Features
Pilgrimages to India – personal experiences
The season to venture forth to venerate places in India and Nepal rich in history and Buddhist relevance is ending. The cooler temperatures of Benares and Bihar make for the season for Buddhist pilgrimages to be from November through February.
Four places of significance
I listened recently to a YouTube presentation by Ajahn Brahmali retailing his experiences on pilgrimage in India. That brought back vividly my own memories of three visits. I need to mention here that Ajahn Brahmali translated the sutta where the Buddha tells people to visit the four places of profound significance in his life. Ven Brahmali shared the usual interpretation of this statement to be the four places of significance in the Buddha’s life: Lumbini where he was born as Prince Siddhartha Gautama; Buddha Gaya where as an ascetic he attained enlightenment; Sarnath where he preached his first sermon as the Buddha; and Kusinara where he died – Parinibbana.
The Buddha always insisted he was just a human being, and deification and elevating him to supernatural states was wrong. But he wished people to visit places of significance in his life so they would be inspired and also draw closer to him. I heard Ajahn Brahm, mentor and teacher to Ajahn Brahmali, say that the four places the Buddha considered ought to be visited by his followers were the four jhanas reached when in very deep and absorbed meditation. I really admire this interpretation of the ‘four places’ since it tallies with the Buddha’s earnest request that people follow his Path, meditate and reach final relief.
Ajahn Brahmali
Deeply significant visits
My elder brother escorted my mother on pilgrimage in 1949 when hardly anyone braved entering notorious-for-bandits Bihar State. But my Aiya did. From Bombay (then), they entrained and went to the three sacred places in India, at that time very remote and undeveloped, and Buddha Gaya still under the supervision of the Hindu Mahantha resident within the premises of the Sacred Tree.
In 1956, Aiya suggested, nay obliged my second brother to take Mother on pilgrimage. Thus in late December 1956 and including the first week of 1957 – the Buddha Jayanthi year celebrating 2,500 years of Buddhism – my second brother fulfilled his obligation and included Aiya’s wife and me in the party. Pilgrimages were becoming common with concessions being given by India on travel to mark the historical event.
We registered with a travel agency in Colombo and booked first class train travel in India. Flying to Madras, we went to the railway station to obtain our booked seats first to Calcutta. We were told we would have to wait a fortnight for first class seats. Our entire trip was for two weeks. We were then advised to engage a porter, give him a bed sheet and he would reserve seats for us.
This we did, and the man jumping in to a third class compartment while the express train was approaching the station, spread our sheet on a seat alongside one side of the compartment, claiming it as our territory. A small bunch of school children with a teacher entered and the teacher took over. He gave mother a seat where she was able to lie down all through the journey; me and SIL a seat where alternatively we could lie down; my brother a luggage rack above; the school children on the floor, two Burmese ladies next to me and SIL. A lovely Kashmiri lady opted to sit and lie down on her large suitcase for the two nights’ journey. We were fine eating stuff sold on platforms, mostly mandarin, washing minimally and in the same Kashmir saris we had worn to fly in.
One misadventure: late the first night when I had to sit up, I found a man crouched near the door scratching himself violently and softly moaning. I called out to the Teacher-Commander.
Came over promptly, opened the door of the train now speeding, and pushed the intruder out. But miraculously he returned the next night too. This time Teacher saw to it he was thrown really out – no chance to swing onto the compartment ledge.
From Calcutta onwards the travelling was OK since our first class tickets were operable. We spent a super night in the restrooms of the New Delhi station where the station master’s niece escorted us on a spin around the city. Met loads of Tibetans who uncouthly would enter our station rooms to stare at themselves in the mirror
I was young, in love, and the astounding significance of places visited were rather lost on stupid me. Lumbini was not developed, only the Asokan pillar stood way up tall, indicating here Prince Siddhartha was born in a sal grove to Queen Mahamaya. The pond lay still, the one she is supposed to have washed herself in.
Buddha Gaya was reached in cycle rickshaws. Impressed, but when the other three crossed the Neranjana Ganga to visit the spot where Sujatha offered the Bhodisatva his last meal before he became the Buddha, I sat on the vast stretch of sand with the river reduced to a small stream, writing a letter to my boyfriend, posted surreptitiously by bribing hotel receptionists and waiters. We visited the Mahantha, plump and podgy, seated like a king receiving pilgrims who were obliged to pay him a respectful courtesy call.
We included Sarnath, Sravasti and Sanchi in our travel itinerary. At Sanchi we spent the night in a dak bungalow after me existing that day on peanuts and mandarin which moved within its skin and was sold shouting out its name – reyvela. The others lunched on chapatti and sambal, I paid for it that night in a tourist bungalow with all lights off, groping with mother to the toilet to throw up and also purge. However, fine in the morning. I found this was the way it was on my second trip too. Feeling feverish at bedtime but getting up fresh and energetic the next morning
Captain Wick’s luxury pilgrimage
In the 1970s a friend, my second sister and I joined a trip organized by Captain DA Wickremasinghe for a family group. Capn Wicks as we called him, was expert planner of this trip, having taken to it as his service after retiring from the Ceylon Army. He took us first to Kathmandu by Royal Nepal Airlines and then after a day of rest flew us in a small plane to Lumbini.
After excavation much development had been taken place. Sites were marked as per the birth of the prince of the Sakyan principality. I was much more in gratitude for having the good fortune to visit these places in congenial company with everything looked after efficiently. We had fun too with Capn Wicks choosing to spend the evenings before dinner with us three. He gave me a task – to accompany when sightseeing or shopping his ex-batman’s wife, to whom he was giving a free trip. I did it, enviously seeing my sister and my friend trotting off on their own.
We travelled around in a luxury bus from Lumbini onwards. Buddha Gaya was almost taken over by the Indian Tourist Board but the sanctity within the premises was still intact. In fact I went alone to the precincts of the Sacred Bo Tree and was immediately immersed in meditation. The others were crossing the river and my sister had to nudge me to get me to join them. This time I walked across village lanes which to me seemed to have remained thus from the time of the Buddha. All rituals such as offering early morning dane and going in procession with cloth torches lit, which we had brought from home, were fulfilled.
Kusinara sends most devotees to tears. The lying down large statue and recognizing it as depicting the Parinibbana at age 80 of the Buddha, is touching. But my most profound experience in this trip and the next was roaming around Sravasati where the Buddha spent most vas seasons: 19 in all. I distinctly felt an aura of serene sanctity pervading the place. Touchingly significant was meeting the Sinhala bhikkhu in charge of the sacred place and his taking us to view the kuti supposedly used by the Buddha, a few steps below ground level.
The Ananda Bodhiya in Sravasti has a beautiful story to it. The Buddha was preparing to go on a Dhammduta charikawa – mission of preaching. By then the Sangha was large in number. Hence the Ven Ananda Thera, Buddha’s assistant and close companion, asked the Buddha who would be venerated in the Buddha’s absence by the monks who remained at Sravasti.
The Buddha directed a bo sapling be brought from the tree in Gaya under which he sat and paid homage to, and planted in the grounds of Sravasati. This was to be his substitute. This Bo Tree flourishes unlike the Sacred Tree in Anuradhapura, the Ananda Bodhiya, the monk said, being third generation.
Captain Wicks gave us a bonus of three days unwinding in Katmandu, before flying back.
With the Bank of Ceylon
Pilgrimage Three was about 12 years ago, when the full impact of the places fell on a receptive mind now more sincerely religious and having been to meditation retreats. Chief organizer was friend Menik Dissanayake, excellent tour arranger and guide who engaged the Bank of Ceylon to arrange a pilgrimage for forty of us, including Delhi, the Taj Mahal and shopping. I was particularly happy as it gave me the chance to revisit the carpet sellers at Agra and send my son a small silk thread woven carpet.
Both interpretations of the word of the Buddha to visit the four places where he was, were valid for me though admittedly I was far far away from reaching even the first jhana. We live, we appreciate, we learn and very slowly progress on the Path to final Deliverance, which we need to sort out for ourselves.
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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