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Editorial

Diana Gamage and Ajahn Brahm

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Tourism State Minister Diana Gamage, whose eligibility to remain a Member of Parliament has remained an open question for a long time now since she ceased her allegiance with the Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) on whose National List she entered the legislature in 2020, was back in the news last week. The Appeal Court determination of an action challenging her continuance as an MP, that was due to be delivered on Tuesday, has now been postponed for July 25 by a two-judge bench. This made front page news nationally.

No reason for the delay has been publicly adduced. While it is not uncommon for the courts to sometimes reserve judgment sine die, it is less frequent for dates specified for delivery of such orders being further delayed. However that be, those anxious to know – and there are many such – whether a second glamorous lady MP was being ejected from the legislature (well know actress Geetha Kumarasinghe was the first) will now have to wait longer to get an answer.

Gamage, once called Princess Diana in parliament by her boss Minister Harin Fernando, has been a controversial figure. When UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and his deputy, Sajith Premadasa, parted company before the last parliamentary election, the then unrecognized SJB had to acquire an already recognized party to field its candidates at those hustings.

This was provided by Gamage and her husband, Senaka de Silva, a retired military officer who was a key ally of General Sarath Fonseka when he ran for president. No doubt Gamage’s appointment to the House on the SJB National List and her appointment as Deputy Secretary or that party was part of that arrangement. As recently as last week, SJB General Secretary Ranjith Madduma Bandara claimed in parliament that Gamage does not hold party office citing the Election Commission’s website as evidence.

Madduma Bandara went so far as saying that the SJB made a mistake in acquiring a party “from people who make faked documents.” He said that buyers examine the pedigree “even before buying a dog.” But apart from admitting the “mistake,” he didn’t elaborate on his party’s failure if not culpability. However that be, the public are entitled to know in what manner the continuing problem of the long list of parties officially recognized by the election authorities is going to be resolved once and for all. There is no escaping the reality that the recognition of factually non-existent ‘ghost’ parties enable shady arrangements that have been made time and again for opportunistic reasons.

The SJB today no doubt wishes to see the back of Diana Gamage who claims “ownership” of that party not only from its list of office bearers but from parliament as well. Although there are provisions in the law to disqualify MPs who had entered the legislature under the proportional representation system from continuing to sit and vote in parliament after being expelled by their parties, this provision has not been successfully invoked for a very long time. The reason for this has been attributed to a past judgment of the Sarath Silva Supreme Court.

Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa went through a long drawn process to renounce his U.S. citizenship to successfully run for president in November 2019. Given the way events played out and the difficulty he had in finding a permanent domicile after his unceremonious departure from office last year, he may well be regretting that decision or even enjoying that “one crowded hour of glorious fame” rather than an age without a name. In this case though he did have a long tenure as a war-winning Defence Secretary.

GR eventually returned home to the lavish pension and perquisites this bankrupt country accords its past rulers. There have been recent reports that Rajapaksa has now been assigned a second government bungalow, previously used by the foreign minister as his official residence. This was because the first at Malalasekera Mawatha was deemed “too noisy.” The aragalaya did get rid of Gotabaya and Mahinda Rajapaksa, but the much yearned for system change was not to be. Business continues as usual as far as our politicians are concerned.

The headline for this commentary was purely applied to describe the content of this editorial and not compare two personalities. There obviously can be no comparison between the two personalities named. Ajahn Brahm is a highly accomplished Buddhaputra and this country was privileged to host him for nine days recently. His visit gave boundless joy to thousands of Buddhists able to benefit from both his wisdom and his presence. The spot of dung so often polluting the pot of milk in this country unfortunately turned up when Ajahn’s departure for Australia via Singapore was delayed for as long as 12 hours. This was as a result of the anxiety of officials to stooge political panjandrums at the expense of looking after the venerable monk.

His reaction to the incident over which the president is reported to have ordered an inquiry was typical of the bigness of the man. He didn’t want fault finding or punishment imposed on whoever culpable and advised focus on what really matters. We are sure that Ajahn did not seek VIP lounge facilities or privileges for himself. These were probably arranged without his knowledge. If he was not in the VIP lounge and not at the mercy of those responsible for his misadventure, he would most probably have not missed his flight. There are many lessons for all of us to learn from Ajahn Brahm. Among these are the spirit of generosity he has demonstrated and the ability not to dwell on irritants that are past.



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Editorial

Selective transparency

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Saturday 27th December, 2025

The NPP government has released a cordial diplomatic letter from Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, and gained a great deal of publicity for it as part of a propaganda campaign to boost Dissanayake’s image. Such moves are not uncommon in politics, especially in the developing world, where the heads of powerful states are deified and their visits, invitations and letters are flaunted as achievements of the leaders of smaller nations. However, the release of PM Modi’s letter to President Dissanayake is counterproductive, for it makes one wonder why the government has not made public the MoUs it has signed with India?

PM Modi’s Sri Lanka visit in April 2025 saw the signing of seven MoUs (or pacts as claimed in some quarters) between New Delhi and Colombo. Prominent among them are the MoUs/pacts on the implementation of HVDC (High-Voltage Direct Current) Interconnection for import/export of power, cooperation among the governments of India, Sri Lanka, and the United Arab Emirates on developing Trincomalee as an energy hub, and defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.

The NPP government has violated one of the fundamental tenets of good governance––transparency; there has been no transparency about the aforesaid MoUs or pacts, especially the one on defence cooperation. They cannot be disclosed without India’s consent, the government has said. This is a very lame excuse. The JVP/NPP seems to have a very low opinion of the intelligence of the public, who made its meteoric rise to power.

When the JVP/NPP was in opposition, it would flay the previous governments for signing vital MoUs and pacts without transparency. But it has kept even Parliament in the dark about the MoUs/pacts in question.

Ironically, the JVP, which resorted to mindless violence in a bid to scuttle the signing of the Indo-Lanka Accord in 1987, has sought to justify the inking of an MoU/pact on defence cooperation between Sri Lanka and India and keeping it under wraps, about three and a half decades later. The signing of that particular defence MoU/pact marked the JVP’s biggest-ever Machiavellian U-turn. How would the JVP have reacted if a previous government had entered into MoUs with India and kept them secret? It opposed the proposed Economic and Technology Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) between Sri Lanka and India tooth and nail, didn’t it?

Whenever one sees the aforesaid letter doing the rounds in the digital space, one remembers the MoUs/pacts shrouded in secrecy, which have exposed the pusillanimity of the NPP government, whose leaders cannot so much as disclose their contents without India’s consent.

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Editorial

Desperate political sandbagging

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Friday 26th December, 2025

There is nothing more predictable than surprise in politics. After securing a two-thirds majority in Parliament last year and emerging victorious in most local councils, this year, the JVP-led NPP may have thought that it was plain sailing. But the government now has many unforeseen, seemingly intractable issues to contend with almost on all fronts. The disaster-stricken economy is expected to slow down, with relief and rebuilding costs escalating, and the deadline for the resumption of debt repayment approaching. Vehicle imports are bound to decrease, causing a sharp drop in the government’s tax revenue. The rupee is depreciating fast. As if these were not enough, the government is experiencing serious problems on the political front.

The defeat of the NPP’s budget in the Colombo Municipal Council (CMC), which the JVP/NPP seized control of through extensive horse trading, could not have come at a worse time for the government. The same fate has befallen many other NPP-controlled local councils. Most of all, the NPP has suffered a string of defeats in the cooperative society elections countrywide during the last several months.

Desperate times are said to call for desperate measures. Cyclone Ditwah and the attendant extreme weather events that badly damaged roads, tank bunds and river banks prompted repair teams to resort to sandbag revetment. But there have been many instances where sandbag facings collapsed, unable to withstand the intensity of floods and slope failures. The government politicians who boasted of having carried out swift restoration work have been left red-faced; they have failed to assess the severity of the problems they are trying to solve.

The NPP government has resorted to a method similar to sandbag revetment in a desperate bid to consolidate its control over some local councils which cannot secure the passage of their budgets for want of majorities. Its members have gone to the extent of setting the clock forward in such institutions, meeting in advance of the regular start time and declaring their budgets passed before the arrival of the Opposition councillors. What the NPP did in the Horana Urban Council the other day is a case in point, the Opposition says.

The NPP is accused of having inflated the number of votes for its Galle MC budget amidst a howl of protests from the Opposition and declared victory. The Opposition councillors prevented the council secretary from leaving the auditorium, put the budget to a fresh vote and defeated it. The Opposition has threatened legal action against the Mayors/Chairpersons and the state officials for violating the law. The government is likely to employ a similar method to have the CMC budget passed when it is put to a vote again next week. The JVP has no sense of shame, just like all other political parties that have been in power.

All self-righteous politicians, given to moral grandstanding, lay bare their true faces when their interests are threatened, and they face the prospect of losing their hold on power. The JVP/NPP is now without any right to be critical of its rivals who did not scruple to undermine democratic principles and traditions to retain power.

Gaining control of hung local councils is one thing, but running them to the satisfaction of their members and the public is quite another. The non-majority councils that the Opposition parties have gained control of could face the same fate as the CMC. This situation has come about because the country is without patriotic leaders. Ideally, the political parties that obtained pluralities in the hung councils should have been allowed to control those institutions, and they should have adopted a conciliatory approach and sought their political rivals’ cooperation to serve the public.

The shameful manner in which the NPP acted during the Galle MC budget vote is not unprecedented. One may recall that in January 2024, the SLPP-UNP government did something similar to secure the passage of its despicable Online Safety Bill. The then Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena stooped so low as to make use of a brawl in the House and declare the Bill passed. Interestingly, the SLPP and the UNP are among those who are raking the NPP over the coals for undermining democratic principles and traditions. So much for the self-proclaimed messiahs and their critics.

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Editorial

Christmas spirit, relief and pledges

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Thursday 25th December, 2025

Christmas has dawned while Sri Lanka is reeling from the cumulative impact of multiple disasters which snuffed out hundreds of lives and destroyed many homes and livelihoods. It is a time of hope. Its ethos, which emphasises hope, compassion and giving, could not be more relevant in these difficult times when the task of looking after a large number of disaster victims and helping rebuild their shattered lives has become a top national priority.

Santa came here the other day, as it were. There was no magical flight of a sleigh pulled by reindeer across the night sky. Instead, a jet landed at the BIA, and out stepped Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar. He unveiled a generous disaster relief and reconstruction package from India and flew back. This noble act of giving exemplifies the spirit of Christmas as much as good neighbourliness.

The best way the Sri Lankan rulers can show appreciation for generous assistance from India and other nations is to uphold accountability, rationalise disaster relief and ensure that it is distributed in a transparent manner. There are disturbing reports about political interference with the disbursement of funds among disaster victims. A high-level probe must be conducted into these allegations.

Christmas is also the season of giving and forgiving. The irony of Minister Jaishankar meeting President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the leader of the JVP, may not have been lost on keen political observers. If the JVP had acted wisely, heeding religious tenets, and pursued its political goals without resorting to violence, in the late 1980s, tens of thousands of precious lives and state assets worth billions of rupees could have been spared. India has forgiven the JVP, which it even helped gain international legitimacy and shore up its electoral chances in the run-up to last year’s presidential election. India has also helped Sri Lanka manage its worst-ever economic crisis and the impact of natural disasters. The people of Sri Lanka have also forgiven the JVP, despite its past violence, as evident from its impressive electoral victories last year. Sadly, the JVP is not willing to forgive its political enemies. Its General Secretary Tilvin Silva himself has said so. It ought to soften its stand.

All political leaders in this country usually issue well-written Christmas messages, extolling the core Christian virtues, such as giving, forgiving, compassion and peace-making. If only they lived up to the ideals they claim to cherish, at least while the country is struggling to recover from a series of natural disasters. Unfortunately, their post-disaster political battles are intensifying apace, and one wonders whether their focus is actually on helping disaster victims or furthering their political interests. They are not willing to sink their political differences for the sake of the disaster victims crying out for relief.

Meanwhile, the government leaders ought to go beyond issuing Christmas messages if they are to prove that they actually care about the believers in Jesus Christ. They ought to fulfil their pledge to serve justice for the victims of the Easter Sunday terror attacks (2019), which claimed more than 275 lives.

About seven years have elapsed since that tragedy which could have been prevented if the then government had heeded intelligence warnings, and the country has had four Presidents and three governments. But the promises made by the political leaders to bring the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday carnage to justice have gone unfulfilled. Those who are desperately seeking justice pinned their hopes on the current leaders who vowed to trace and prosecute the terror masterminds expeditiously.

The present-day leaders, too, have chosen to remain silent on their promise at issue; they are impervious to calls for justice, just like their predecessors. Let fulfilling their pledge to serve justice for the Easter Sunday terror victims be one of their Christmas resolutions.

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