Features
Kachativu, Mackie Ratwatte bribery case and its consequences
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar by Bradman Weerakoon)
There was always something new on the agenda with India. Although the question of statelessness had been virtually resolved by Mrs Bandaranaike with the Sirima-Shastri Pact of 1964, the issue of the ownership of the tiny island of Kachativu in the Palk Strait between India and Ceylon began to acquire importance.
Kachativu is a barren piece of rock about a square mile in extent and would possibly have no strategic value in terms of real estate for Sri Lanka and certainly not for India which has such a massive territory to contend with. Yet, we were now having to deal with this dot of land on account of several reasons.
One was that it was a base for illicit immigrants from South India who had been making use of the island as a transfer point for going on to Jaffna and Mannar. The other reason was that, with oil explorations going on in the Palk Bay the media, particularly, were beginning on both sides to talk about the value of Kachativu.
India based its claim on the historical reason that it had always been within the suzerainty of the Raja of Ramnad. Our claim to Kachativu was that, from Dutch times the government had exercised an administrative control over the island. In more recent times what was known was that the Catholic Diocese of Jaffna had established a church on the island and that one of its priests would officiate at the annual church feast. There would be an annual pilgrimage to Kachativu organized by the Catholic community of Jaffna.
Now the two governments were getting active on it and it was going to be on the agenda for Dudley’s. talks with Indira Gandhi in Delhi. The talks took place between November 27and December 4, 1968. It was a private meeting in Indira Gandhi’s office in the Lok Sabha. Although Indira wished to settle the matter amicably, she mentioned that there could be difficulties with the government in Madras if she agreed to surrender India’s claim to sovereignty.
The problem had become more confounded by the fact that this was the time when the demarcation of the territorial seas between India and Ceylon was being debated and the question of where the median line between the two territories would run was important. Both countries had by now opted for a 12-mile territorial sea limit and this would lead to problems because at certain points the distance between the two coasts was less than 20 miles.
Proposals were made by the Indian side that the demarcation line might just come up to Kachativu on the Indian side leaving the island on the Sri Lankan side. The Indian problem was that if Kachativu was taken as the last point of Sri Lankan territory, then the Sri Lankan territorial waters could be claimed to extend almost up to the Indian shore.
Dudley understood the Indian position very well and on his return to Colombo, informed the Cabinet that he was inclined to agree with Indira Gandhi’s-proposals about the median line coming very close to Kachativu but leaving Kachativu to Sri Lanka. Discussions continued thereafter at meetings in London where both prime ministers went for the Commonwealth Prime Minister’s Conference. G V P Samarasinghe, Permanent Secretary, was as usual extremely diligent in pursuing Sri Lanka’s claim.
The Mackie’ Ratwatte Bribery Case
The one and only occasion in my public service career, on which I had to give evidence in court was in the Mackie Ratwatte case. Although the incidents around which the case was constructed occurred during the time of Sirimavo Bandaranaike, when Mackie was her private secretary, the charges against him began to be put together in the time of Dudley Senanayake’s government.
The charge against Mackie Ratwatte was fairly straightforward. That is, he had been approached by an Indian businessman, a Muslim, who complained to the authorities that although he had given a bribe to Mackie for obtaining his citizenship, he had not been able to obtain it. There were a few witnesses who apparently had testified to the fact that the money had been passed over at Mackie Ratwatte’s Colombo home during the time that he was private secretary to the prime minister.
I came into the picture when the Superintendent of Police T B Werapitiya, attached to the CID at that time, which was investigating the case, produced before me a government file with a minute by Mackie to the Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Defence & External Affairs, dealing with citizenship applications, V J Harry Gunasekera. The minute itself was innocuous. It said something like: ‘Asst. Secretary/D & EA: for necessary action. Mackie Ratwatte’s P/S/PM’.
I was asked to identify the writing as that of Mackie Ratwatte’s, since I was familiar with his writing. I stated to the CID that it looked like his writing. I was then asked whether it was usual for the private secretary to make such a minute to an assistant secretary. Since the usual procedure in the prime minister’s office at Temple Trees when Mrs Bandaranaike was working there, was for official work to be handled by me, and the private secretary limited himself to personal matters affecting the prime minister her interviews, travel and entertainment, etc, I said that it was not usual for the private secretary to make orders on official letters addressed to the prime minister. In this case, the complainant had personally himself addressed a communication to the prime minister seeking her consideration for his application for citizenship.
When the case against Mackie Ratwatte came up in the District Court of Colombo, the government clearly wanted to make the most of political capital on the charge. The Bribery Commissioner, Panditha Gunewardene had the matter referred to the Acting Attorney- General, Victor Tennekoon. Tennekoon thought there was no prima facie case. But when he, shortly afterwards, accepted elevation to the Supreme Court, A C M Ameer, QC (Queen’s Counsel now known as PC or President’s Counsel) from the Bar, a strong supporter of the UNP and the brother- in- law of the candidate for the Balangoda seat who habitually contested Sirimavo’s brother Clifford, was appointed Attorney-General.
The prosecution case was presented by the Attorney General himself Since my evidence was, in my view inconsequential, I did not think I would be called as a witness in the case which was to be taken up in the District Court. All I could conceivably say in court was the relatively innocuous proposition, that the writing was Mackie’s and that the action was not what he usually did.
However, the Attorney-General thought otherwise. He summoned me to be a prosecution witness and proceeded to examine me quite lengthily. The defence, very ably led, in my cross-examination, established, I thought quite clearly, to the court that although the minute was not usual, there could have been circumstances, eg. my absence from office at that time, for the private secretary to assume that it was proper for him to send the letter along to the Assistant Secretary in the Ministry of Defence & External Affairs, for suitable action.
Clearly, the prosecution case was flimsy as my evidence made out. The eye-witnesses were not deemed credible and the District Judge, quite properly in my view, discharged Mackie without even calling on the defence. Later, to illustrate the convolutions of politics, the judge who heard the case, S S Kulatilleke became a minister of cultural affairs in the Sirimavo government that followed Dudley’s in 1970. I had not informed myself about the political ramfications of the case and had dealt with it purely in terms of what I knew about office procedures. Dudley himself never spoke me about the case, or my evidence.
I thought the matter would end there, but it didn’t. It dogged me for virtually the rest of my career in the public service. Sirimavo herself was apparently very upset about my appearing for the prosecution. As she put it to me once in Galle, at the Harbour Inn hotel on Rumassala Kanda when I met her many years later, just prior to my retirement from the civil service and government, why could I not have defended Mackie, after all the closeness of my association with the family. This was her only question.
I replied that while I personally considered Mackie as one of the most honourable men, and would have said so if asked in any tribunal, my duty as an impartial public servant was to speak objectively, to the facts of the matter, especially in court. Thereafter, it was a matter for the court, depending on the balance of evidence to determine guilt or otherwise. But unfortunately, my point of view was not shared by Mrs Bandaranaike and some members of the larger family. As a result, I was immediately transferred from the post of Secretary to the Prime Minister and made Government Agent of Ampara as soon as Dudley’s term was over in April 1970 and Sirimavo returned to office.
It also led to my six years of exile in the districts; to the loss of opportunities, of a years ‘sabbatical’ at Queen Elizabeth Hall at Oxford; to a three month stint with the World Bank as a consultant on district administration in Bangladesh and to my retirement from the public service in 1976. 1 was convinced that with a government against me I would never again get a posting in Colombo commensurate with my seniority.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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