Features
Jaffna Revisited- Some Quick Impressions On Post-War Development
by C. Narayanasuwami
(Formerly of the Ceylon Civil Service and Retired Senior Professional of the Asian Development Bank)
My recent visit to Jaffna after several years of forbidden travel due to the pandemic provided an opportunity to revisit areas of interest and observe the changes, including positive and negative developments, in both the economic and social fronts. It was a quick visit and unexpectedly its timing coincided with the visit of the President who declared open the Jaffna Cultural Centre on February 11. The festive atmosphere that prevailed on that day was combined with a subdued celebration of the 75th anniversary of Sri Lanka’s Independence. The atmosphere signified that Jaffna is slowly emerging from the isolation that kept its charms hidden.
Economic Activities
The war-torn city of Jaffna is coming back to life after almost three decades and three years of the pandemic while struggling to cope with day-to-day cost of living pressures and erosion of well entrenched societal values. One could witness the disappearance of bullet marked buildings which are being renovated with remittances received from overseas.
The end of the war saw significant road development initiatives sponsored by the central government. This resulted in paved roads including the major A-9 artery and other pivotal highways that connect Kankesanthurai, Palaly and Point Pedro. Unfortunately, some areas did not benefit from this uneven development. For example, the road leading to some of the main Islands like Velanai, Pungudutivu and Nainathivu is in a dire state requiring immediate attention. There could be similar situations elsewhere not traversed by this writer.
Renovation of old houses and temples, and establishment of small businesses appear to have occurred during the pandemic. The emergence of supermarkets combined with a surfeit of wedding halls give the impression that there was money circulating in the community despite lack of evidence of enhanced economic activity -remittances from abroad have been used to reconstruct damaged houses and buildings as well as invest in some less productive ventures. Anecdotal evidence suggests that most of the wedding halls will soon be white elephants!
While construction activities proceeded on a small scale with private funding, public places like the Jaffna market and Tinnevely market areas remained largely untouched. Except for the cleaning up and beautification of Aryakulam and its environs with a benefactor’s contribution, the Jaffna Municipal Council does not appear to have initiated any significant renovation and refurbishment work in public areas. The development of the Aryakulam area into a place of both historical and touristic attraction is a welcome move but may require further investments to enhance its potential.
In a city where the primary mode of transport was bicycles, the growth in the number of scooters signified that overseas remittances were occasionally put to good use despite contradictions in the way funds were invested. The Jaffna youth considered the possession of scooters as a status symbol in addition to its practical value as a transportation mode. This has also helped older adults to be less dependent on public transport to get to work and attend to household activities.
In anticipation of an influx of tourists, increased number of medium sized hotels and resorts and a plethora of guesthouses have sprung up in the last few years. Many of the guesthouses remain empty although hotel occupancy rates are improving with south-north traffic and a sprinkling of overseas tourists.
An interesting development is taking place consequent to the removal of border controls. The movement of Sinhalese from the south has increased considerably and their involvement in some economic activities has created an opportunity for increased social interaction with the Tamils. Substantial number of people travel from the south to visit religious places in Nagadeepa/Nainatheevu and other areas of social interest.
The number of visitors from the south outnumbered those from within Jaffna on the day the author visited Keerimalai Springs, a place noted for its religious significance and healing properties. Another event comes to mind-the author witnessed a busload of visitors from the south entering the Jaffna market after visiting Sri Naga Vihara and negotiating prices for products in Sinhala. It was interesting to observe that proficiency in the Sinhala language among Tamil traders was even better than their counterparts in Colombo. This situation raises hopes that movement of people irrespective of their race, religion or caste will now promote unity in diversity and greater interaction among the country’s diverse population.
Social Development
The social structure is reported to be crumbling. The social stratification that encompassed caste-based divisions which continued to survive the onslaught of the civil war is now co-existing with clan- based divisions resulting in sharp deterioration in the social order. The emergence of gangs engaged in criminal activities using swords as weapons combined with indiscriminate use of drugs among the youth have created a divisive population.
In contrast to this development however, a substantial number of youth pursuing higher studies have shown keenness in their studies. What was gratifying were the scenes witnessed in many roadside areas where queues of students on bicycles were waiting for their turn to attend tuition classes. The difference was that such students were always accompanied by one of their parents compared to what prevailed a decade or two ago when the same practice of attending tuition classes rested entirely with the students themselves. This sharp difference has apparently arisen due to the fear that unaccompanied students would fall a prey to drug use and other socially disruptive practices.
An Assessment
Is Jaffna booming, blooming or busting is the question that arises in the minds of those familiar with Jaffna’s heritage, historical background, culture and socioeconomic development patterns. Jaffna is going through a process of transformation which displays both positive and negative features. The author, in his book entitled, ‘Managing Development: People, Policies, and Institutions’ launched in Colombo under the auspices of the current President (then Prime Minister) in August 2019 and later in Sydney, Australia in September 2019, and in Manila, Philippines in November 2019 had this to say about development,
“Development is about people. People are both partners and beneficiaries of change. Good policies and effective institutions provide the basis for sound development management. Successful institutions derive their power from competent leaders and good management practices. The pace and process of development are determined by good governance and strengthened capacity to implement and manage projects”.
Viewed from this perspective there are shortfalls and issues relating to policies, appropriate institutional structure and oversight and sound governance, including dynamic leadership and management, providing form and content to structured development at the local level.
Positive developments
Regaining confidence in the stability of life which had been badly battered during the civil war and subsequent post-war period could be considered a significant positive feature. Although the pandemic had an adverse impact on agricultural activities there was progressive participation in pursuits that kept people engaged in productive occupations. At present farming activities are slowly building up though not to the levels of the pre-war situation.
Non-farm activities comprised opening of small-scale grocery stores, supermarkets, fisheries and general business ventures and mixed trading enterprises, including tourism related ventures. Supermarkets and agro-industrial enterprises such as mills, and packaging industries have generated some employment among the youth. Infrastructure development, one of the key features of post war development, has had both positive and negative impacts due to uneven spread and lack of adoption of a strategic planning approach.
Education has been identified as an industry in the Jaffna peninsula from the time of the British and continues to be so even now although standardisation of university admissions in the 1970s caused a substantial setback. However, the level of interest in pursuing higher studies is evident in the keenness shown by students to follow tuition classes despite obstacles.
The participation of people from the south in economic activities has brought the Sinhala-Tamil communities together and with or without their knowledge they are promoting inter-communal harmony and social integration.
Limiting Factors
The primary limiting factor is the lack of a planned investment pattern, both public and private, that has resulted in uneven and lopsided development which has contributed to unproductive ventures mushrooming in several parts of the city. This was confirmed by many, including legislators who understand the pulse of the people better. Some of the supermarkets located in distant areas were reported to be on the verge of closing due to lack of business. The practicality and sustainability of these ventures were not subjected to critical examination at the planning stage. The same applies to guesthouses many of which have had no guests for months.
Another limiting factor is the drug menace which seems to attract the marginalised youth who, having suffered from the trauma, loss of life and poverty during and after the war, found an escape route provided by unscrupulous and influential drug traffickers.
Conclusions
Jaffna is moving forward and is witnessing a positive transformation, albeit with limitations arising from ill-planned, adhoc and disjointed interventions spanning the entire development domain. The absence of investments in any major industrial venture suggests that long-term investment planning has been missing. A distinguishing feature of the development pattern is that investment funds came largely from overseas remittances with no significant inputs from successful local entrepreneurs or from local government institutions.
This needs to be reversed and funds should be generated within the country at central and local levels if the pattern of investment is to be directed at ventures that will have a durable impact on the society with their economic and social viability assessed and analysed critically at the planning stage. This however does not preclude external financing provided it is channelled appropriately.
There needs to be a centrally located planning entity or a technically competent approval body which could coordinate the approval, supervision and monitoring of new ventures based on their relevance and economic value. An overarching body of this nature could possibly fall under varying authority levels depending on the scope, nature, and size of the investment portfolio; under the district secretariat, the Governor or the Jaffna Municipal Council, as appropriate.
The social issues, including drug trafficking, need to be tackled with appropriate intervention, supervision and funding from both central and local government levels. The establishment of an effective, high level task force comprising representatives from civil, military, police and NGO’s to handle crime and drug use could play a pivotal role to apprehend offenders, seek appropriate punishments, and enforce rehabilitation activities endorsed by medical and social welfare institutions.
Six months into the term of office of the new government, the main positive achievements continue to remain economic and political stability and the reduction of waste and corruption. The absence of these in the past contributed to a significant degree to the lack of development of the country. The fact that the government is making a serious bid to ensure them is the best prognosis for a better future for the country. There is still a distance to go. The promised improvements that would directly benefit those who are at the bottom of the economic pyramid, and the quarter of the population who live below the poverty line, have yet to materialise. Prices of essential goods have not come down and some have seen sharp increases such as rice and coconuts. There are no mega projects in the pipeline that would give people the hope that rapid development is around the corner.
There were times in the past when governments succeeded in giving the people big hopes for the future as soon as they came to power. Perhaps the biggest hope came with the government’s move towards the liberalisation of the economy that took place after the election of 1977. President J R Jayewardene and his team succeeded in raising generous international assistance, most of it coming in the form of grants, that helped to accelerate the envisaged 30 year Mahaweli Development project to just six years. In 1992 President Ranasinghe Premadasa thought on a macro scale when his government established 200 garment factories throughout the country to develop the rural economy and to help alleviate poverty. These large scale projects brought immediate hope to the lives of people.
More recently the Hambantota Port project, Mattala Airport and the Colombo Port City project promised mega development that excited the popular imagination at the time they commenced, though neither of them has lived up to their envisaged potential. These projects were driven by political interests and commission agents rather than economic viability leading to debt burden and underutilisation. The NPP government would need to be cautious about bringing in similar mega projects that could offer the people the hope of rapid economic growth. During his visits to India and China, President Anura Kumara Dissanayake signed a large number of agreements with the governments of those countries but the results remain unclear. The USD 1 billion Adani project to generate wind power with Indian collaboration appears to be stalled. The USD 3.7 billion Chinese proposal to build an oil refinery also appears to be stalled.
RENEWED GROWTH
The absence of high profile investments or projects to generate income and thereby take the country to a higher level of development is a lacuna in the development plans of the government. It has opened the door to invidious comparisons to be drawn between the new government’s ability to effect change and develop the economy in relation to those in the opposition political parties who have traditionally been in the seats of power. However, recently published statistics of the economic growth during the past year indicates that the economy is doing better than anticipated under the NPP government. Sri Lanka’s economy grew by 5 percent in the year 2024, reversing two years of contraction with the growth rate for the year of 2023 being estimated at negative 2.3 percent. What was particularly creditable was the growth rate for the fourth quarter of 2024 (after the new government took over) being 5.4 percent. The growth figures for the present quarter are also likely to see a continuation of the present trend.
Sri Lanka’s failure in the past has been to sustain its economic growth rates. Even though the country started with high growth rates under different governments, it soon ran into problems of waste and corruption that eroded those gains. During the initial period of President J R Jayawardene’s government in the late 1970s, the economy registered near 8 percent growth with the support of its mega projects, but this could not be sustained. Violent conflict, waste and corruption came to the centre stage which led to the economy getting undermined. With more and more money being spent on the security forces to battle those who had become insurgents against the state, and with waste and corruption skyrocketing there was not much left over for economic development.
The government’s commitment to cut down on waste and corruption so that resources can be saved and added to enable economic growth can be seen in the strict discipline it has been following where expenditures on its members are concerned. The government has restricted the cabinet to 25 ministers, when in the past the figure was often double. The government has also made provision to reduce the perks of office, including medical insurance to parliamentarians. The value of this latter measure is that the parliamentarians will now have an incentive to upgrade the health system that serves the general public, instead of running it down as previous governments did. With their reduced levels of insurance coverage they will need to utilise the public health facilities rather than go to the private ones.
COMMITTED GOVERNMENT
The most positive feature of the present time is that the government is making a serious effort to root out corruption. This is to be seen in the invigoration of previously dormant institutions of accountability, such as the Bribery and Corruption Commission, and the willingness of the Attorney General’s Department to pursue those who were previously regarded as being beyond the reach of the law due to their connections to those in the seats of power. The fact that the Inspector General of Police, who heads the police force, is behind bars on a judicial order is an indication that the rule of law is beginning to be taken seriously. By cost cutting, eliminating corruption and abiding by the rule of law the government is removing the obstacles to development. In the past, the mega development projects failed to deliver their full benefits because they got lost in corrupt and wasteful practices including violent conflict.
There is a need, however, for new and innovative development projects that require knowledge and expertise that is not necessarily within the government. So far it appears that the government is restricting its selection of key decision makers to those it knows, has worked with and trusts due to long association. Two of the committees that the government has recently appointed, the Clean Lanka task force and the Tourism advisory committee are composed of nearly all men from the majority community. If Sri Lanka is to leverage its full potential, the government must embrace a more inclusive approach that incorporates women and diverse perspectives from across the country’s multiethnic and multireligious population, including representation from the north and east. For development that includes all, and is accepted by all, it needs to tap into the larger resources that lie outside itself.
By ensuring that women and ethnic minorities have representation in decision making bodies of the government, the government can harness a broader range of skills, experiences, and perspectives, ultimately leading to more effective and sustainable development policies. Sustainable development is not merely about economic growth; it is about inclusivity and partnership. A government that prioritises diversity in its leadership will be better equipped to address the challenges that can arise unexpectedly. By widening its advisory base and integrating a broader array of voices, the government can create policies that are not only effective but also equitable. Through inclusive governance, responsible economic management, and innovative development strategies the government will surely lead the country towards a future that benefits all its people.
by Jehan Perera
Former Minister Ali Sabry’s recent op-ed, “Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy,” published in the Daily FT on 3 March, offers a timely reflection on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy trajectory in an increasingly multipolar world. Sabry’s articulation of a “non-aligned yet multi-aligned” approach is commendable for its attempt to reconcile Sri Lanka’s historical commitment to non-alignment with the realities of contemporary geopolitics. However, his framework raises critical questions about the principles of non-alignment, the nuances of multi-alignment, and Sri Lanka’s role in a world shaped by great power competition. This response seeks to engage with Sabry’s arguments, critique certain assumptions, and propose a more robust vision for Sri Lanka’s foreign policy.
Sabry outlines five key pillars of a non-aligned yet multi-aligned foreign policy:
- No military alignments, no foreign bases: Sri Lanka should avoid entangling itself in military alliances or hosting foreign military bases.
- Economic engagement with all, dependency on none
: Sri Lanka should diversify its economic partnerships to avoid over-reliance on any single country.
* Diplomatic balancing
: Sri Lanka should engage with multiple powers, leveraging relationships with China, India, the US, Europe, Japan, and ASEAN for specific benefits.
- Leveraging multilateralism
: Sri Lanka should participate actively in regional and global organisations, such as UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC.
- Resisting coercion and protecting sovereignty
: Sri Lanka must resist external pressures and assert its sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.
While pillars 1, 2, and 5 align with the traditional principles of non-alignment, pillars 3 and 4 warrant closer scrutiny. Sabry’s emphasis on “diplomatic balancing” and “leveraging multilateralism” raises questions about the consistency of his approach with the spirit of non-alignment and whether it adequately addresses the challenges of a multipolar world.
Dangers of over-compartmentalisation
Sabry’s suggestion that Sri Lanka should engage with China for infrastructure, India for regional security and trade, the US and Europe for technology and education, and Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities reflects a pragmatic approach to foreign policy. However, this compartmentalisation of partnerships risks reducing Sri Lanka’s foreign policy to a transactional exercise, undermining the principles of non-alignment.
Sabry’s framework, curiously, excludes China from areas like technology, education, and regional security, despite China’s growing capabilities in these domains. For instance, China is a global leader in renewable energy, artificial intelligence, and 5G technology, making it a natural partner for Sri Lanka’s technological advancement. Similarly, China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) offers significant opportunities for economic development and regional connectivity. By limiting China’s role to infrastructure, Sabry’s approach risks underutilising a key strategic partner.
Moreover, Sabry’s emphasis on India for regional security overlooks the broader geopolitical context. While India is undoubtedly a critical partner for Sri Lanka, regional security cannot be addressed in isolation from China’s role in South Asia. The Chinese autonomous region of Xizang (Tibet) is indeed part of South Asia, and China’s presence in the region is a reality that Sri Lanka must navigate. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would seek to balance relationships with both India and China, rather than assigning fixed roles to each.
Sabry’s compartmentalisation of partnerships risks creating silos in Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, limiting its flexibility and strategic depth. For instance, by relying solely on the US and Europe for technology and education, Sri Lanka may miss out on opportunities for South-South cooperation with members of BRICS.
Similarly, by excluding China from regional security discussions, Sri Lanka may inadvertently align itself with India’s strategic interests, undermining its commitment to non-alignment.
Limited multilateralism?
Sabry’s call for Sri Lanka to remain active in organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC is laudable. However, his omission of the BRI, BRICS, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is striking. These platforms represent emerging alternatives to the Western-dominated global order and offer Sri Lanka opportunities to diversify its partnerships and enhance its strategic autonomy.
The BRI is one of the most ambitious infrastructure and economic development projects in history, involving over 140 countries. For Sri Lanka, the BRI offers opportunities for infrastructure development, trade connectivity, and economic growth. By participating in the BRI, Sri Lanka can induce Chinese investment to address its infrastructure deficit and integrate into global supply chains. Excluding the BRI from Sri Lanka’s foreign policy framework would be a missed opportunity.
BRICS and the SCO represent platforms for South-South cooperation and multipolarity. BRICS, in particular, has emerged as a counterweight to such Western-dominated institutions as the IMF and World Bank, advocating for a more equitable global economic order. The SCO, on the other hand, focuses on regional security and counterterrorism, offering Sri Lanka a platform to address its security concerns in collaboration with major powers like China, Russia, and India. By engaging with these organisations, Sri Lanka can strengthen its commitment to multipolarity and enhance its strategic autonomy.
Non-alignment is not neutrality
Sabry’s assertion that Sri Lanka must avoid taking sides in major power conflicts reflects a misunderstanding of non-alignment. Non-alignment is not about neutrality; it is about taking a principled stand on issues of global importance. During the Cold War, non-aligned countries, like Sri Lanka, opposed colonialism, apartheid, and imperialism, even as they avoided alignment with either the US or the Soviet Union.
Sri Lanka’s foreign policy, under leaders like S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike and Sirimavo Bandaranaike, was characterised by a commitment to anti-colonialism and anti-imperialism, opposing racial segregation and discrimination in both its Apartheid and Zionist forms. Sri Lanka, the first Asian country to recognise revolutionary Cuba, recognised the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam, supported liberation struggles in Africa, and opposed the US military base in Diego Garcia. These actions were not neutral; they were rooted in a principled commitment to justice and equality.
Today, Sri Lanka faces new challenges, including great power competition, economic coercion, and climate change. A truly non-aligned foreign policy would require Sri Lanka to take a stand on issues like the genocide in Gaza, the colonisation of the West Bank, the continued denial of the right to return of ethnically-cleansed Palestinians and Chagossians, the militarisation of the Indo-Pacific, the use of economic sanctions as a tool of coercion, and the need for climate justice. By avoiding these issues, Sri Lanka risks becoming the imperialist powers’ cringing, whingeing client state.
The path forward
Sabry’s use of the term “multi-alignment” reflects a growing trend in Indian foreign policy, particularly under the BJP Government. However, multi-alignment is not the same as multipolarity. Multi-alignment implies a transactional approach to foreign policy, where a country seeks to extract maximum benefits from multiple partners without a coherent strategic vision. Multipolarity, on the other hand, envisions a world order where power is distributed among multiple centres, reducing the dominance of any single power.
Sri Lanka should advocate for a multipolar world order that reflects the diversity of the global South. This would involve strengthening platforms like BRICS, the SCO, and the NAM, while also engaging with Western institutions like the UN and the WTO. By promoting multipolarity, Sri Lanka can contribute to a more equitable and just global order, in line with the principles of non-alignment.
Ali Sabry’s call for a non-aligned, yet multi-aligned foreign policy falls short of articulating a coherent vision for Sri Lanka’s role in a multipolar world. To truly uphold the principles of non-alignment, Sri Lanka must:
* Reject compartmentalisation
: Engage with all partners across all domains, including technology, education, and regional security.
* Embrace emerging platforms
: Participate in the BRI, BRICS, and SCO to diversify partnerships and enhance strategic autonomy.
* Take principled stands
: Advocate for justice, equality, and multipolarity in global affairs.
* Promote South-South cooperation
: Strengthen ties with other Global South countries to address shared challenges, like climate change and economic inequality.
By adopting this approach, Sri Lanka can reclaim its historical legacy as a leader of the non-aligned movement and chart a course toward a sovereign, secure, and successful future.
(Vinod Moonesinghe read mechanical engineering at the University of Westminster, and worked in Sri Lanka in the tea machinery and motor spares industries, as well as the railways. He later turned to journalism and writing history. He served as chair of the Board of Governors of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute. He is a convenor of the Asia Progress Forum, which can be contacted at asiaprogressforum@gmail.com.)
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Cancellation of shows has turned out to be a regular happening where former Backstreet Boys Nick Carter is concerned. In the past, it has happened several times.
If Nick Carter is not 100 percent fit, he should not undertake these strenuous world tours, ultimately disappointing his fans.
It’s not a healthy scene to be cancelling shows on a regular basis.
In May 2024, a few days before his scheduled visit to the Philippines, Carter cancelled his two shows due to “unforeseen circumstances.”
The promoter concerned announced the development and apologised to fans who bought tickets to Carter’s shows in Cebu, on May 23, and in Manila, on May 24.
The dates were supposed to be part of the Asian leg of his ‘Who I Am’ 2024 tour.
Carter previously cancelled a series of solo concerts in Asia, including Jakarta, Mumbai, Singapore, and Taipei. And this is what the organisers had to say:
“Due to unexpected matters related to Nick Carter’s schedule, we regret to announce that Nick’s show in Asia, including Jakarta on May 26 (2024), has been cancelled.
His ‘Who I Am’ Japan tour 2024 was also cancelled, with the following announcement:
Explaining, on video, about the
cancelled ‘Who I Am’ shows
“We regret to announce that the NICK CARTER Japan Tour, planned for June 4th at Toyosu PIT (Tokyo) and June 6th at Namba Hatch (Osaka), will no longer be proceeding due to ‘unforeseen circumstances.’ We apologise for any disappointment.
Believe me, I had a strange feeling that his Colombo show would not materialise and I did mention, in a subtle way, in my article about Nick Carter’s Colombo concert, in ‘StarTrack’ of 14th January, 2025 … my only worry (at that point in time) is the HMPV virus which is reported to be spreading in China and has cropped up in Malaysia, and India, as well.
Although no HMPV virus has cropped up, Carter has cancelled his scheduled performance in Sri Lanka, and in a number of other countries, as well, to return home, quoting, once again, “unforeseen circumstances.”
“Unforeseen circumstances” seems to be his tagline!
There is talk that low ticket sales is the reason for some of his concerts to be cancelled.
Yes, elaborate arrangements were put in place for Nick Carter’s trip to Sri Lanka – Meet & Greet, Q&A, selfies, etc., but all at a price!
Wonder if there will be the same excitement and enthusiasm if Nick Carter decides to come up with new dates for what has been cancelled?
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