Midweek Review
Gin-Nilwala rip-off and culpability of Parliament

By Shamindra Ferdinando
The Presidential Media Division (PMD) on the afternoon of Oct. 06, 2021 released a letter (PS/LAD/1/9/2021(iii)) Attorney-at-Law Harigupta Rohanadeera, Director General (Legal) President’s Office has sent to Attorney-at-Law W.K.D. Wijeratne, Director General, Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC).
The letter requested the CIABOC to submit a report to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa within a month as regards the revelations made by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) pertaining to Sri Lankans engaged in controversial offshore transactions. Rohanadeera’s letter didn’t name anyone though by then the media all over the world, on the basis of ICIJ investigations, named former parliamentarian Nirupama Rajapaksa and her husband Thirukumar Nadesan as operators of offshore accounts.
Instructions issued to the CIABOC should be examined against the backdrop of Nadesan’s plea to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa that he preferred a retired judge of the Court of Appeal to inquire into the ‘Pandora Papers’ revelations.
The following is the text of Nadesan’s letter dated Oct 06: “My name and that of my wife have been referred to as having various accounts/assets offshore. These references are in what is referred to as the Pandora Papers.
“It is commonly believed that all persons whose names have been so divulged are in some way guilty of wrongdoing. Several world leaders, including His Excellency Imran Khan have publicly announced that they will investigate anyone whose names appear in Pandora Papers.
“I assure your Excellency that my wife and I are totally innocent and are guilty of no wrong doings. In the circumstances, I humbly request Your Excellency to appoint an independent investigator, preferably a retired appeal court judge, without delay, to investigate this matter so that my name and that of my wife would be cleared.
“I am making this request to Your Excellency because my wife and I have suffered heartache and pain of mind. We have been presumed guilty, the presumption of innocence is reversed. It is in these circumstances that I make this humble request to your Excellency.
“Please forgive me for intruding on your time.”
The one page letter has been sent from Nadesan’s Horton Place residence ‘Montrose’, No 95.
Is the CIABOC capable of investigating Pandora Papers revelations? The CIABOC comprising retired Supreme Court justice Eva Wanasundera, retired Appeals Court justice Deepali Wijesundara and former head of State Intelligence Service (SIS) retired DIG Chandra Nimal Wakista, faces a daunting task in producing a report within a month.
The ICIJ declared: *”In the U.S., lawmakers said they will respond to the Pandora Papers with new legislation targeting financial professionals and other businesses that move dirty money for corrupt clients;
*The European Commission’s head of taxation said the commission will push to crack down on tax avoidance and expand information exchange between countries; and
*Enforcement agencies or leaders in India, Spain, Ireland, Mexico, Germany, Pakistan, Bulgaria, Australia, Brazil, Sri Lanka, Paraguay, Panama and more have vowed to act on the Pandora Papers revelations, as new stories continue to be published and the global response to the investigation continues to grow and evolve.”
CIABOC’s status
The 20th Amendment to the Constitution, enacted in Oct 2020, deprived the CIABOC the power to initiate action. The much-touted move hailed by the ruling Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) as a measure to restore political stability, obviously weakened the outfit. However, the CIABOC’s performance, even before the enactment of the 20 A, has been questionable though it engaged in some high profile exercises during the yahapalana administration. Its passage with a 2/3 majority in Parliament was followed by the CIABOC giving up on investigations initiated during the yahapalana administration.
The Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL), the first to demand a thorough domestic investigation into the Pandora Papers has, subsequently lodged a complaint with the CIABOC seeking an investigation. Executive Director TISL Attorney-at-Law Nadishani Perera says the CIABOC has very clear powers and laws to deal with complaints though technically it cannot act on its own as a result of the 20th Amendment.
Having lodged the complaint on Oct 7, the day after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s intervention, TISL asserted that the transactions revealed could amount to offences under Section 23A of the Bribery Act hence the need to probe into the Declarations of Assets and Liabilities of Mrs. Nirupama Rajapaksa relating to her tenure as a Member of Parliament. TISL also points out that CIABOC is empowered to take relevant action on acquisitions through unknown sources of wealth or income, under Section 4(1) of the CIABOC Act under the provisions of the Bribery Act or the Declaration of Assets and Liabilities Law. The anti-corruption outfit suggested that investigations could be pursued under Section 70 of the Bribery Act, to investigate whether public funds had been embezzled and laundered through these foreign safe havens.
The contentious issue is whether serving or former parliamentarians or their relatives can be properly investigated without political interference. The CIABOC has conducted successful investigations even on the basis of anonymous complaints. Let me give an example to prove how a successful prosecution has been achieved in the case of a person failing to make an asset declaration.
The Colombo High Court of No.6, Judge Patabendige on June 12, 2020, convicted a Supply Assistant of Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) attached to the Ratnapura Branch, Wijekoon Mudiyanselage Sumanasekera, in a case prosecuted by the CIABOC based on an assets investigation conducted on an anonymous complaint received by the Commission.
The accused, residing at the Millennium City Housing Scheme, No 14, Aturugiriya, has been accused of accumulating Rs.6 mn assets through bribes exceeding his actual income. HC judge Patabendige imposed a five year rigorous imprisonment and a fine of Rs. 5,000/-. In default of fine, further three months simple imprisonment was imposed.
The judge further ordered the official under section 26(b) of the Bribery Act to pay Rs.11,960,093/98 which was twice the amount earned by bribes. In default of payment, the accused was subjected to a term of a further two year rigorous imprisonment.
Judge Patabendige also issued an open warrant on the accused and ordered to inform the Department of Immigration and Emigration in that regard.
Deputy Director General of CIABOC Mrs. Ranjani Senewiratne prosecuted. Investigation was conducted by the OIC of the Assets Investigations Division.
However, the CIABOC will have to work closely with the Central Bank, the Inland Revenue and even the Foreign Ministry in addition to the ICIJ in conducting investigations into the Nadesan affair. Parliament, too, will have to monitor what can be easily declared as the biggest case undertaken by the CIABOC. The issue at hand is whether the assets under the name of Nirupama Rajapaksa and Thirukumar Nadesan had been declared to the relevant authorities.
Regardless of attempts to depict the questionable transactions as dealings that had taken place during the 1990-2000 period, the Pandora Papers disclosure placed the SLPP in an extremely embarrassing position. There is no point in denying the fact that she represented the SLFP in the PA and UPFA parliamentary groups for a period of 16 years. Most of all she is a blood relative of the Rajapaksas in power. That is the undeniable truth. The revelations couldn’t have happened at a worse time for the government as it struggles to cope up with the deepening economic crisis, primarily brought on by the global pandemic.
Conduct of parliamentarians
Colombo Chief Magistrate Buddhika Sri Ragala on July 30, 2021 acquitted one-time Deputy Minister Sarana Gunawardena of all bribery cases filed against him.
Assistant Director General of the CIABOC Asitha Anthony told the court that the case had been filed against the former Deputy Minister without the approval of the three commissioners. Attorney-at-Law Niroshan Siriwardena, appearing on behalf of Gunawardena requested that the charges against his client be dropped.
CIABOC had filed eight cases against Gunawardena, accusing him of causing losses to the State by leasing vehicles to the Development Lotteries Board (DLB) during his tenure as its Chairman in 2007.
While serving as the Chairman of DLB, Gunawardena was alleged to have influenced the officers of the DLB to rent three vehicles from his wife by paying Rs 960,000 per each vehicle where the true value per vehicle was only Rs. 635,000.
Gunawardena was convicted for all three charges that were presented against him. The rejected politician was sentenced to a prison sentence of one year on each charge cumulating a prison sentence of three years. Gunawardena was also ordered to pay a fine of Rs 100,000 for each vehicle totaling to a fine of Rs 300,000. In case Gunawardena failed to pay the fine, he was to be subjected to an additional prison sentence of six months for each offence. The prosecution was handled by Assistant Director General Mr. Asitha Athony.
The dismissal of Gunawardena’s proceedings is certainly not an isolated case. When JVP leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake raised the shocking disclosure made by ICIJ in Parliament, Leader of the House and Education Minister Dinesh Gunawardena pointed out that the case was now before court.
Lawmaker Dissanayake was addressing Parliament on Oct 8, the day the CIABOC recorded Nadesan’s statement. Minister Gunawardena was referring to the controversial case pertaining to Malwana house.
SLPP National List MP Jayantha Weerasinghe, PC, challenged Dissanayake’s comments. Declaring that he appeared for Thirukumar Nadesan in court, Weerasinghe emphasised that no one in Parliament represented the businessman’s interests. Weerasinghe said that Nadesan was an accused in that case.
Dissanayake also raised the controversial Gin-Nilwala project and the transfer of funds to Nadesan’s account by a Chinese company that received a staggering Rs 4,012 mn in two separate transactions from the then Sri Lankan government around the time of the 2015 presidential election. The SLPP repeatedly interrupted MP Dissanayake. A smiling JVPer said that though the SLPP claimed no one in Parliament represented the interests of Thirukumar Nadesan, many spoke on his behalf.
Matara District Communist Party member Weerasumana Weerasinghe was in the chair.
The reference to money received by Nadesan from the Chinese company given the Gin-Nilwala project amounted to USD 5.9 mn. Dissanayake told The Island that the account that had received USD 5.9 mn was a Hong Kong account.
TISL, in its website tweeted that particular section of MP Dissanayake’s parliamentary speech. The social media coverage of Pandora Papers underscored the seriousness of the crisis faced by Sri Lanka.
A dismal track record
Civil society activist Gamini Viyangoda in April this year sought an explanation from the CIABOC and the Attorney General’s Department as regards termination of several high profile cases. Viyangoda questioned the rationale in dropping all charges against former lawmaker and Foreign Ministry Monitoring MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena pertaining to the Mihin Lanka case. That particular case dealt with misappropriation of public funds amounting to Rs 883 mn, Viyangoda declared while referring to recent dismissal of cases involving one-time Eastern Province Chief Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan (now an MP backing the SLPP), Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksa, Mahindananda Aluthgamage, Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former Chief Justice Mohan Peiris. The former CJ received appointment as Sri Lanka’s top representative in New York.
Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, who served as the AG during the Yahapalana administration is the incumbent Chief Justice.
What really happened to the money laundering case (HC case No 4648/2009) involving the then parliamentarian Ravi Karunanayake, who subsequently received the appointment as the Minister of Finance during the previous administration. The money had been received from Raj Rajaratnam, given an 11-year prison sentence for insider trading in the US.
The case that had been initially taken up at the HC No 01 was subsequently (May 2015) transferred to High Court No 4 before HC Judge Iranganee Perera who was about to be retired. On the basis of what was called a defective indictment Judge Perera discharged Karunanayake while making specific legal right of the Attorney General to serve an indictment afresh to the accused Ravi Karunanayake. Obviously, that was conveniently ignored. Yuvanjana Wijayatilake served as the AG at that time.
Attorney-at-Law and public interest litigation Activist Nagananda Kodituwakku in an affidavit submitted to the CIABOC in March 2017 sought an investigation in respect of the failure on the part of the AG’s Department to act on the advice given by HC judge Perera. Kodituwakku asserted that the alleged offence committed could have been dealt with under Section 70 of the Bribery Act.
A monument for ICIJ
A no-holds-barred investigation is required to examine high profile corruption allegations. So far, the CIABOC hasn’t been able to bring at least one of the cases involving politicians to a successful conclusion. It would be pertinent to mention incumbent Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena’s response to waste, corruption and irregularities.
Speaker Abeywardena said contentious matters pertaining to financial responsibility on the part of Parliament should be dealt with only by the enactment of a new Constitution.
The SLPP MP said so in response to Prof. Charitha Herath, Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) alleging serious hindrance of parliamentary supervision by a section of state enterprises. Prof. Herath explained the daunting challenges faced by COPE at the time he tabled the first COPE report at the outfit’s ninth session.
Proceedings of parliamentary watchdog committees, COPE, COPA (Committee on Public Accounts) and COPF (Committee on Public Finance) depict a frightening picture.
Unfortunately, Parliament has conveniently failed to take tangible measures though the three watchdog committees reported rampant criminal waste of public funds, corruption, irregularities involving the revenue collection mechanism and negligence at every level of successive administrations.
Have those responsible for ensuring financial discipline forgotten the primary responsibilities of Parliament. The two major responsibilities are financial discipline and enactment of laws. Let people judge whether our political parties have lived up to their much repeated pledges to restore financial discipline. Examination of proceedings of the watchdog committees revealed how the public and private sectors exploited the national economy. Fighting corruption appears to be a just a political slogan propagated by both those in power and the Opposition.
The Joint Opposition (JO registered themselves as SLPP) in the run up to 2019 presidential election conducted a major campaign against what it called ‘Top 10 Kamba Horu.’ Incumbent Agriculture Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage spearheaded the project. The JO printed a 750-page book that dealt with 10 major corrupt deals that took place between January 8, 2015 and Dec 31, 2015. The JO alleged that the CIABOC never initiated investigations into complaints lodged by the JO. The SLPP owed an explanation regarding the current status of the complaints lodged by them because the party returned to power, nearly two years ago.
According to the JO publication, in the public domain, complaints were lodged against Ranil Wickremesinghe, MP, pertaining to the Treasury bond scams, on Oct 29, 2016 (Rs 26 bn fraud/complainant Vasudeva Nanayakkara, MP), ex-MP Ravi Karunanayake pertaining to importation of vehicles, on Nov 09, 2016 (Rs 10 bn fraud/complainant Dr. Romesh Pathirana, MP), ex-MP Malik Samarawickrema pertaining to Mahapola Fund, on Nov 22, 2016 (Rs 1 bn fraud/complainant Sisira Jayakody, MP), Thalatha Atukorala, MP, pertaining to fraud in an insurance scheme for those working in the Middle East, on Dec 07, 2016 (Rs 1.5 bn fraud/complainant ex-MP Niroshan Premaratne), Ranil Wickremesinghe pertaining to 99-year-lease on Hanbantota port, on January 4, 2017 (Rs 15 bn/complainant Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, MP, Speaker), Kabir Hashim, MP, pertaining to cancellation of aircraft ordered by SriLankan Airlines, on January 18, 2017 (Rs 54 bn fraud/complainant Kanaka Herath, MP), P. Harrison pertaining to releasing of paddy to a selected group of companies, on Feb 01, 2017 (Rs 10 bn fraud/complainant Jayantha Samaraweera), ex-MP Ravi Karunanayake pertaining to vehicle racket, on Feb 15, 2017 (Rs 15 bn fraud/complainant Udaya Gammanpila, MP), Dr. Rajitha Senaratne MP pertaining to leasing of Modera fisheries harbour and issuance of licenses to eight vessels for fishing in Sri Lankan waters, on Feb 28, 2017 (Rs 1 bn fraud/complainant the late MP Ranjith de Zoysa) , Dr. Rajitha Senaratne pertaining to irregularities in the purchase of medicines, on Feb 28, 2017 (Rs 1.5 bn fraud/complainant the late Ranjith de Zoysa) and Ranil Wickremesinghe, MP pertaining to procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant, on March 16, 2017 (Rs 5 bn fraud/complainant Vidura Wickremanayake, MP).
The JO declared the above mentioned frauds cost the country a staggering Rs 131.5 bn.
Parliament, as an institution, at least now should respond to corruption. In the wake of Pandora Papers disclosures, social media posted a speech made by SLPP Polonnaruwa District MP Maihripala Sirisena, in his capacity as the President. Sirisena dealt with the Gin-Nilwala project. What Sirisena, who contested the last general election in Aug 2015 on the SLPP ticket, said was astonishing. The government transferred Rs 1,000 mn to a Chinese company in 2012 for the implementation of the Gin-Nilwala project and another Rs 3,012 mn on January 7, 2015 to thereby bringing the total amount paid to Rs 4,012 mn. Sirisena questioned how such a transfer could have taken place on the day before the presidential election? Who authorised such a transfer and why absolutely no work was done regardless of the payments. Lawmaker Sirisena owed an explanation during his five-year tenure as President what he did to investigate the Gin-Nilwala project. Perhaps, the Gin-Nilwala link disclosed by Pandora Papers, if properly investigated, can cause such devastation to the current political setup, the public can consider putting up a monument to ICIJ.
Midweek Review
Courtroom killings:From Attanagalle to Aluthkade

By Shamindra Ferdinando
Since the mid-1970s this country has seen so much bloodshed, beginning with the cold blooded killing of SLFP Jaffna Mayor Alfred Duraiappah on 27 July, 1975, by the LTTE, that even many of us journos, who have lived through and recorded much of that gory past, too, have literally lost the exact count from our memories, so no wonder having read last week’s midweek piece ‘A second killing in a courtroom, a question of national security and overall deterioration of law enforcement’ former Irida Divaina editor and one time colleague in our sister paper, Anura Soloman, reawakened the writer’s memory to the Wavulkelle killings. The writer inadvertently failed to at least refer to the Wavulkelle massacre that was also a grim reminder of the direct nexus between the party in power and law enforcers that had also become a cancer in this country, whether the rulers are corrupt capitalists or fake Marxists and opportunists or those somewhere in between.
We must also note that over the years our rulers also exacerbated feelings of resentment among Tamils as a result of many rotten cops, or those deemed politically undesirable, being posted to faraway places on punishment transfers. One can imagine how they would have taken out their own frustrations when discharging their duties in such places if they were so bad here, to start with. And that practice ironically continues to this day.
Sub Inspector Dhammika Amarasena, who had been interdicted over the Wavulkelle massacre, was shot dead inside the Attanagalle Magistrate court in Nov. 1991. Amarasena, who had been one of the accused in the Wavulkelle carnage where 12 persons were shot dead in late Feb. 1990, was the first suspect to die in a courtroom. Among the Wavulkelle victims had been a young woman who, according to the only survivor, was sexually abused by several male prisoners at the behest of a posse of bestial policemen before being killed.
The media reported at that time that the victims had been stripped naked and shot in single file by two gunmen. Amarasena had been among the gang of policemen responsible for the heinous crime that was carried out after the eradication of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s second armed uprising 1987-89. The victims were believed to be sympathizers of the then main Opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).
Of the 13 people abducted and taken to a clearing, 12 had been shot dead and their naked and charred bodies were found by villagers. The crime would have remained a mystery if not for one of the abductees managing to flee from the clutches of those killers.
Solomon emphasized that the recent high profile courtroom killing of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararatne aka Ganemulle Sanjeewa, the fourth inside a courtroom, couldn’t be discussed without examining the killings carried out in the Attanagalle Magistrate court. Amarasena’s father-in-law, who had been seated next to the interdicted policeman, was also killed. The killer escaped.
Of the 14 suspects attached to the Weeragula and Attanagalla police taken into custody in connection with the CID investigation, the Attanagalle Magistrate discharged seven of the suspects and the remaining were charged with unlawful assembly, abduction, murder and lesser charges. The mastermind was never punished.
The Wavulkelle killings and the subsequent Attanagalla courtroom killing attracted international attention. The London headquartered Amnesty International (AI) dealt with this issue. It would be pertinent to stress that the Wavulkelle killings were carried out several months after the arrest and the execution of JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera and the elimination of its top leadership, barring Somawansa Amarasinghe, who managed to escape with clandestine Indian help.
The Nov. 1991 Attanagalle courtroom killings, during Ranasinghe Premadasa’s presidency, were followed up by the elimination of Dhamamika Amarasinghe in January 2004 during Chandrika Kumaratunga presidency, inside the Hulftsdorp court complex, and the most recent killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa (Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidency/Aluthkade court complex).
The Attanagalle hit is widely believed to have been ordered by a businessman whose family happened to be among the victims of the Wavulkelle massacre. During the second JVP-led insurgency (1987-1990) both the government and the insurgents perpetrated heinous crimes. There cannot be any dispute that the ruling UNP exploited a murderous counter insurgency campaign to eliminate its political rivals as well. However, courtroom killings have to be thoroughly investigated and perpetrators (read masterminds) arrested and punished. The Attanagalle courtroom killings mastermind must have taken the law into his own hands as he felt the perpetrators of the Wavulkelle carnage wouldn’t be punished.
Parties in Parliament, as well as those not represented, have conveniently forgotten the murderous political culture that prevailed during that time. The Wavulkelle carnage never received the public attention it deserved. The police and successive governments never made an honest effort to investigate law enforcement officers’ alleged involvement in extrajudicial killings.
The second Aluthkade hit
Over the past three decades, the law and order situation has deteriorated to such an extent, that the corrupt elements in the police are now directly enmeshed in the underworld. Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s killing underscored the responsibility on the part of the National People’s Power (NPP) government to conduct a no holds barred investigation, particularly against the backdrop of the disclosure that the Colombo Chief Magistrate Court hadn’t directed the Prions Department to produce Ganemulle Sanjeewa in court on the morning of 19th February.
Colombo Chief Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali is on record as having questioned the senior Prisons Department officer present in court as to why Ganemulle Sanjeewa was produced in court in the absence of a specific court order in that regard.
Let me remind you what police constable Hewapathiranage Tharanga told the inquest into Ganemulle Sanjeewa killing held before Colombo Chief Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali on 24th February. PC Tharanga, of the Keselwatta police, said that the gunman, who had been dressed as a lawyer, fired several shots in rapid succession at Ganemulle Sanjeewa the moment Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali asked for an explanation from a Prisons’ Department officer. What the Colombo Chief Magistrate said was that Ganemulle Sanjeewa had been brought to Hulftsdorp from maximum security Boossa prison without a court order.
The Magistrate’s shocking declaration should be examined taking into consideration IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya revelation that he intervened to prevent Ganemulle Sanjeewa being produced in the Gampaha court the previous week following intelligence warning of a possible attempt on the underworld kingpin’s life. Therefore, the crux of the matter is who decided to produce Ganemulle Sanjeewa in court without any such order. That issue has to be addressed without further delay.
The possibility of the assassin – a legally discharged soldier who had undergone the basic commando training course – having access to those in charge of Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s security cannot be ruled out. If notorious underworld figure Kehelbaddara Padme, operating from overseas, had ordered the elimination of Ganemulle Sanjeewa to avenge the killing of his father, as alleged by some, targeting him while being escorted by a squad of elite police commandos wouldn’t have been feasible. In addition to police commandos, Ganemulle Sanjeewa ostensibly also received armed protection from the Prisons Department.
The latest underworld hit exposed glaring shortcomings in security. The police and the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) owed the public an explanation why lawyers weren’t subject to routine security checks before entering courtrooms during high profile cases.
Especially against the backdrop of IGP Weerasooriya’s disclosure that they had been aware of an attempt that was to be made on the life of Ganemulle Sanjeewa on the previous week at the Gampaha court, why were not special security arrangements made on 19 February?
Perhaps, the Justice Ministry, the police and the judiciary should reach consensus on the deployment of armed police within courts for the protection of criminals under threat. It would be pertinent to mention that police assigned to provide security to judges are authorized to carry side arms in courts.
The Aluthkade killing, coupled with the Middeniya triple murder where the one-time henchman of the Rajapaksas was killed with two of his children, and two deaths in police custody, placed the NPP government in an extremely difficult situation.
Twelve persons have so far been taken into custody in connection with the Aluthkade killing. However, the woman accomplice of the assassin, who smuggled in the weapon into the courtroom, remains at large.
The recent issuance of an order by the Matara Magistrate to arrest eight policemen, including ex-IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon, over an alleged conspiracy to commit murder with regard to an incident at W 15 hotel in Weligama on the night of 31 Dec., 2023. If it is true that further underscores the deterioration of law enforcement. The predicament of a once powerful cop on whose behalf the previous President went to the extent of clashing with even the judiciary stresses the responsibility on the part of all parties to exercise caution.
Midweek Review
Truth and Reconciliation

By Lynn Ockersz
Ill-concealed by the sands of time,
Skeletons continue to scramble out,
Telling inconvenient, face-reddening truths,
Of smoking guns never brought to justice,
Of equity undelivered or miscarried,
Pointing to the error of the land’s ways,
But also warning it to be reconciled ere long,
Lest the Isle wanders dangerously once again,
Down blood-splattered tracks of self-harm,
And drives home the brutal truth of nation-breaking.
Midweek Review
Armed forces strength: NPP reiterates Ranil’s plan

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his capacity as Defence Minister, last week reiterated his government’s commitment to downsize the Army to 100,000 by 2030. Dissanayake, who is also Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, declared that the strength of the Navy and the Air Force, too, would be brought down to 40,000 and 18,000, respectively, by 2030. That commitment was made in Parliament on 28 Feb.
In May 2023, the then State Defence Minister Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon declared that the strength of the Army, the Navy and Air Force would be brought down to 100,000, 30,000 and 20,000, respectively. Obviously, the NPP defence team has amended the proposed Navy and Air Force strength by 2030, though the incumbent government accepted the overall plan.
Declaring that national security wouldn’t be compromised by the move, State Minister Tennakoon told the writer that wartime numbers couldn’t be sustained well over a decade after the conclusion of the conflict. At the time Matale district lawmaker disclosed the move, UNP leader and President Ranil Wickremesinghe also held the Defence portfolio.
In late May 2023, the Defence Ministry quoted Tennakoon as having assured US State Department official, Afreen Akhter, that the security forces would be ‘right-sized’ to perform their classic roles.
In the Biden administration, Afreen Akhter oversaw Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, and the Maldives, as well as the Office of Security and Transnational Affairs.
A few years after the conclusion of the war, in May 2009, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government quietly began downsizing the Army, which was little above 200,000 at the time the war was brought to an end. However, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government officially acknowledged the downsizing of the war-winning Army on 13 January, 2023. The Defence Ministry quoted Tennakoon as having said that the Army strength would be further reduced to 135,000 by the end of 2024 and 100,000 by 2030.
Of course there cannot be an issue over the need to gradually decrease military strength in peace time, taking into consideration post-war national security requirements and the pathetic economic situation confronting the country.
Regardless of the developing political-economic-social crisis, it would be the responsibility of the military top brass to brief the political leadership of the ground situation. Post-war national security requirements shouldn’t be looked at only on the basis of economic indicators. That would be suicidal. In other words, the country is in such a precarious situation, political leadership may tend to conveniently ignore basics, especially to please various interested parties eternally complaining about the military strength, thereby jeopardizing the country’s national security.
Declaration that the SLA would be reduced to 100,000 by 2030 means the total strength would be cut by half, from its peak.
The LTTE couldn’t have been defeated if not for the rapid expansion undertaken during the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s tenure as Commander of the Army (2005-2009). The SLA lacked the wherewithal to sustain a large-scale ground offensive while deploying sufficient troops on a holding role. For want of adequate infantry battalions, the SLA couldn’t undertake large scale offensives in different theatres, simultaneously. But the rapid expansion, since the launching of operations on multiple fronts, in Vanni, from 2007, paid dividends soon enough.
A question of loyalty
Many eyebrows were raised when President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared his intention to build a professional military that is loyal to the State rather than individuals. The Commander-in-Chief said so in Parliament on 28 Feb. The JVPer was referring to the celebrated war-winning military that proved to the world that terrorism could be eradicated. Let me also emphasize that the military defeated the JVP twice in 1971 and 1987-1990, and thereby saved parliamentary democracy, whatever shortcomings therein.
Incumbent Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Sampath Thuyakontha who had served as the wartime Commanding Officer of the famed number 09 Mi- 24 attack helicopter squadron and Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. (retd.) Aruna Jayasekera should be able to address any concerns of the NPP and JVP.
A retired armed forces grouping played a significant role in the NPP’s triumph at the presidential and parliamentary polls last year. AVM Thuyakontha appeared on the NPP stage as a key speaker and sustained his campaign in spite of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government’s efforts to harass him. The Island stood by Thuyakontha’s right to take a political stand, though the majority of his retired colleagues threw their weight behind the SJB presidential election candidate Sajith Premadasa.
General Shavendra Silva, who retired as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) recently, hasn’t received seven service extensions, as alleged in Parliament.
Gen. Silva having received appointment as Army Commander during Maithripala Sirisena’s tenure as President on 19 Aug., 2019, he thereafter received three extensions in 2020 (Sirisena), 2021 (Gotabaya Rajapaksa) and 2022 (again Gotabaya Rajapaksa) though he was replaced by Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage on 01 June, when he was elevated to the position of Chief of Defence Staff. As the CDS, Silva received tenures (terms) in line with the CDS Act and served four Presidents (Sirisena, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake).
Gen. Silva of the Gajaba Regiment who served as the Commander of the Army during the first phase of Aragalaya (31 March-14 July, 2022) was appointed CDS on 01 June, 2022. At the time protesters overran Janadhipathi Mandiraya on 09 July, 2022, Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage served as the Commander of the Army.
The public shouldn’t forget how the Army thwarted the JVP-inspired march on Parliament in the wake of Gotabaya Rajapaksa hastily leaving Janadhipathi Mandiraya thereby averting a major catastrophe. Had the Army failed, Sri Lanka would have ended up like Bangladesh, the country created in 1971 from what was formerly East Pakistan with a myriad of problems; being battered by periodic natural disasters, widespread poverty and overburdened by a population of over 100 million with a limited landmass, however was developing rapidly under Premier Sheik Hasina having had good relations with both India and China, when she was toppled by a Western funded Aragalaya type movement there.
It would be pertinent to mention that regardless of various accusations that had been made over the years ,the armed forces loyally served successive governments that battled both Northern and Southern terrorism. The police and its paramilitary wing, the elite Special Task Force (STF), too, made significant contributions towards the eradication of Northern and Southern terrorism. Of course there had been incalculable miscalculations, failures, shortcomings and excesses during both campaigns but the armed forces triumphed over the enemies.
Our armed forces earned the respect of other countries and currently serve under UN command though the treacherous Yahapalana government betrayed them at the Geneva-based Human Rights Commission in Oct. 2015. There had never been any question over the professionalism of our armed forces in battlefield or on the high seas as Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government gradually rolled back the LTTE units from west to east and trapped elusive LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.
It would be pertinent to mention that the JVP had been a key member of the UNP-led coalition that also included one-time LTTE ally Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that supported the then retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature at the 2010 presidential election.
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