Features
People’s role in NPP govt.
by Anushka Kahandagamage
The election of the NPP as the new government of Sri Lanka is a victory for the people, whether they recognise it or not. While I don’t believe the election results reflect a major ideological shift, the government has the potential to spark one. However, for this to happen, the citizens of the country must also do their part
To begin with, citizens should avoid glorifying trivial actions of politicians. For instance, the Prime Minister bending down to speak with a child or the President climbing Pidurangala are not acts deserving praise; they are simply ordinary human behaviours and certainly not newsworthy. My understanding is that we often tend to glorify these actions by comparing the newly elected parliamentarians to their predecessors. However, what we need to keep in mind is that the politicians of earlier times frequently relied on propaganda tactics to elevate such symbolic actions because they did not do much else that was of benefit to the nation. These were often superficial gestures designed to attract public attention and boost their personal popularity, without addressing the real issues or fulfilling their core responsibilities. Instead of focusing on implementing well-designed, effective policies or maintaining integrity, their efforts were aimed at creating a public image, often at the expense of genuine governance and also at public cost.
As citizens, we are conditioned to scrutinise and interpret every action and behaviour of politicians, often using exaggerated language and overemphasising their significance. This tendency can be traced back to a culture where political leaders are frequently treated as larger-than-life figures, and even the smallest gesture is magnified for public consumption. This exaggerated focus often tend to distort our perception of what really matters in governance, shifting attention away from the critical issues of governance and the real achievements — or failures — of those in power.
Politicians are elected and compensated to serve the best interests of the country and its people. As Harini Amarasuriya, the Prime Minister, aptly stated, they are in a social contract with the public, meaning that their role is not voluntary or philanthropic, but rather a responsibility that comes with the authority entrusted to them by the citizens. The decisions they make and the policies they implement are part of their fundamental duty, not acts of charity or benevolence. It is crucial to recognise that politicians are not doing the public a favour by fulfilling their obligations: rather, they are carrying out the tasks for which they were elected and are paid for. In a functioning democracy, this contract between the government and the people requires that politicians prioritise the welfare of the nation and ensure that their actions align with the promises made during their campaign. The real measure of a politician’s effectiveness lies not in the praise they receive for ‘doing good deeds,’ but in the tangible results of their work—the policies they enact, the laws they pass, and the positive impact they have on the lives of citizens
Many academics and civil society members post images on social media showing their closeness to the Prime Minister or the President. The government has promised to abolish nepotism, yet it is ironic to see these images circulating, showcasing how some individuals appear to be personally connected to the ruling powers. In urban settings, nepotism is not necessarily tied to blood relations; it can also exist within close friend circles. This behaviour contradicts the very principles of transparency and fairness that the government claims to uphold. When influential figures in society publicly display their proximity to those in power, it not only undermines the government’s anti-nepotism stance, but also raises questions about the authenticity of their commitment to equitable governance. Such images can create an unhealthy perception of favouritism, where access to political leaders seems to be based on personal connections, thus perpetuating the same power dynamics the government aims to dismantle.
Many academics have positioned themselves as staunch supporters of the new government, effectively trying to claim ownership of its success. While it is true that academics — particularly those in the humanities and social sciences — are often privileged with a deeper understanding of society, they should, in my view, maintain a significant degree of impartiality when it comes to political affiliations. Academics possess the tools to analyse complex societal issues from multiple perspectives, and this should enable them to remain objective rather than become overtly aligned with any one political party. Their role, in my opinion, is not to be the driving force behind a government, but to serve as critical thinkers who hold powers to account. By remaining neutral, academics can more effectively challenge the government when it strays from its responsibilities, promote healthy criticism, and spark constructive dialogue between the state and the citizens. Prof. Sasanka Perera raised similar concerns in the People’s Movement for Renaissance Forum, where he addressed the role and responsibilities of academics under the new government. In a democratic society, this role of impartial oversight is essential to ensuring that policies are well thought out, citizens’ voices are heard, and the government remains responsive to the needs of the people.
Finally, I sincerely wish the newly elected government all the success and strength in fulfilling their responsibilities. As they take on the enormous task of leading the country, I hope they prioritise expanding democratic spaces and fostering meaningful dialogue. A strong democracy thrives when citizens have the freedom to engage in open discussions, voice their concerns, and participate actively in shaping the direction of the nation. It is crucial that the government not only respects these principles but also actively works to create an environment where diverse perspectives can be heard and valued.
(Anushka Kahandagamage is reading for her PhD in the School of Social Sciences, University of Otago).
Features
Reading demands for change
by Jehan Perera
The political avalanche that swept the electoral landscape due to the demand for change was unprecedented. In some electorates the majority achieved by the NPP exceeded 70 percent. The overall majority in the country was 61 percent. The avalanche swept aside many who had earned names for themselves on account of their long years of commitment to influence policies in the national interest. In their place will be a host of much younger persons who will come in with their ideals and hopes for positive change but with little experience of governance and even administration. The government is aware of this issue and has arranged for a three-day workshop on parliamentary procedures, session activities and the functioning of committees.
With 159 seats the NPP has won more than a 2/3 majority. This is not the first time that a government has enjoyed such a huge majority. The last time was as recent as 2019 when the SLPP under the leadership of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa obtained close to a 2/3 majority which it speedily converted into a 2/3 majority by persuading several opposition members to cross over and be rewarded accordingly. A 2/3 majority is not a panacea as was experienced shortly after 2019 by disastrous decisions including constitutional amendments from which the country is yet to recover. The huge majority meant that the government leaders felt they could do anything and get away with it. This led to crooked deals, to murder and to impunity.
Prior to that in 1970 and 1977 there were 2/3 majorities in parliament won by the SLFP and UNP respectively, though under the first-past-the-post system which made it possible to win a huge number of seats even with less than 40 percent of the electorate voting in favour of the ruling party. Here, too, there were crooked deals, murder and impunity. This time it has got to be different. The government needs to seize this moment of unprecedented goodwill to address the country’s long-standing problems. The people have voted with great expectations and if the results are not seen soon then cynicism and vested interests will make their comeback.
SIMILAR OUTCOMES
Significantly, the widespread support for the NPP, cutting across geographical, ethnic, and religious divides, represents a remarkable step toward national unity. Even regions historically disillusioned with central governance have placed their trust in the president’s leadership. This inclusivity, evidenced by the support of ethnic and religious minorities, is an encouraging sign that the NPP has succeeded in fostering a national perspective that transcends traditional divisions. However, this trust brings with it a significant responsibility.
The electoral outcome in the north and east of the country in which the ethnic and religious minorities predominate is a first-time occurrence. In these parts of the country, the electorate had voted for parties that represent particular ethnic and religious interests for many decades, during which the ethnic conflict and their sense of neglect grew exponentially. Likewise, in the rest of the country, the ethnic and religious majority voted for political parties that represented their own particular ethnic and religious interests.
As a result, the electoral map in the aftermath of elections invariably took on a two-tone complexion, with the north and east being in one colour and the rest of the country being in another. Even 15 years after the end of the three-decade long war for separation, the electoral map resembled the maps produced by the LTTE which spearheaded the military campaign. For the first time the map is now of a uniform colour with the exception of a single district, the other 24 being of one colour.
What has been noteworthy at these elections has been the similarity of outcomes in the north and east and the rest of the country even though some of the most pressing problems of the people in the north and east was not a part of the election campaign of the major political parties. All parts of the country share the problems of economic recovery and have a common interest in ensuring that corruption is minimised and the poor are protected rather than being subjected to economic extraction. But the north and east has a special interest in issues of devolution of power, demilitarisation and return of land and resolving the problems of missing persons and long-term prisoners from the days of the armed conflict. And though less discussed, they also want the development of the two provinces which are below the average standard in the country.
REJECTING PAST
The massive vote for the NPP is as much an expression of trust and positive expectations from the government as it is a rejection of the other political parties that have governed the country in the past and brought it to the bottom in 2022. The stabilisation of the free fall by former President Ranil Wickremesinghe from May 2022 until his defeat at the presidential election of November 2024 did not receive the appreciation his supporters anticipated. This was because a section of the population was continuing to prosper through relationships with those in positions of power while the main burden of the economic collapse was thrust on the majority of people. It was also due to the former president’s failure to seek the causes of the economic collapse and deal with the associated corruption, even though that was not the only cause.
The fact that the main political parties that had dominated national politics continued to give nominations to those widely believed to be corrupt was one of the main reasons for the flight of voters away from those political parties. Indeed, some of these tarnished politicians managed to win seats in parliament probably due to the patronage they had extended to the electorates they nursed. However, the party leadership needs to keep in mind that the consequence of such nominations was to alienate a much larger segment of the electorate and thereby serve to erode their voter banks.
In the north and east, the failure of the political leadership of the political parties that represented minority interests to show any significant results over the past decades was a factor that alienated the electorate away from them. It is largely these negative factors that have caused the minority voters to move away from continuing to support them. The government needs to seize the opportunity that its landslide victory provides to engage in the necessary discussions, negotiations and accommodations to bring about a political, and long lasting constitutional, solution to the ethnic conflict. Such a solution would require the 2/3 majority that the NPP has obtained to amend the constitution and to entrench the political solution in law.
QUICK CHANGE
However, unlike the people in the rest of the country who may be willing to give the new government more time to reform the system, those in the north and east who have been let down time and again by the promises of successive governments, may not be willing to wait. There is much that can and should be done without needing constitutional amendment but by simply implementing existing laws, to resolve problems regarding land, memorialization use of the Tamil language, appointment of Tamil officers as heads of units and department, and so on. The government has an incentive to act speedily in this regard to hold on to the support that they have received from the ethnic and religious minorities. It will be easier to show speedy results in dealing with ethnic and religious grievances than in reviving the economy, given the constraints the national economy is under.
Due to the prevalent economic conditions, which are at “knife’s edge” if the IMF is to be believed, the new government will be hard pressed to show quick fixes, just as the previous government under President Wickremesinghe also could not show quick fixes. The fiscal realities give the government little room to manoeuver on the economy. However, in the case of resolving the ethnic conflict there is no reason for the government to delay. Unlike in the case of economic recovery for which there are no short-term panaceas, the solution to the ethnic conflict is one that can be resolved soon as it has been discussed, negotiated and publicised on several occasions, but not implemented due to the failure of leadership.
A solution to the ethnic problem will be welcomed not only by the ethnic and religious minorities within the country but also by those living outside in the diaspora and by the international community, most notably India which has always been promoting it as good for Sri Lanka and good for India. A successful resolution of this problem will gain international recognition in a world that is looking for success stories and can induce foreign investors to come in due to the assurance of peace. The NPP government has the opportunity to set a precedent by engaging with all stakeholders, including civil society and opposition parties, to craft a sustainable political solution that ensures lasting peace and reconciliation. It cannot be overemphasised that achieving a sustainable political solution that will last the test of time will require the participation and consent of all communities and collaboration with opposition parties.
Features
Coming up…dance of the year!
As we get closer to the month of December, I’m reminded of the Beatles hit song, ‘It Won’t Be Long’.
Yes, of course, it won’t be long before we start experiencing the festive atmosphere, the dawning of Christmas, and then the New Year, 2025.
This year, the festive season should turn out be a brighter scene, with 31st night being extra special at most venues.
One particular event that got my attention is the New Year’s Eve dance that is being put together by the folks at Cinnamon Lakeside, ably led by Nazoomi Azar, the hotel’s new General Manager.
With his experience, having worked in London, Nazoomi is determined to make the hotel’s NYE happening the dance of the year.
According to Nazoomi, it’s going to be an awesome event, aptly titled ‘James Bond Gala Dinner Dance.’
I’m told guests will be given VIP status at the ‘James Bond Gala Dinner Dance’ and will experience a totally different scene as they head into 2025.
To create the kind of music that would be best suited for such a prestigious happening, the hotel has signed up the well-known 31st night music makers in town, Sohan & The X-Periments, along with the band AROH, and guest stars Judy De Silva, Falan Andrea, Geoffrey Fernando and J-Pal.
Last 31st night (2023) and in 2022, Sohan performed in Australia and London, respectively, so, he says, he is going to make this 31st night happening at Cinnamon Lakeside King’s Court Ballroom, a truly memorable event.
Sohan went on to say that it will be an exciting fun-filled night and the guests coming from abroad, especially Sri Lankans, can expect a very special performance from the galaxy of stars who will light up the scene with their music.
“Yes, with two bands in attendance, we will provide non-stop entertainment, and the dance will end with a traditional Sri Lankan breakfast.”
Guests, at this event, will also be able to enjoy all the New Year activities in the entire hotel, which will include a foreign DJ operating under a marquee, a mini dance in the Library, as well as check out the longest 5-star buffet in town.
No doubt, this ‘James Bond Gala Dinner Dance’ is going to be a memorable, exciting, fun-filled affair.
Features
The slow, inexorable demise of book(store)s
by Panduka Karunanayake
Call me a hopeless nerd or even a worthless pedant, but one of my favourite relaxations is to go book-hunting in the city’s ‘second-hand bookshops’ (or as they are known overseas, ‘used bookstores’). Of late, I have had less occasion to indulge myself in this innocuous pleasure, both because it is becoming harder to find a book that hadn’t attracted my attention before and because there is no more space in my reading room to keep any new acquisitions. And also because, I suppose, I know intuitively that the likelihood of a new book making an impact on me or the world around me now is vanishingly small, since the years have inexorably caught up with me too. Not to forget, there are also quite a few books in my room that are still crying out for my serious attention.
But when I recently found the time and courage to visit my favourite hide-out, namely the Senanayake Book Shop on Galle Road in Wellawatte, I realised that times have indeed changed. It has been gradually folding up for some time, being ‘more closed than usual’ (to rephrase the title of a book that is well known to many of us). It is now closed for good – I was told by a street vendor selling his wares on the pavement in front. That message really drove home hard. It was as though a third parent has passed away. I heard from the shopkeeper next-door that the owners had donated the remaining books to a public library and sold the premises.
Within Colombo itself, there are the hide-outs on (former) McCallum Road, Bookland on Marine Drive and the one in the Narahenpita Economic Centre. Kandy too has its few hide-outs. Whenever I travel overseas and spend more than a few days in a city, I make it a point to find out the city’s used bookstore hide-outs. I used to take pride in my knowledge about these hide-outs in cities such as London, Liverpool, Toronto, Trivandrum and Melbourne – which even the locals didn’t know! I used to say that I can find used bookstores better than an alcoholic can find taverns.
But of late, all these have been folding up gradually. Melbourne has probably only one general used bookstore, the City Basement Bookstore on Flinders Street, and even that is not open as usual. Toronto’s list, which used to be more impressive than those of any other city I had visited, is now all but evaporated. The few remaining serve only specialised, expensive collectors’ items. There is hardly any that can serve a non-specialist reader such as me, like the Senanayake Book Shop which was, quite simply, one of the best in the world.
Second-hand bookshops served two very important purposes in my life as a reader. The first is that it gave me access to good books at an affordable price. For instance, at Senanayake Book Shop an average book would cost less than Rs 500 – a price for which there are no items in most restaurant menus that we visit. Of course, there are the very expensive collectors’ items, but I have always been careful to steer clear of them. The second purpose is that when a person who had been an avid, erudite reader passes away, the family generally has no use for the deceased person’s significant book collection; the whole collection either ends up in a library as a special collection or is bought by a second-hand bookseller for a pittance. Soon afterwards, we would be spending hours in the bookshop devouring over the newly acquired collection therein, enjoying and admiring it and maybe buying a few off it.
This second purpose is very important even to those readers for whom money is no matter, because such book collections, which had been painstakingly put together by the deceased person over decades and after visiting several countries, are truly priceless. No bookstore selling new books, not even online ones, can possibly compete with this. Book collections of that sort have a high proportion of quality reading and rare gems – bookstores selling new books have books across the whole spectrum of quality, with most new books as a rule being worthless.
But is all this of any consequence? In this digital age, when e-books and e-newspapers are replacing the printed word globally and rapidly, can a nerd like me have a good reason to lament? Or, is my kind simply on its way out and just-as-well too?
I think books play an important role in our learning that e-books cannot. Everyone talks about the ephemeral, intangible and unromantic nature of reading an e-book. But that is not the point (although that too is a good point for romantics like me).
A book is a mini-journey of discovery – and it is this journey, not the discovery, that helps us to learn. When we take a book in our hands and start reading it or look for some information in it, we must necessarily go through its contents page, chapters and the layout inside the chapter in order to find what we are looking for. In so doing, we are experiencing something very important, imperceptibly. We are gradually building our mind map: the complex relationships between different quanta of information and how they are arranged in the universe of knowledge. Learning is not merely remembering information – it is being able to relate different quanta of information to each other, determining the significance of one quantum in the light of another and in the bigger scheme.
When we ask an erudite professor an unusual or novel question and the professor answers it dextrously, you will find that the secret of that dexterity is usually the professor’s ability to locate the question in the correct place in the universe of knowledge – which is represented in a miniature form inside the professor’s brain, as a mind map.
An e-book experience does not give us quite the same journey, especially if we located the information that we are looking for by using its search engine (which is akin to locating it in a printed book by using its index).
What is more, sometimes the journey turns up unexpected surprises: we may be looking for Fact A but may stumble upon Fact B, which suddenly captures out attention and we spend the rest of the evening reading – leaving for another day the discovery of Fact A. Those serendipitously acquired collections of knowledge come quite handy – in vivas, interviews, cocktail circles and solving unusual problems needing out-of-the-box solutions. They are often the foundation of what is known as adaptive expertise (in contrast routine expertise). Or to put more simply, such lateral mini-journies promote lateral thinking.
As books go out of use, as second-hand bookstores go out of business, as the reading habit becomes harder to sustain, as information acquisition becomes more crucial to success than knowledge development, as the average attention span reduces in one generation from 20 seconds to 8 seconds (and continues to reduce), what will become of human learning? Am I just mourning the demise of second-hand bookshops, or is this something more serious for humanity? I think you know the answer, which has been rendered even more frightening with the emergence of generative artificial intelligence and open-access chatbots – which have made redundant not only knowledge development but even thinking in itself.
But for now, let me mourn the demise of my favourite ‘used bookstore’. Thank you, Senanayake Book Shop!
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