Features

Non Governmental Organizations and becoming a UN civil servants

Published

2 years ago

2023/02/26

Excerpted from volume ii of the Sarath Amunugama autobiographhy

With the New Information Order debate occupying centre stage many global NGOs of both left and right ideological backgrounds entered the field of research and training in mass media. The most influential and well-funded of these was the Asian Mass Media and Information Centre [AMIC] which was set up as a joint venture of the Freidrich Ebert Stiftung of Germany and the Government of Singapore. AMIC was located in Singapore in a building provided by the Singapore Government.

The Chairman of the Board was their Director of Information who was a friendly, efficient and hard drinking colleague named Roy Daniel who had joined Lee Kuan Yew when he set up the Progressive Peoples Party [PPP]. Since I served AMIC first as a member of the Governing Board and later, fora short time, as its Secretary-General more about it will be written later in this chapter.

Another influential NGO which entered the field of media research and training was IPPF – The International Planned Parenthood Federation, which was well funded at least till President Ronald Reagan cut off funding for it under pressure from his pro-life backers. IPPF had its head office first in Geneva and later in London.

Early in its history I as Director of Information in the 1970 regime of Mrs. Bandaranaike, organized a seminar on family health with Angela Molnos who was a Director of IPPF working out of Geneva and closely associated with WHO .We brought out a book of essays on family health in South Asia which was published by IPPF. I also organized a seminar in Colombo with the assistance of the then deputy Minister of Health Siva Obeyesekere on Family Health of which Bradman Weerakoon, then GA Amparai, was a participant.

Following this Bradman then took a special interest in this field and later became the Secretary-General of IPPF with its office in London. Many Sri Lankan health media personnel were trained by IPPF in its heyday. It advocated a more enlightened policy towards women and family health which went a long way in ameliorating the living standards of poor women. It worked closely with UNFPA the special programme set up by the UN to promote progressive family health and population policies.

The UNFPA was backed by President Jimmy Carter whose mother had been a social service volunteer in India and imbued her son with a sympathetic understanding of the poor. However racists on both sides of the divide were fanatically opposed to this programme and with Ronald Reagan in the White House the US withdrew backing for this initiative leading to its virtual demise.

While Bradman Weerakoon joined IPPF, Neville Jayaweera who also faced the wrath of Mrs. B left the CCS and joined the media division of the World Conference of Churches after a sudden conversion to Christianity. He became a star speaker of the WCC and helped in drawing its considerable financial resources to the field of media criticism and training. Since much of its funding for training came from Scandinavian churches I met Neville on my visits to Norway and Sweden on behalf of UNESCO. I allocated funds from UNESCO to both IPPF and WCC later at a time when they were in financial difficulties. It was a notable coincidence that three of the global media organizations were headed by three ex-CCS Bradman, Neville and myself at a crucial juncture in the debate.

But the Media NGO which made Sri Lanka its home base was the Norway funded Worldview International Foundation which worked very closely with our Ministry. Its founder was Arne Fjortoff, a leading Norwegian broadcaster who has now spent virtually his whole adult life in helping the poor and the neglected of the Asian region to use media to overcome their poverty. I associated with him practically from his first days in our country. More details will be given later about my role as the Deputy Secretary-General of WIF.

Good Bye to All That

By the beginning of the 1980s I had been in the field of media for over fifteen years as a civil servant. I felt that it was now time to move on. JRJ was getting ready to contest the Presidency for the second term and if I did not leave now it would not be possible to depart amicably after his campaign was launched. As mentioned earlier, all the CCS officers for whom there was a global demand could find good assignments in the UN system or in other international organizations.

Bradman and Neville had joined international organizations well below their capabilities. They were punching below their weight because both had missed the timing of their departure. They felt they had no alternative but to leave the country to escape Mrs. B’s wrath. JRJ himself did not favour them; so they had to hurriedly accept what was available at that time. My own CCS batchmates were leaving the public service, some even by retiring without a pension. The first to go was Raja Gomez who joined the Commonwealth Secretariat. He was followed by Bernard Wijeweera who also joined an International Agency. Harsha Wickremasinghe joined ESCAP for some time but came back after a few years.

Tragically two of my batchmates – Tissa Gunasinghe and Buddhin Gunatunga – died young. Before us, there were a flock of CCS seniors who migrated to all parts of the world. I was lucky to have several top positions offered to me. This was because I had high visibility as a player in the New Information Order debate. Only a few other civil servants have been ‘branded’ as specialists having come in as generalist CCS to the public service.

This was a time for specialists and Gamini Corea, Jayantha Dhanapala and I were perhaps the only Sri Lankan bureaucrats to carve out a globally acceptable specialist status for ourselves. That was mostly a matter of fortuitous timing and a lucky roll of the dice. We were lucky to be recognized as a ‘brand’ when the global decision makers became interested in our respective fields of specialization. Another crucial qualification was our linguistic skills. Without proficiency in at least one international language it is not possible to enter the UN at a senior level. With my proficiency in English and French I had plenty of job offers.

Ananda Guruge

I mentioned that timing was importantwhen joining International organisations. The best example of mistimingwas Ananda Guruge. I had a special relationship with Ananda because my father was his teacher and mentor in Deiyannewela. My father had a special care and regard for bright students and Ananda was the brightest and the best of the lot. For my father he could do no wrong and Ananda reciprocated that affection. He was freely at home in our residence in Deiyannewela where my father would listen patiently to his recital of successes.

Ananda’s father worked in the Kandy Post Office and was a great friend of my father. He had migrated from Weihena in Galle district and married a lady from Kandy and settled down there. He too was a fascinating talker and would tell us about his village and Galle which I as a school boy at that time, lapped up. Later his experiences were reinforced in my imagination by reading Martin Wickramasinghe’s novels of the Deep South. It may have been that my father with his Panadura background was more attentive to the descriptions of the sea and Galle life than other listeners who had no hope of

even seeing the “Ho Gana Pokuna” which was the way Kandyan villagers imagined the sea. Ananda who was about 12 years older than me was my surrogate elder brother. Every Sunday we, and my cousin Nimal who lived with us and attended Trinity College, would walk to Katukelle for religious instruction. Our Sunday school was located in what was then called Gandhi College which faced the Peradeniya road at Katukelle. Gandhi College was a private school for the people of estate areas though others from far away also came to learn English there. The most famous alumnus of this college was D.M. Jayaratne who went on to become the Prime Minister of the country. He probably picked up his radicalism at an early age because many of the Socialist and Communist Party supporters lived in Katukelle and used the Gandhi College Hall for their clandestine meetings.

On Sundays the college hall was turned into a Sunday school and we sat on the school benches to receive instruction on Buddhism. But I remember even now that our Sunday school was a hotbed for radicals because we learnt songs about Gandhi, Nehru and Patel and the Indian Freedom struggle which we sang at the beginning of the day [Gandhi, Nehru, Patel Vani Weeravaro – Indee Nidhasata etc]. Many of our volunteer teachers wore the ‘national dress’ and the monks were mostly from the Amarapura Nikaya including the priest from Deiyannewela Temple who taught Ananda, Nimal and me the rudiments of Sanskrit.

Even now I can recite those slokas from memory – a weapon I deploy when I speak at public meetings, which impress the monks no end. So much so that I overhear monks say “Now he will begin with the slokas” when I get up to speak. But I was hoist on my own petard, when in Ratnapura Ridgeway Tillekeratne became the Government Agent. He was a Sanskrit graduate and probably one of the best scholars in the field. I thought it more prudent not to utter my slokas in his presence.

Kirielle Gnanwimala, the famous scholar monk of Ratnapura, who sensed my predicament, told his audience that one Sanskrit scholar was more than sufficient for Ratnapura district. Henpitagedera Gnanaseeha was another outstanding Sanskritist in Ratnapura. Unlike me Ananda applied himself to his Pali and Sanskrit studies and entered the University with a scholarship in Oriental languages. Earlier he had done brilliantly in the ‘Prachina’ examination held by the Oriental society which entitled him to be called a ‘Prachina Pundit’.

My father would laughingly say that while Ananda scored high marks and won a prize, his teacher in Sanskrit and Pali, our Temple priest, had failed the exam. Ananda followed it up with a first class degree in Sanskrit and sailed into the CCS. He was an outstanding civil servant of his time and an indispensable official in the Education Ministry. When I was in two minds about joining the CCS, having been appointed to a permanent post in the Department of Sociology at Peradeniya a few months previously, my father wanted me to discuss my dilemma with Guruge. I went to his residence and told him of my preference for the University.

He did not mince his words. He told me to accept the CCS post. If I wanted to research problems and write articles, he said that it was better done as a civil servant as it will have more credibility than the writings of University staffers. As usual he cited himself as an example. He had already got his PhD and was the leading figure in setting up Vidyodaya and Vidyalankara universities. In fact he was playing a dual role as Professor of Oriental Languages at Vidyodaya. I went back to Kandy, reported Ananda’s advice which was enthusiastically endorsed by my father, and decided to begin work as a Civil Servant.

Ananda was one of the earliest Civil Servants to join UNESCO when it was mostly concerned with education. Being a senior official of our Education Ministry he was easily recruited to the UN body. While this was no doubt prestigious it was a case of bad timing. He was comparatively young and had accepted a junior position in UNESCO. All UN posts are classified in a uniform way. The Professional categories are classified from P5 to P1 in ascending order. Senior to that are the Director levels D1 to D2. Above that are ADGs and the Director General himself. So the range of employment is from PI to DG. Guruge would have joined early at P2 level which meant that he had a hard grind to the top in his institution.

Gamini Corea, Jayntha Dhanapala and I were lateral entrants. This meant that we could join at a senior level. For instance when I joined UNESCO at D1 level Guruge was a P4 having slowly risen within his department. By joining laterally at a later point of time I was several steps ahead of him. Thus I, many years junior in the Ceylon Civil Service, could enter UNESCO at a much more senior level than the earlier entrants among whom was Ananda Guruge.
That however did not prevent us from renewing our old friendship in Paris where he was transferred after a long stay in the Bangkok office of UNESCO. I lived in Rue Jean Daudin and Ananda and his wife Sujatha lived in nearby Rue Pasteur and we met regularly in office and on social occasions. He always encouraged me and was delighted when I got my Doctorate in Paris.

I always referred to Ananda as my role model which pleased him and brought back memories of my father’s affection for him. On his last visit to Sri Lanka, Dinesh Gunawardena and I had planned a felicitation dinner for him. I was to be the chief speaker. Unfortunately we had to put it off because Ananda had to leave for a meeting in Bangkok. We planned to meet soon in Colombo but it was not to be. A busy man who neglected his health, he died of a heart attack while flying to keep an appointment for a lecture on Buddhism.

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Features

How many more must die before Sri Lanka fixes its killer roads?

Published

7 hours ago

2025/05/16

Thilina Walpola

Kotmale bus accident

On the morning of May 11, 2025, the quiet hills of Ramboda were pierced by the wails of sirens and the cries of survivors. A Sri Lanka Transport Board (SLTB) bus, en route from Kataragama to Kurunegala via Nuwara Eliya, veered off the winding road and plunged down a deep precipice in the Garandiella area. At least 23 people lost their lives and more than 35 were injured—some critically.

The nation mourned. But this wasn’t merely an isolated accident. It was a brutal reminder of Sri Lanka’s long-standing and worsening road safety crisis––one where the poor pay the highest price, and systemic neglect continues to endanger thousands every day.

A national epidemic

According to the Central Bank of Sri Lanka’s 2023 Road Safety Report, buses and other passenger vehicles are involved in 60% of fatalities while motorcycles account for 35% of reported accidents. Though three-wheelers are often criticised in the media, they contribute to only 12% of all accidents. The focus, however, remains disproportionately on smaller vehicles—ignoring the real danger posed by larger, state-run and private buses.

The Ramboda incident reflects what transport experts and road safety advocates have long warned about: that Sri Lanka’s road accident problem is not primarily about vehicle type, but about systemic failure. And the victims—more often than not—are those who rely on public transport because they have no other choice.

One of the biggest contributors to the frequency and severity of road accidents is Sri Lanka’s crumbling infrastructure. A 2023 report by the Sri Lanka Road Development Authority (SLRDA) noted that nearly 40% of the country’s road network is in poor or very poor condition. In rural and hilly areas, this figure is likely higher. Potholes, broken shoulders, eroded markings, and inadequate lighting are all too common. In mountainous terrain like Ramboda, these conditions can be fatal.

Even worse, since 2015, road development has effectively stagnated. Although the Mahinda Rajapaksa administration was often criticised for its ambitious infrastructure drive, it left behind a network of wide, well-lit highways and urban improvements. The subsequent administrations not only failed to continue this momentum, but actively reversed course in some instances—most notably, with the cancellation of the Light Rail Transit (LRT) project in Colombo, which had been poised to modernise urban mobility and reduce congestion.

Instead of scaling up, Sri Lanka scaled down. Maintenance budgets were slashed, long-term projects shelved, and development planning took a back seat to short-term political calculations. Roads deteriorated, traffic congestion worsened, and safety standards eroded.

Dangerous drivers

Infrastructure is only part of the story. Human behaviour plays a significant role too—and Sri Lanka’s roads often mirror the lawlessness that prevails off them.

A 2022 survey by the Sri Lanka Road Safety Council revealed alarming patterns in driver behaviour: 45% of accidents involved drivers under the influence of alcohol or drugs, and 40% were attributed to speeding. These figures reflect not just recklessness, but a dangerous culture of impunity.

The legal blood alcohol limit for drivers in Sri Lanka is 0.08%, but enforcement remains lax, particularly in rural areas and during off-peak hours. There is no consistent system of random breath testing, and police checkpoints are often limited to high-profile holidays or urban areas.

The same lack of enforcement applies to speeding, tailgating, overtaking on blind corners, and ignoring traffic signals. While the law technically provides for penalties, in practice, enforcement is selective at best. Even SLTB bus drivers—tasked with transporting hundreds daily—are known for aggressive and erratic driving. The Ramboda bus is reported to have been speeding on a dangerously narrow bend, a pattern that has become disturbingly common.

Public buses, both state-run and private, are some of the most dangerous vehicles on the road today—not just due to their size, but because of operational cultures that prioritise speed over safety. Competition for passengers, poor driver training, minimal vehicle maintenance, and weak regulatory oversight have created a deadly combination.

Do they not deserve better?

Most people who travel in SLTB buses are from lower-income backgrounds. They rely on public transportation not by choice, but by necessity. A factory worker in Nuwara Eliya, a schoolteacher in Bandarawela, or a daily wage earner commuting between towns—all are bound to a public transport system that is increasingly unreliable and unsafe.

Sri Lanka’s social contract has failed its most vulnerable. The poor are expected to brave substandard buses on crumbling roads, driven by underpaid and undertrained drivers, often in hazardous weather and terrain. In many rural areas, buses are lifelines. When one crashes, it is not merely a tragedy—it’s a profound injustice.

Had the LRT system gone forward, had road maintenance been prioritised, had reckless drivers been reined in through strict enforcement, how many lives could have been saved?

Experts agree that the solution lies in a combination of infrastructure investment, driver education, and law enforcement reform. The Sri Lanka Road Safety Council has repeatedly called for mandatory road safety training, particularly for commercial drivers. Such training should cover not just traffic laws, but also defensive driving, fatigue management, and the dangers of DUI.

Enforcement, too, needs a dramatic overhaul. License suspensions, large fines, and jail time for repeat offenders must become the norm—not the exception. A centralised traffic violation database could prevent habitual offenders from slipping through the cracks.

And critically, investment in infrastructure must resume—not in flashy mega-projects for political gain, but in safe, functional, and equitable roads and transit systems. The re-introduction of the LRT or similar mass transit projects should be seriously reconsidered, especially in urban centers where congestion is growing and road space is limited.

The misunderstood three-wheeler

On the other hand, while three-wheelers are frequently vilified in public discourse and media narratives for reckless driving, the data tells a different story. According to the Central Bank’s 2023 Road Safety Report, they account for just 12% of all road accidents—a fraction compared to the 60% involving buses and other passenger vehicles, and the 35% attributed to motorcycles. Yet, disproportionate attention continues to be directed at three-wheelers, conveniently shifting focus away from the far greater risks posed by large, state-run and private buses.

What often goes unacknowledged is the essential role three-wheelers play in Sri Lanka’s transport ecosystem, particularly in remote and rural areas where reliable public transport is virtually nonexistent. For residents of small towns and isolated villages in the hill country, three-wheelers are not a luxury—they are a necessity. Affordable, nimble, and capable of navigating narrow, winding roads where buses cannot operate, these vehicles have become the primary mode of short-distance travel for countless Sri Lankans.

Even more importantly, in the aftermath of road accidents—especially in remote regions like Ramboda—it is often the three-wheeler drivers who are the first to respond. When tragedy strikes, they ferry the injured to hospitals, assist with rescue efforts, and offer immediate aid long before official emergency services arrive. This community-centered, grassroots role is rarely acknowledged in national conversations about road safety, yet it remains a vital, life-saving contribution.

Rather than treating three-wheelers as a problem to be blamed, the government should recognise their indispensable value and work towards integrating them more effectively and safely into the national transport framework. Regularising the sector through measures such as mandatory driver training programmes, periodic vehicle safety checks, and the enforcement of standardised operating licenses could improve safety without displacing an essential service. Additionally, designating official three-wheeler stands, particularly in high-risk or high-traffic areas, and incentivising drivers who maintain clean safety records would help create a safer, more accountable environment for both passengers and pedestrians.

Moving beyond the blame game

It is time for us to move beyond the tired narrative that blames specific vehicles—motorcycles, three-wheelers, or buses—for the carnage on Sri Lanka’s roads. The problem is not the mode of transport. It is the system that surrounds it.

When buses are poorly maintained, roads are not repaired, drivers are not trained, and laws are not enforced, tragedy becomes inevitable. Blaming a single vehicle type does nothing to address these root causes.

The real question is: Do we have the political will to fix this? Or will Sri Lanka continue to count the dead—accident after accident—while doing little more than issuing condolences?

The Ramboda accident was not the first. It won’t be the last. But it should be the turning point.Let this be the moment we stop pointing fingers—and start fixing the road.

(The writer is an Attorney-at-Law with over a decade of experience specializing in civil law, a former Board Member of the Office of Missing Persons, and a former Legal Director of the Central Cultural Fund. He holds an LLM in International Business Law and resides in Battaramulla, where he experiences the daily challenges of commuting to Hulftsdorp, providing him with a unique perspective on Sri Lanka’s road safety issues.)

By Sampath Perera

Features

J’accuse – Need for streamlined investigation of corruption in former President’s office

Published

7 hours ago

2025/05/16

Thilina Walpola

Though the government is moving more slowly on corruption than I would have liked, it is moving, which is more than can be said for its predecessors. I remember how sad I was when Yahapalanaya did very little, except for political advantage, about the corruption it had highlighted in the election campaign in which I had so foolishly joined; but the reason became clear with the bond scam, when the Ranil Wickremesinghe administration rose to heights of corruption that surpassed, in convoluted ingenuity, anything the Mahinda Rajapaksa government could have achieved. Thus far the present government is clean, and that will make its task much easier.

I hope then that the slow but steady progress of this government in investigation will bear fruit. But at the same time, I think it would also be good if it looked at instances when corruption was avoided. The horrors of the visa scam, in which the Controller General of Immigration seems to have connived with his political masters, suggest how important it is to also praise those civil servants who resist pressures.

With regard to the visa scam, I had thought Tiran Alles largely responsible, but perhaps I have done the man an injustice – if that were conceivable – and the fountainhead of the matter was the President. I now think this the more likely, having heard about a Civil Servant who did stand up against the political pressures brought upon him. If this government were to look into the matter, and recognise his integrity and courage, perhaps that would prompt the former Controller General of Immigration and Emigration too to come clean and turn Crown Witness, having accepted a compounded penalty for anything he might have done wrong.

It can be difficult to resist pressure. That must be understood though it is no reason to excuse such conduct. But it is therefore more essential to praise the virtuous, such as the former Secretary to the Ministry of Health, Dr Palitha Mahipala. I had heard of him earlier, and I am sorry he was removed, though I have also heard good things about his successor, so there is no reason to bring him back. But perhaps he could be entrusted with greater responsibilities, and awarded some sort of honour in encouragement of those with courage.

One of the notable things Dr Mahipala did was to resist pressure brought upon him to award a contract to Francis Maude, a British crony of the President. This was to design a supply chain management for pharmaceuticals. A system for this was already being designed by the Asian Development Bank, but when told about this the authorities had nevertheless insisted.

The then Secretary to the Prime Minister cannot absolve himself of the responsibility for having asked the Ministry of Health to prepare a stunningly expensive MoU that was quite unnecessary.

But his claim was that he had been introduced to the Britisher by a top aide of the President. This rings true for it was the President who first wished Maude upon the country. It was after all Ranil Wickremesinghe who, a year after he became President, announced that, to boost state revenue, Maude had been invited ‘to visit Sri Lanka and share his insights on sectoral reform’.

When he became a Minister under David Cameron, Maude’s responsibilities included ‘public service efficiency and transparency’. There seems to have been nothing about revenue generation, though the President’s statement claimed that ‘Sri Lanka must explore new avenues for increasing income tax revenues…He expressed concern over not only the neglect of public revenue but also the unrestricted spending of public funds on non-beneficial activities’.

He ‘called for an extensive media campaign to educate the public’ but this did not happen, doubtless because transparency went by the board, in his antics, including the demand, whoever prompted it, that Maude be to do something already done. Surely, this comes under the heading of unrestricted spending of public funds on non-beneficial activities, and it is difficult to believe that top government officials connived at promoting this while Ranil would have expressed concern had he known what they were up to.

Nothing further is recorded of Ranil’s original trumpeting of Maude’s virtues, and far from being there to provide advice on the basis of his experience in government, he seems to have been trawling for business for the firm he had set up on leaving politics, for it was with that private agency that the MoU was urged.

Thankfully, Dr Mahipala resisted pressure, and that plot came to nothing. But it should not be forgotten, and the government would do well to question those responsible for what happened, after speaking to Dr Mahipala and looking at the file.

Indeed, given the amount of corruption that can be traced to the President’s Office, it would make sense for the government to institute a Commission of Inquiry to look into what happened in that period of intensive corruption. It should be subject to judicial appeal, but I have no doubt that incisive questioning of those who ran that place would lead to enough information to institute prosecutions, and financial recompense for the abuses that occurred.

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Features

Trump’s Press Secretary; no attention to the health crisis

Published

7 hours ago

2025/05/16

Thilina Walpola

In her Cry on 25 April, Cassandra wrote this in her section on Trump’s moves to Make America Great Again – MAGA. “The latest was heard on BBC news on Wednesday 16. A fluff of a blonde White House press secretary by name of Karoline Leavitt announces that President Trump expects Harvard University to apologise to him for the continuing tolerance of anti-Semitism by the university. And that little blonde fluff adds ‘And they should.’ Didn’t Cass guffaw, but bitterly. That’s Trump vs Harvard.”

Karoline Leavitt

This young blonde has been making waves ever since, so much so that night shows in the US have spoken of her, and not well. Jimmy Kimmel arranged a dialogue between Karoline and Mark Carney, PM of Canada, when he recently visited the US. She insulted him by saying he did not know what democracy was and that Canada would benefit by becoming the 51st of the US. Carney vowed Canada was not for sale and never would be. The interview which was described in a video which I watched got hotter, Carney became cooler and Karoline rattled until she shot up and left the room. The usually noisy crowd that collects to listen to Kimmel roared – disdain.

Cass had to ferret more about her, so she went to the Internet. Born in 1997, Karoline Leavitt studied politics and communication at Saint Anselm College, which she entered on a games scholarship. She interned in the White House as an apprentice press secretary and was named a press secretary in Trump‘s first term. After Trump’s loss in 2020, she became a communications director for New York. She was the Republican candidate in the US House of Reps election for New Hampshire in 2022 but lost. She was much in Trump’s campaign against Biden’s winning and then served as a spokeswoman for MAGA Inc. In November 2024, Trump named her his White House Press Secretary, the youngest to hold this post in US history. All this seems to have gone to her blonde head!

Mosquitoes making life hell in Colombo

These pests are breeding like mad in and around Colombo and other parts of the country too. We can be tolerant of nature and its creatures, but the mosquito now is deadly. She passes on the dreaded diseases of chikungunya and dengue; the former debilitating for months after the grueling ache in bones is abated as the infection recedes. Dengue can be fatal if one’s platelet count goes below the red line.

The crux of the near pandemic of these two diseases is that infection and prevalence of the two could be greatly reduced by control of the carrier of the infection – The Mosquito. And on whom rests the responsibility of controlling the breeding of mosquitoes? On You and Me. But both of these entities are often careless, and totally non-caring about keeping their premises clean and of course eliminating all breeding spots for flying pests. Does the responsibility end there? Not upon your life! The buck moves on and lands on the public health inspectors, the garbage removers, the fumigators. Their boss who sees to them working properly is the Medical Officer of Health. And he is part of the Colombo Municipal Council that has the responsibility of looking to the health of people within the MC.

The spread of the two diseases mentioned is proof that the above persons and establishments are NOT doing the work they should be doing.

It is a proven fact that just before a change in personnel in the country, or a MC or a Pradeshiya Sabha, with a general election or local government election in the near future, most work stops in government offices or in local government establishments as the case may be. Workers get the disease of ennui; do minimum work until new bosses take over.

This definitely has happened in Colombo. Cass lives in Colombo 3. Quite frequent fumigation stopped some time ago. About two weeks ago she heard the process and smelled the fumes. Then nothing and mosquitoes breeding with the infrequent rain and no repellents or cleaning of premises. She phoned the MOH’s office on Thursday last week. Was promised fumigation. Nothing.

We are in a serious situation but no Municipal Council action. Politics is to blame here too. The SJB is trying to grab control of the Colombo MC and people are falling prey to the two diseases. All politicians shout it’s all for the people they enter politics, etc. The NPP has definitely shown concern for the public and have at least to a large extent eliminated corruption in public life. They have a woman candidate for Mayor who sure seems to be able to do a very good job. Her concern seems to be the people. But no. A power struggle goes on and its root cause: selfishness and non-caring of the good of the people. And for more than a week, the personnel from the MOH are looking on as more people suffer due to dirty surroundings.

Garbage is collected from her area on Tuesdays and Saturdays with paper, etc., on Thursdays. Tuesday 13 was a holiday but garbage was put out for collection. Not done. At noon, she phoned a supervisor of the cleaning company concerned only to ask whether the workers had a day off. Garbage was removed almost immediately. That is concern, efficiency and serving the public.

As Cass said, Colombo is in near crisis with two mosquito borne diseases mowing down people drastically. And nothing is being done by the officers who are given the responsibility of seeing to the cleanliness of the city and its suburbs.