. Times have changed and a new mandate has been given to revive, review and reconstruct a nation bedevilled by past policies of mismanagement. Past mistakes should serve as solid lessons to promulgate a revitalised approach to development.

Delivering development amidst challenges and opportunities

Policy and Implementation Framework

While policies are framed at the political level the support mechanism for policy planning and implementation are orchestrated through administrative structures. It is axiomatic that an overarching super ministry is given the responsibility for planning and implementing development projects and programs. This has generally been the case in Sri Lanka and many other countries in the region. The President of Sri Lanka has taken over the responsibility for overall management of the ministry of finance, planning and economic development. Plan implementation should be considered central to planning and development and accorded high priority.

The ministry is expected to have overall supervision and oversight in the following areas;

· Support for Policy formulation,

· Designing implementation strategies, including setting of targets, establishing monitoring mechanisms and coordinating delivery of outputs,

· On-going monitoring and post-evaluation of projects and programs.

The current implementation strategies follow a centralised pattern utilising existing decentralized administrative structures at the provincial, district, divisional and grama sevaka levels. The adequacy of the existing administrative structure for planning and implementation needs to be reviewed, restructured and adapted to focus on project/program results/outcomes.

While individual ministries are responsible for implementation of sector-specific programs, it is important that there is proper oversight and coordination at the level of the ministry of plan implementation to ensure that implementation proceeds as originally proposed and that there are no impediments to achieving the intended outcomes. As the functions of monitoring and evaluation are key aspects of project management, it is essential that a highly professional team is set up at the planning ministry level with responsibilities for designing an implementation strategy that accords high priority to achieving targeted results. At the same time, it is important that the ministry also establishes sectoral oversight units or committees consisting of two or three senior staff to oversee implementation at sectoral ministry level by closely monitoring, interacting, and coordinating delivery of anticipated results.

Evaluation of projects/programs

periodically is another management exercise that goes hand in hand with regular monitoring to assess impact and ascertain the level of achievement of anticipated and actual outputs and outcomes. Countries which succeeded in maintaining a rigid, well-coordinated and supervised monitoring and evaluation system such as Malaysia, Singapore, South Korea, Peoples’ Republic of China and currently Vietnam have lessons to offer in this regard. Although Sri Lanka had received considerable multilateral assistance, including from the Asian Development Bank (ADB), to set up good monitoring and evaluation systems since the nineties, and staff were trained, the results achieved fluctuated over the years due largely to management shortcomings and limited enthusiasm displayed by sectoral ministries and departments.

Agriculture, rural development and poverty alleviation

Over 75 percent of Sri Lanka’s total population resides in rural areas and agriculture remains the backbone of the economy. Domestic agriculture has for decades remained traditional with a few innovations here and there. Though considerable success was achieved in providing improved seeds, better extension services, including advanced fertilizer and agro-chemicals (except during the period of President. Gotabaya Rajapaksa who was misguided to change over to the use of organic fertilizer), further technological improvements are necessary to help modernise agriculture.

Procurement, sale and marketing strategies have not progressed adequately to ensure timeliness, efficiency and improved prices to the farming community. Milling continues to remain an oligopoly constricting the emergence of small and medium scale millers. Rice prices are manipulated by the millers to the detriment of both producers and consumers. Reorganisation of agricultural marketing, including activation of modern tools, methods and practices, require more sophisticated government support.

Agricultural and rural development activities complement each other

and provide scope for advanced initiatives in other areas such as construction of rural roads and bridges and setting up of small-scale agro-industries. Improving the scope and content of rural development activities with focus on employment and income generation would constitute important transformative activities in line with the JVP/NPP manifesto and its public announcements during the election. The success of endeavours will depend on the commitment, direction and leadership provided by the different ministries and departments tasked with varied sectoral activities such as agriculture, industry, irrigation, rural development and transport.

Poverty cuts across sectors and territorial boundaries and affects about 26 percent of the population in Sri Lanka.

There is therefore a critical need to address poverty on a holistic basis. Both agricultural and rural development initiatives should be targeted to address extreme poverty in the first instance followed by other vulnerable groups. Infrastructure and industry related projects should also seek to improve the livelihood of rural people whose income levels are below the poverty line.

A separate unit in the ministry of plan implementation should ideally be responsible to initiate, monitor, evaluate and document poverty alleviation efforts undertaken by all ministries.

While sectoral ministries will target special programs for poverty alleviation, the role of the special unit in the ministry of planning should be to ensure that there is no overlap and duplication of efforts and that the final outcomes match originally proposed results. Success stories of other countries such as South Korea and Malaysia clearly suggest that direct interventions and targeted approaches brought about convincing improvement in the livelihood of the rural people.

Reconciliation

One of the hallmarks of the last election was the unity achieved among all communities to elect a new government to work towards equality and fairness in delivering the fruits of development. Having set out openly to achieve development for all, the President has a Herculean task now to complete it. He is aware that missed opportunities, lost ethnic harmony and resultant civil war, and rising corruption levels eroded the benefits of development and made people to wish for change. The nation is now looking for redemption and resolution of the ethnic conflict once and for all.

The question of whether the solution lies in implementing the 13th amendment to the Constitution in full or adopt a new variation ultimately lies in the hands of the government. The President has reiterated that he is for devolution of power and functions to the periphery. The writer considers that substantial devolution of power and functions to the periphery without prejudice to the powers and integrity of the central government would go a long way to satisfy ethnic aspirations.

Question arises as to what kind of structure is viable and justifiable. Looking at the countries around us and beyond, substantial devolution should involve decentralized power to manage education, health, land, police and revenue operations. While the aim of the government should be to ensure equality, justice and fairness for all, a structure is warranted to give legal status to this commitment. Whether this should be achieved through improved delegation to the existing provincial councils or through a new structure could only be settled at the political level with the participation of the concerned ethnic communities. Lack of progress in achieving a consensus can further delay development and hamper efforts to reaching economic stability and social transformation.

Review and revision of existing regulatory provisions for attracting foreign investment and promoting tourism.

Restrictive regulatory policies and practices have hindered the development process considerably in the recent past. Sri Lanka must set up a special overarching institution that will cut red tape, ease restrictions inimical to investment, and provide easy access to investment opportunities. Our embassies, and consulates should be instructed to raise the image of the new Sri Lanka that is willing to engage in fair and reasonable international trade cutting across red tape and corruption.

Tourism has great potential in Sri Lanka because the country is endowed with significant natural resources, including scenic landscapes with beautiful mountains and valleys, moderate climate, and pristine beaches. Tourism cannot be promoted merely through advertising and related promotional activities. Thailand attracts millions of tourists (32 million in 2024), and Vietnam 12.5 million in 2023, because of the exclusive tourist-oriented policies and well-coordinated institutional framework servicing the tourist industry. Improved administrative structure for tourism should facilitate easy entry and exit formalities for tourists. For example, easing of visa restrictions, reduction of cumbersome immigration procedures, improved airport and aviation facilities, and strengthened hotel services serve as important packages for attracting tourists and making them feel welcome to the country. The country has the resources – intellectual and financial – to formulate a new image that will promote tourism and expand trade potential that would help enlarge its foreign reserves.

Conclusions

This paper serves to provide a synopsis of developmental interventions over the last seven decades and identifies issues that constrained development over this period. It also highlights some of the pervasive impediments to development such as ineffective governance, mismanagement, public service inefficiencies and corruption. Some of the more pressing developmental areas that require intervention in line with the proclaimed policy statements of the current government are outlined and discussed with the objective of drawing the attention of the government to move forward decisively.

There is commitment and leadership to steer the country toward the path of development. Priorities therefore need to be accorded to (a) reforming the public service, (b) mitigating if not altogether eradicating corruption in the short term, (iii) moving forward to restructure agricultural and rural development policies to alleviate poverty, improve productivity and generate better employment and income, (iv) promoting international trade and investment, (v) attracting more tourists and (vi) resolving the ethnic conflict by promoting reconciliation and making structural changes through constitutional arrangements.

(To be continued next week)



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Educational reforms under the NPP government

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PM Amarasuriya

When the National People’s Power won elections in 2024, there was much hope that the country’s education sector could be made better. Besides the promise of good governance and system change that the NPP offered, this hope was fuelled in part by the appointment of an academic who was at the forefront of the struggle to strengthen free public education and actively involved in the campaign for 6% of GDP for education, as the Minister of Education.

Reforms in the education sector are underway including, a key encouraging move to mainstream vocational education as part of the school curriculum. There has been a marginal increase in budgetary allocations for education. New infrastructure facilities are to be introduced at some universities. The freeze on recruitment is slowly being lifted. However, there is much to be desired in the government’s performance for the past one year. Basic democratic values like rule of law, transparency and consultation, let alone far-reaching systemic changes, such as allocation of more funds for education, combating the neoliberal push towards privatisation and eradication of resource inequalities within the public university system, are not given due importance in the current approach to educational and institutional reforms. This edition of Kuppi Talk focuses on the general educational reforms and the institutional reforms required in the public university system.

General Educational Reforms

Any reform process – whether it is in education or any other area – needs to be shaped by public opinion. A country’s education sector should take into serious consideration the views of students, parents, teachers, educational administrators, associated unions, and the wider public in formulating the reforms. Especially after Aragalaya/Porattam, the country saw a significant political shift. Disillusionment with the traditional political elite mired in corruption, nepotism, racism and self-serving agendas, brought the NPP to power. In such a context, the expectation that any reforms should connect with the people, especially communities that have been systematically excluded from processes of policymaking and governance, is high.

Sadly, the general educational reforms, which are being implemented this year, emerged without much discussion on what recent political changes meant to the people and the education sector. Many felt that the new government should not have been hasty in introducing these reforms in 2026. The present state of affairs calls for self-introspection. As members affiliated to the National Institute of Education (NIE), we must acknowledge that we should have collectively insisted on more time for consultation, deliberations and review.

The government’s conflicts with the teachers’ unions over the extension of school hours, the History teachers’ opposition to the removal of History from the list of compulsory exam subjects for Grades 10 and 11, the discontent with regard to the increase in the number of subjects (now presented as modules) for Grade 6 classes could have been avoided, had there been adequate time spent on consultations.

Given the opposition to the current set of reforms, the government should keep engaging all concerned actors on changes that could be brought about in the coming years. Instead of adopting an intransigent position or ignoring mistakes made, the government and we, the members affiliated to NIE, need to keep the reform process alive, remain open to critique, and treat the latest policy framework, the exams and evaluation methods, and even the modules, as live documents that can be made better, based on constructive feedback and public opinion.

Philosophy and Content

As Ramya Kumar observed in the last edition of Kuppi Talk, there are many refreshing ideas included in the educational philosophy that appears in the latest version of the policy document on educational reforms. But, sadly, it was not possible for curriculum writers to reflect on how this policy could inform the actual content as many of the modules had been sent for printing even before the policy was released to the public. An extensive public discussion of the proposed educational vision would have helped those involved in designing the curriculum to prioritise subjects and disciplines that need to be given importance in a country that went through a protracted civil war and continue to face deep ethno-religious divisions.

While I appreciate the statement made by the Minister of Education, in Parliament, that the histories of minority communities will be included in the new curriculum, a wider public discussion might have pushed the government and NIE to allocate more time for subjects like the Second National Language and include History or a Social Science subject under the list of compulsory subjects. Now that a detailed policy document is in the public domain, there should be a serious conversation about how best the progressive aspects of its philosophy could be made to inform the actual content of the curriculum, its implementation and pedagogy in the future.

University Reforms

Another reform process where the government seems to be going headfirst is the amendments to the Universities Act. While laws need to be revisited and changes be made where required, the existent law should govern the way things are done until a new law comes into place. Recently, a circular was issued by the University Grants Commission (UGC) to halt the process of appointing Heads of Departments and Deans until the proposed amendments to the University Act come into effect. Such an intervention by the UGC is totalitarian and undermines the academic and institutional culture within the public university system and goes against the principle of rule of law.

There have been longstanding demands with regard to institutional reforms such as a transparent process in appointing council members to the public university system, reforms in the schemes of recruitment and selection processes for Vice Chancellor and academics, and the withdrawal of the circular banning teachers of law from practising, to name a few.

The need for a system where the evaluation of applicants for the post of Vice Chancellor cannot be manipulated by the Council members is strongly felt today, given the way some candidates have reportedly been marked up/down in an unfair manner for subjective criteria (e.g., leadership, integrity) in recent selection processes. Likewise, academic recruitment sometimes penalises scholars with inter-disciplinary backgrounds and compartmentalises knowledge within hermetically sealed boundaries. Rigid disciplinary specificities and ambiguities around terms such as ‘subject’ and ‘field’ in the recruitment scheme have been used to reject applicants with outstanding publications by those within the system who saw them as a threat to their positions. The government should work towards reforms in these areas, too, but through adequate deliberations and dialogue.

From Mindless Efficiency to Patient Deliberations

Given the seeming lack of interest on the part of the government to listen to public opinion, in 2026, academics, trade unions and students should be more active in their struggle for transparency and consultations. This struggle has to happen alongside our ongoing struggles for higher allocations for education, better infrastructure, increased recruitment and better work environment. Part of this struggle involves holding the NPP government, UGC, NIE, our universities and schools accountable.

The new year requires us to think about social justice and accountability in education in new ways, also in the light of the Ditwah catastrophe. The decision to cancel the third-term exams, delegating the authority to decide when to re-open affected schools to local educational bodies and Principals and not change the school hours in view of the difficulties caused by Ditwah are commendable moves. But there is much more that we have to do both in addressing the practical needs of the people affected by Ditwah and understanding the implications of this crisis to our framing of education as social justice.

To what extent is our educational policymaking aware of the special concerns of students, teachers and schools affected by Ditwah and other similar catastrophes? Do the authorities know enough about what these students, teachers and institutions expect via educational and institutional reforms? What steps have we taken to find out their priorities and their understanding of educational reforms at this critical juncture? What steps did we take in the past to consult communities that are prone to climate disasters? We should not shy away from decelerating the reform process, if that is what the present moment of climate crisis exacerbated by historical inequalities of class, gender, ethnicity and region in areas like Malaiyaham requires, especially in a situation where deliberations have been found lacking.

This piece calls for slowing-down as a counter practice, a decelerating move against mindless efficiency and speed demanded by neoliberal donor agencies during reform processes at the risk of public opinion, especially of those on the margins. Such framing can help us see openness, patience, accountability, humility and the will to self-introspect and self-correct as our guides in envisioning and implementing educational reforms in the new year and beyond.

(Mahendran Thiruvarangan is a Senior Lecturer attached to the Department of Linguistics & English at the University of Jaffna)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies

by Mahendran Thiruvarangan

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Build trust through inclusion and consultation in the New Year

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Looking back at the past year, the anxiety among influential sections of the population that the NPP government would destabilise the country has been  dispelled. There was concern that the new government with its strong JVP leadership might not be respectful of private property in the Marxist tradition. These fears have not materialised. The government has made a smooth transition, with no upheavals and no breakdown of governance. This continuity deserves recognition. In general, smooth political transitions following decisive electoral change may be identified as early indicators of democratic consolidation rather than disruption.

Democratic legitimacy is strengthened when new governments respect inherited institutions rather than seek to dismantle them wholesale. On this score, the government’s first year has been positive. However, the challenges that the government faces are many.  The government’s failure to appoint an Auditor General, coupled with its determination to push through nominees of its own choosing without accommodating objections from the opposition and civil society, reflects a deeper problem. The government’s position is that the Constitutional Council is making biased decisions when it rejects the president’s nominations to  the position of Auditor General.

Many if not most of the government’s appointments to high positions of state have been drawn from a narrow base of ruling party members and associates. The government’s core entity, the JVP, has had a traditional voter base of no more than 5 percent. Limiting selection of top officials to its members or associates is a recipe for not getting the best. It leaves out a wide swathe of competent persons which is counterproductive to the national interest. Reliance on a narrow pool of party affiliated individuals for senior state appointments limits access to talent and expertise, though the government may have its own reasons.

The recent furor arising out of the Grade 6 children’s textbook having a weblink to a gay dating site appears to be an act of sabotage. Prime Minister (and Education Minister Harini Amarasuriya) has been unfairly and unreasonably targeted for attack by her political opponents. Governments that professionalise the civil service rather than politicise them have been more successful in sustaining reform in the longer term in keeping with the national interest. In Sri Lanka, officers of the state are not allowed to contest elections while in service (Establishment Code) which indicates that they cannot be linked to any party as they have to serve all.

Skilled Leadership

The government is also being subjected to criticism by the Opposition for promising much in its election manifesto and failing to deliver on those promises.  In this regard, the NPP has been no different to the other political parties that contested those elections making extravagant promises.  The problem is that  the economic collapse of 2022 set the country back several years in terms of income and living standards. The economy regressed to the levels of 2018, which was not due to actions of the NPP. Even the most skilled leadership today cannot simply erase those lost years. The economy rebounded to around five percent growth in the past year, but this recovery now faces new problems following Cyclone Ditwah, which wiped out an estimated ten percent of national income.

In the aftermath of the cyclone, the country’s cause for shame lies with the political parties. Rather than coming together to support relief and recovery, many focused on assigning blame and scoring political points, as in the attacks on the prime minister, undermining public confidence in the state apparatus at a moment when trust was essential.  Despite the politically motivated attacks by some, the government needs to stick to the path of inclusiveness in its approach to governance. The sustainability of policy change depends not only on electoral victory but on inclusive processes that are more likely to endure than those imposed by majorities.

Bipartisanship recognises that national rebuilding and reconciliation requires cooperation across political divides. It requires consultation with the opposition and with civil society. Opposition leader Sajith Premadasa has been generally reasonable and constructive in his approach. A broader view  of bipartisanship is that it needs to extend beyond the mainstream opposition to include ethnic and religious minorities. The government’s commitment to equal rights and non-discrimination has had a positive impact. Visible racism has declined, and minorities report feeling physically safer than in the past. These gains should not be underestimated. However, deeper threats to ethnic harmony remain.

The government needs to do more to make national reconciliation practical and rooted in change on the ground rather than symbolic. Political power sharing is central to this task. Minority communities, particularly in the north and east, continue to feel excluded from national development. While they welcome visits and dialogue with national leaders, frustration grows when development promises remain confined to foundation stones and ceremonies. The construction of Buddhist temples in areas with no Buddhist population, justified on claims of historical precedent, is perceived as threatening rather than reconciliatory.

 Wider Polity

The constitutionally mandated devolution framework provided by the Thirteenth Amendment remains the most viable mechanism for addressing minority grievances within a united country. It was mediated by India as a third party to the agreement. The long delayed provincial council elections need to be held without further postponement. Provincial council elections have not been held for seven years. This prolonged suspension undermines both democratic practice and minority confidence. International experience, whether in India and Switzerland, shows that decentralisation is most effective when regional institutions are electorally accountable and operational rather than dormant.

It is not sufficient to treat individuals as equal citizens in the abstract. Democratic equality also requires recognising communities as collective actors with legitimate interests. Power sharing allows communities to make decisions in areas where they form majorities, reducing alienation and strengthening national cohesion. The government’s first year in office saw it acknowledge many of these problems, but acknowledgment has not yet translated into action. Issues relating to missing persons, prolonged detention, land encroachment and the absence of provincial elections remain unresolved. Even in areas where reform has been attempted, such as the repeal of the Prevention of Terrorism Act, the proposed replacement legislation falls short of international human rights standards.

The New Year must be one in which these foundational issues are addressed decisively. If not, problems will fester, get worse and distract the government from engaging fully in the development process. Devolution through the Thirteenth Amendment and credible reconciliation mechanisms must move from rhetoric to implementation. It is reported that a resolution to appoint a select committee of parliament to look into and report on an electoral system under which the provincial council elections will be held will be taken up this week. Similarly, existing institutions such as the Office of Missing Persons and the Office of Reparations need to be empowered to function effectively, while a truth and reconciliation process must be established that commands public confidence.

Trust in institutions requires respect for constitutional processes, trust in society requires inclusive decision making, and trust across communities requires genuine power sharing and accountability. Economic recovery, disaster reconstruction, institutional integrity and ethnic reconciliation are not separate tasks but interlinked tests of democratic governance. The government needs to move beyond reliance on its core supporters and govern in a manner that draws in the wider polity. Its success here will determine not only the sustainability of its reforms but also the country’s prospects for long term stability and unity.

by Jehan Perera

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Not taking responsibility, lack of accountability

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While agreeing wholeheartedly with most of the sentiments expressed by Dr Geewananda Gunawardhana in his piece “Pharmaceuticals, deaths, and work ethics” (The Island, 5th January), I must take exception to what he stated regarding corruption: “Enough has been said about corruption, and fortunately, the present government is making an effort to curb it. We must give them some time as only the government has changed, not the people”

With every change of government, we have witnessed the scenario of the incoming government going after the corrupt of the previous, punishing a few politicians in the process. This is nothing new. In fact, some governments have gone after high-ranking public servants, too, punishing them on very flimsy grounds. One of the main reasons, if not the main, of the unexpected massive victory at the polls of this government was the promise of eradication of corruption. Whilst claiming credit for convicting some errant politicians, even for cases that commenced before they came to power, how has the NPP government fared? If one considers corruption to be purely financial, then they have done well, so far. Well, even with previous governments they did not commence plundering the wealth of the nation in the first year!

I would argue that dishonesty, even refusal to take responsibility is corruption. Plucking out of retirement and giving plum jobs to those who canvassed key groups, in my opinion, is even worse corruption than some financial malpractices. There is no need to go into the details of Ranwala affairs as much has been written about but the way the government responded does not reassure anyone expecting and hoping for the NPP government to be corruption free.

One of the first important actions of the government was the election of Ranwala as the speaker. When his claimed doctorate was queried and he stepped down to find the certificate, why didn’t AKD give him a time limit to find it? When he could not substantiate obtaining a PhD, even after a year, why didn’t AKD insist that he resigns the parliamentary seat? Had such actions been taken then the NPP can claim credit that the party does not tolerate dishonesty. What an example are we setting for the youth?

Recent road traffic accident involving Ranwala brough to focus this lapse too, in addition to the laughable way the RTA was handled. The police officers investigating could not breathalyse him as they had run out of ‘balloons’ for the breathalyser! His blood and urine alcohol levels were done only after a safe period had elapsed. Not surprisingly, the results were normal! Honestly, does the government believe that anyone with an iota of intelligence would accept the explanation that these were lapses on the part of the police but not due to political interference?

The release of over 300 ‘red-tagged’ containers continues to remain a mystery. The deputy minister of shipping announced loudly that the ministry would take full responsibility but subsequently it turned out that customs is not under the purview of the ministry of shipping. Report on the affair is yet to see the light of day, the only thing that happened being the senior officer in customs that defended the government’s action being appointed the chief! Are these the actions of a government that came to power on the promise of eradication of corruption?

The new year dawned with another headache for the government that promised ‘system change.’  The most important educational reforms in our political history were those introduced by Dr CWW Kannangara which included free education and the establishment of central schools, etc. He did so after a comprehensive study lasting over six years, but the NPP government has been in a rush! Against the advice of many educationists that reforms should be brought after consultation, the government decided it could rush it on its own. It refuses to take responsibility when things go wrong. Heavens, things have started going wrong even before it started! Grade Six English Language module textbook gives a link to make e-buddies. When I clicked that link what I got was a site that stated: “Buddy, Bad Boys Club, Meet Gay Men for fun”!

Australia has already banned social media to children under 15 years and a recent survey showed that nearly two thirds of parents in the UK also favour such a ban but our minister of education wants children as young as ten years to join social media and have e-buddies!

Coming back to the aforesaid website, instead of an internal investigation to find out what went wrong, the Secretary to the Ministry of Education went to the CID. Of course, who is there in the CID? Shani of Ranjan Ramanayake tape fame! He will surely ‘fix’ someone for ‘sabotaging’ educational reforms! Can we say that the NPP government is less corrupt and any better than its predecessors?

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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