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JULY 1983: AS THE WORLD SAW SRI LANKA

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A scene of anti-Tamil violence in Colombo in 1983

Monday 25th July 1983 began like just another day. But what we didn’t know was that it was to be the last day of an era. By mid-morning from my second-floor office in Fort I could see the city being put to the torch. Already my two sisters’ homes in the suburbs had been attacked and they were taking shelter with Sinhalese and Burgher neighbours.

After ensuring that the female staff was safely escorted home, I walked to my wife’s office in Kompannavidiya. Outside the Air Force Headquarters on Sir Chittampalam Gardiner Mawatha, gangs were stopping cars and setting them on fire. A Police jeep drove through the inferno; but the mob did not pause from their orgy of destruction. On Malay Street groups were looting and then setting shops ablaze. I watched truckloads of troops chanting ‘Jayaweva’ drive out of Army Headquarters, exhorting and encouraging the mobs.

A Sinhalese colleague accompanied us back home where we packed one briefcase with essential documents and one basket with food and necessities for Nishara, our nine-month-old baby. If we had to flee this was all we would take. When a house in the adjacent road was attacked, we took refuge with a Sinhalese neighbour.

We were among the fortunate. We survived. This article remembers the many who did not return to their homes; who came home to charred ruins; who fled to refugee camps and then into exile overseas. It honours the memories of the men, women, children and domestic animals who perished in Sri Lanka’s Holocaust.

By Jayantha Somasundaram

This article is based on reporting by the international media on the events in Sri Lanka 40 years ago.)

“I am not worried about the opinion of the Jaffna people… now we cannot think of them, not about their lives or their opinion… the more you put pressure in the north, the happier the Sinhala people will be here… Really, if I starve the Tamils out, the Sinhala people will be happy.” – President J.R. Jayewardene, Daily Telegraph (London) 11 July 1983

“Someone seemed to have planned the whole thing and waited only for an opportunity. And the opportunity came on the night of 23 July,” (Race & Class London XXVI.I [1984]). Thirteen soldiers of the 1st Battalion Sri Lanka Light Infantry were killed in a landmine explosion in Thirunelveli. Enraged troops struck back immediately. David Beresford wrote that “members of the Tamil community in Jaffna told the British Guardian troops killed a number of students waiting at a bus stop; the students aged between 18 and 20 had been lined up and fired upon. Six were killed and another two injured. Shortly afterwards troops drove through a village about five miles outside Jaffna shooting at random. Two were reported killed. Soldiers in civilian clothes were out in jeeps and raided a number of houses shooting inhabitants. In one house a family planning official was allegedly shot dead while lying on his bed and his 72-year-old father-in-law a headmaster shot sitting outside on the veranda. About 16 people were killed.

“Asked yesterday why no inquests have been held, President Jayewardene said: I didn’t know until a couple of days ago. It is too late now.” The violence then spread to Trincomalee where since early June Tamils had been subject to violence by hoodlums from the market area. On the 3rd the Mansion Hotel had been attacked. Now sailors went on a rampage destroying Hindu Temples, homes and shops. “In Trincomalee” reported The Irish Times (29.7.83), “130 sailors were under arrest after breaking out of their barracks on Monday and attacking shops and homes.”

“Only one in every 100 policemen is a Tamil. When security forces were ordered last week to protect Tamils in Trincomalee and other cities, they reportedly joined in the looting and burning,” said the London Observer (31.7.83).

A crowd had gathered at Kanatte Cemetery in Colombo for the funeral of the soldiers to be held on the 24th evening. “That night, a section of this crowd started setting fire to Tamil houses at the Borella end of Rosmead Place,” (Race & Class ibid).

On the morning of the 25th, mobs began moving right through Colombo and its suburbs waylaying Tamils and attacking them. They stopped vehicles and set ablaze those belonging to Tamils. They went through commercial areas looted shops and set them on fire. Residential areas were worked systematically and homes occupied by Tamils were attacked, looted and burned. Tamils who fell into the hands of these mobs were beaten and killed.

“There is no doubt that someone had identified the Tamil houses, shops and factories earlier. Seventeen industrial complexes belonging to some of the leading Tamil and Indian industrialists were razed to the ground, including those of the multi-millionaire and firm supporter of the ruling party, A.Y. S. Gnanam (the only capitalist in Sri Lanka to whom the World Bank offered a loan), and the influential Maharaja Organisation. The Indian-owned textile mills of Hirdramani Ltd, which used a labour force of 4,000 in the suburbs of Colombo was gutted. So was K. G. Industries Ltd, Hentley Garments, one of the biggest garment exporters…Several cinemas owned by Tamils were destroyed…Probably the worst affected area was the Pettah, the commercial centre of Colombo, where Tamil and Indian traders played a dominant role. Hardly a single Tamil or Indian establishment was left standing. A most distressing aspect of the vandalism was the burning and the destruction of the houses and dispensaries of eminent Tamil doctors – some with over a quarter of a century of service in Sinhala areas.” (Race & Class ibid)

All over the island

By midday the skyline was marked by columns of smoke as factories, shops and houses burned to the ground. A curfew was imposed at 2.00 pm but the terror did not abate, the attacks continued into the next day. “In the capital Colombo, Tamils are said to have been dragged from their cars and incinerated with petrol,” reported the London Economist (30.7.83).

Anthony Mascarenhas of the London Sunday Times wrote: “Throughout Monday Tamil shops were attacked and burned. Those who resisted perished with their property. Buses and cars were stopped and their Tamil passengers beaten up. Cars were burned and strewn all over the city. The army moved in by noon but troops turned a blind eye. Next day Tuesday, the looters took over defying the curfew. By midweek the trouble had spread all over the island. Affluent Tamils in Colombo who had hidden to escape the mobs were now singled out for attacks in their homes, which were looted and burned.”

“The capital was strewn with the wreckage of scores of shops and houses set ablaze, gutted or looted in the rioting.”(New York Times 28/7/83)

John Elliot of the London Financial Times reported from Colombo: “In each street individual business premises were burned down while others alongside were unscathed. Troops and police either joined the rioters or stood idly by. President Jayawardene failed either intentionally or because he had lost control to stem the damage.”

“By Monday night” said Asiaweek from Hong Kong (12.8.83) “the official death toll in the Greater Colombo area alone was 36 with hundreds more injured and unofficial estimates put the figure at three or four times higher. Most of the dead were helpless Tamils stranded in the city and caught by mobs while trying to flee. In the Borella area two Tamil shop-owners were burnt alive when a mob set fire to a row of shops. In Maradana a Tamil was chased by a mob brought down with stones and then hacked to death.

“On Monday while Borella was being put to the torch rioting broke out in adjacent Welikada prison. Some 400 prisoners from a section reserved for common criminals broke into the maximum-security section. Of the Tamil inmates many of whom were still awaiting trial, 37 were killed, either bludgeoned to death with iron bars or literally trampled to death.

“By Tuesday morning virtually every town in Sri Lanka with a Tamil presence bore scars of rioting. The main target, Tamil owned shops and businesses. According to one estimate more than half the country’s Tamil owned shops were gutted.

“Meanwhile the violence went on” continued Asiaweek (12.8.83). “On Thursday an incoming train from Kandy was stopped just outside the Fort station by security forces acting on a tip that Tamil terrorists were on board. One Tamil was reportedly apprehended carrying hand grenades and an automatic rifle. In the process of arresting them however, pandemonium broke out in the train and the Tamil passengers fled. Ten were run down by a mob of some 2,000 Sinhalese who doused each one with petrol and set them alight while still alive. As the victims screamed in pain the Sinhalese crowd cheered and flashed victory signs, then spilled into the streets looting and burning Tamil shops.”

Welikada Prison

“The same day saw more trouble at Welikada,” explained Asiaweek. “Sinhalese prisoners for the second time in three days broke into the maximum-security wing, this time murdering seventeen Tamil detainees. With three other Tamil inmates killed in the Jaffna jail, the total number of Tamils clubbed or trampled to death by rampaging Sinhalese prisoners was 55.”

David Beresford of The Guardian (13.8.83) recalled that ‘Kutumani’ Yogachandran and Ganeshnathan Jeganathan in speeches from the dock had announced that they would donate their eyes in the hope that they would be grafted onto those who would see the birth of Tamil Eelam. “Reports from Batticaloa jail where the survivors of the Welikada massacre are now being kept say that the two men were forced to kneel and their eyes were gorged out with iron bars before they were killed.”

On his return to London Pat O’Leary told the Associated Press “People were dragged out of their homes and then the houses were burned down. I watched a group of Sinhalese people chase a group of three Tamils. They caught one beat him up threw him to the ground and stoned him. It was terrible. Nobody did a thing to help. Even the Police turned a blind eye.”

A Norwegian woman Eli Skarstein on her return to Oslo told the press that “A mini bus full of Tamils was forced to stop just in front of us in Colombo. A Sinhalese mob poured petrol over the bus and set it on fire. They blocked the car doors and prevented the Tamils from leaving the vehicle. Hundreds of spectators witnessed as 20 Tamils were burned to death.”

“For days soldiers and policemen were not overwhelmed: they were unengaged or, in some cases apparently aiding the attackers,” reported the London Economist (6.8.83). “Numerous eye witnesses attest that soldiers and policemen stood by while Colombo burned. After two days of violence and the murder of 35 Tamils in a maximum-security jail, the only editorial in the government-run newspaper was on ‘saving our forest cover’.

“It was five days after the precipitating ambush and a day after a second prison massacre that the people of Sri Lanka heard from their President. On July 28th Mr. Jayewardene spoke on television to denounce separatism and proscribing any party that endorsed it in order to ‘appease the natural desire and request’ of the Sinhalese ‘to prevent the country being divided’. Not a syllable of sympathy for the Tamil people or any explicit rejection of the spirit of vengeance. Next day Colombo was a battle field: more than 100 people are estimated to have been killed on that Friday alone.”

Tigers in the City

On Friday 29th when a soldier accidently shot himself in the Pettah the rumour spread that ‘Tigers’ were in the City. Indian journalist M. Rahman reported how in response soldiers and Sinhalese mobs retreated to the many bridges leading out of Colombo, killing Tamils desperately trying to get back to their homes.

A middle-aged businessman whom T.R. Lanser interviewed for the London Observer (7.8.83) said “On Friday about noon a mob came to attack Tamil people in the hospital. A Tamil Inspector of Police who was visiting me was murdered, cut with knives, just as he was talking to me. He faced them and he gave us time. Even with this broken foot I ran and hid…”

Michael Hamlyn wrote in the London Times (1.8.83) “burnings and killings continued over the weekend despite a 60-hour curfew. The trouble spread on Saturday to Nuwara Eliya. There were further incidents of violence against Tamils and their property in Chilaw, Matale and Kalutara.

”There was a mass exodus of Tamils displaced from their homes. Thirty busloads of refugees were taken from a camp and embarked on a ship for the North.” The International Herald Tribune (15.8.83) in Paris quoted A. Amirthalingam leader of the TULF (Tamil United Liberation Front) and leader of the Opposition in Parliament, as saying that 2,000 people had died in two months of ethnic unrest. He said the figure included deaths in the whole island since anti-Tamil violence broke out in Trincomalee on June 3rd and culminated in riots throughout the island at the end of July.



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Opinion

Gnana Moonesinghe- an appreciation

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Gnana

It was just over one month ago that Gnana Moonesinghe departed from this world after having lived a very fruitful life on this earth. It was indeed a privilege that Mallika and I came to know Gnana after we moved into Havelock City. During that short period, we became very close friends, along with another mutual friend of ours, Dr. Disampathy Subesinghe, who, too, was living in the same Tower after having come from the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Dr. Subesinghe pre-deceased Gnana.

Gnana was a graduate of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya having been at Peradeniya during the halcyon days of that University.

She tied the nuptial knot with Mangala Moonesinghe who was a very respected politician and who served as our High Commissioner in London and New Delhi. She was an exceptional hostess while being the wife of the High Commissioner. It was a very interesting coincidence that our second son, Anuke, had won a trip to New Delhi having won an All-Island essay competition about India while still a schoolboy. The team had met the High Commissioner and Gnana when they attended a reception hosted at the High Commission, where Gnana had been an exceptional hostess to the young boys.

Gnana was a member of many organisations and played an important role in all of them. In addition to these activities, she contributed to newspapers on varied subjects, especially relating to good governance and reconciliation. She was a keen player of scrabble and rummy with her friends and of course entertaining them to a meal if played at her home.

It was while in New Delhi that Gnana wrote and published a book titled “Thus have I heard…”in the year 2009 and she presented a copy to me). This book gives lucid descriptions of the Buddhist teachings of the Buddha and the places of interest in India with historical descriptions of what transpired in each place.

Gnana had brought up a very good daughter Avanthi and a son Sanath. She doted on her grandchildren and in turn they loved her. It was Avanthi and her husband, Murtaza who looked after Gnana during the last stages of her life.

We will miss Gana’s hospitality, soft spoken conversations, and the love that she used to emanate towards her friends.

HM NISSANKA WARAKAULLE

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Manifestos, promises and failures

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The current government’s spectacular electoral success, was in essence a clear rejection of the chaos, incompetence and corruption, that were hallmarks of the traditional parties that have exercised dominant electoral power since Independence in 1948.

The remarkably successful Aragalaya was an emphatic rejection of the ‘old’ parties and hopes of a refreshingly enlightened “System Change”. This was the unspoken reliance on the NPP, (a lightly disguised JVP).

The unsavoury history of the unimaginable and intolerable violence of the JVP, matched by an equally cruel retaliation by Government forces, thankfully faded out around the last decade of the 20th century, is still a feared eventuality, in the memories of those who experienced the nightmare. Maybe, most of the currently active youth, had not even been born at the time. But the fear lingers. It is not unusual that the current NPP leadership, is none too eager to remember that period of history, nor to market this ancestry.

The shift into oblivion of the LSSP, is perhaps a signal that the era of sloganeering and “catch phrases of Marxist verbiage” as electoral currency, is now past.

One hopes that a home-grown model, based on the rugged strengths of rural society, is much more marketable, and representative of the Swabasha nourished, youth leadership. The leader in this transformation, AKD stamps his class with remarkably effective oratorical skills. The ready recall of incidents and instances, to follow logical trends of thought, and the ease with which he changes style and substance, to suit his varied audiences, is simply brilliant. This, with not a note (or prompt) in support, nor an hour to craft his fresh delivery to a new audience. The massive crowds that attended the pre-election rallies, seem to have morphed significantly into votes. The 150-odd seats secured, would have surprised even the most committed supporters. However, can they “walk the talk” of electoral rhetoric?

It also seems that even the few of the Old Guard, possibly crippled by left wing ideology, have taken on a new stance, with emphasis on existing local reality.

The hopes of a majority, enthused by the change of attitudes, professionalism and integrity of the new dispensation, will endure and thrive. The early signs are positive, but this leopard may well change its spots.

The claim that the promised changes, especially of seizure of the proceeds of crime and lawful punishment of fraudsters, is demonstrably slow. There must however be much discomfort among these rogues, that the handcuffs to adorn their wrists, may not be too far away. The President assures the people that the seeming delay, was to allow irrefutable and water-tight evidence to be assembled for successful prosecution, and to eliminate the all too frequent instances where the accused are acquitted and released.

It is increasingly evident that the roots of criminality run deep and far, and even the institutions designed to aid in successful probes, can be compromised by massive enticements, which would be easily accommodated, within the sheer size of the sums involved.

The trails may be clear to the optimistic, but the craftiness of seasoned rogues ensures that although the truth will eventually prevail, it may be a very deep dig. If the lack of “legal provision” is a real impediment, the present parliamentary majority should facilitate speedy correction. However, in many instances, it seems apparent that it is not the lack of laws, but the tardiness in acting where sufficient laws already exist is the problem.

To return to the matter of lying or otherwise distorting reality, there seems to be a kind of permissible and generous threshold, beneath which unreal extravagance can be concealed. If conscience overrides mere legality, and zero tolerance of fraud prevails, there will be public aversion towards any departures from common decency and rectitude.

Credit will be its reward, for the “Clean Sri Lanka” initiative if it goes beyond mere elimination of environmental pollutants and encompasses restoration of moral and ethical standards as well.

But, are we not presently guilty of a shallow pretense of religiosity, when our Constitution urges (or permits), the creation of Ministries of Buddhism and those charged with the “protection” of Christian, Muslim or Hindu affairs? This is hypocrisy of a high order especially in a country, wedded to concepts of equality, compassion and fairness in a pluralistic community. It is infinitely easier to preserve unity in a mixed populace, than to repair a fractured one. As one of our political leaders asserted, in a different context, “We have scrambled the egg and invite any to try “unscrambling it”.

As the late D. M. Jayaratne, as PM, as well as Minister of Buddha Sasana, saw no qualms about declaring that “Only idiots would believe Election manifestos, when their intent was merely to deceive voters into voting for them”. One has to trust that this still prevails. We remain undaunted, in a country that prides itself in a religiosity cemented within a constitution which permits such divisive content.

Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda

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Learning from global models to address flooding and water shortage in Sri Lanka

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by Sudharman Siripala

Sri Lanka is grappling with the increasing threat of climate change, which has led to unpredictable weather patterns. The country faces a dangerous combination of flooding in some regions and water shortages in others, a situation exacerbated by shifting rainfall patterns. Rivers originating in the Central Hills, such as the Mahaweli, Kalu, and Kelani, flow through much of the country, but these water sources are not being distributed evenly. Districts like Monaragala and Hambantota, located in the dry zone, are experiencing severe water shortages. To address this challenge, experts suggest the development of an interconnected river system to harness excess water during floods and redirect it to drier areas, ensuring a year-round water supply for agriculture and daily use.

Global Case Studies in River Management

Several countries facing similar water-related challenges have implemented successful water management systems that Sri Lanka could adapt to its unique circumstances:

The Netherlands – Room for the River Programme

The Netherlands, a country prone to flooding, widened its rivers and relocated dikes to create floodplains. This approach allows rivers to overflow without damaging urban areas, while preserving water flow and natural habitats. Sri Lanka could apply this concept by designating specific riverbank areas for temporary flood storage.

China – South-North Water Transfer Project

China’s massive project channels excess water from the flood-prone Yangtze River to drier northern regions. This system of canals and reservoirs could inspire Sri Lanka to divert water from rivers in the Central Hills to drier areas in the south and east.

Bangladesh – River Interlinking Projects

Bangladesh has implemented river interlinking projects to redistribute water from flood-prone rivers, such as the Brahmaputra, to drier regions. Sri Lanka could link its major rivers like the Mahaweli and Kelani to smaller rivers in water-scarce districts to balance water distribution.

India – National River Linking Project

India’s National River Linking Project connects major rivers to manage both floods and droughts. Sri Lanka could use similar strategies, connecting rivers around the 500-foot contour line in the Central Hills to help distribute water more effectively.

United States – Mississippi River and Tributaries Project

The Mississippi River system combines levees, floodways, and diversion channels to manage flooding. Sri Lanka could adopt similar flood-control measures in vulnerable river basins such as the Kelani and Kalu.

Japan – Underground Reservoirs and Flood Channels

Japan’s G-Cans Project in Tokyo channels excess water into underground reservoirs to prevent urban flooding. A similar underground system could be implemented in Colombo and other flood-prone cities in Sri Lanka.

Singapore – Marina Barrage

Singapore’s Marina Barrage serves as both a flood control measure and a water supply resource. Sri Lanka could develop similar systems to control flooding in urban areas and ensure water availability during dry spells.

Thailand – Chao Phraya River Basin Management

Thailand uses diversion channels in the Chao Phraya River Basin to prevent flooding in Bangkok and direct water to agricultural areas. Sri Lanka could replicate this by creating diversion channels to supply water to its agricultural zones.

Actionable Solutions for Sri Lanka

Develop an Interconnected River System

Establish water diversion channels along the 300-500 meter contour lines of the Central Hills to capture excess rainfall during floods and redirect it to drier areas.

Build Reservoirs and Storage Tanks

Construct reservoirs to store diverted water, ensuring a steady supply for agriculture and domestic use. Sri Lanka has around 14,000 ancient tanks out of 30,000 that could be revitalized for this purpose.

Improve Urban Flood Defenses

Drawing inspiration from Japan and Singapore, build underground reservoirs and flood channels in cities like Colombo to mitigate urban flooding.

Strengthen Watershed Management

Restore natural floodplains and create wetlands to absorb excess rainwater, as seen in the Netherlands, helping to reduce flood risks.

Encourage Public-Private Partnerships

Foster collaboration between the public and private sectors to fund large-scale water management infrastructure, leveraging models from China and the United States.

Leverage Technology

Utilise modern forecasting and real-time water management systems, similar to those in Bangladesh and Thailand, to monitor water levels and manage river flows dynamically.

International Collaboration

Form partnerships with countries that have successfully implemented flood control and water management systems to share expertise and technology.

Sri Lanka’s dual challenges of flooding and water scarcity, compounded by climate change, require immediate action. By developing an interconnected river system and learning from successful global water management models, Sri Lanka can mitigate the effects of floods while ensuring a sustainable water supply for agriculture and daily life. It is crucial for the country to act now, as these solutions have the potential to transform Sri Lanka’s water management system for the better.

Sudharman Siripala Managing Director of Geoinformatics Group and a Registered Licensed Surveyor, specializes in geo-spatial applications. He also serves as a freelance value chain consultant for Vivonta Green Tech Consultants (www.vivonta.lk)

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