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Democracy and Freedom – personal perceptions

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So we are all set to celebrate National Day tomorrow (as I write this). All week long I heard jets screaming overhead in formation and the distant sound of marching feet and commands barked out. So another parade tomorrow, now commemorating Nationalism and not Independence per se as this parade and day of celebration started off on February 4, 1948. It has continued each year for 73 years, with as mentioned, a change of name, stance and significance.

Are we truly national minded and loyal to our country with its proud Lion Flag and ancient recorded history and more than two and a half millennia of culture? I would offer a NO in reply. Basically how be considered truly national when many name themselves Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims and then qualify by adding the religion followed. This seems to be done principally by the Sinhalese who add on the further qualification: majority. If truly national we must label ourselves Sri Lankan. We hear of a Tamil diaspora funded vehicle parade up north starting in the Vanni and ending in Jaffna on Feb. 4 morning, protesting independence and nationalism too, I believe. Is this unity and national feeling demonstrated by the Tamils who have been treated well after their instigated, horrendous civil war? And also the Muslims having a radical group massacre churchgoers and hotel guests? False nationalism drove the Burghers away.

I know one or two diehards who still call this island home Ceylon and term themselves Ceylonese, harking back to pre-republic status! Maybe longing for stability enjoyed then, during later British rule and independence soon after.

 

Recollections down the years

There live many, including columnists and writers to this newspaper who were born before 1948 and the first Independence Day. Remembered but more ingrained in the mind are the missionaries under whose guidance we first learnt our three Rs, and in the English language. That was definitely a benefit. Remembered strong is the fact that we lived, played together, exchanged trays at festivals with no notion of separateness into races. Less regard toward religion.

Living in Katukelle, Kandy, we had Sinhalese neighbours of different social strata, Tamil and Burgher families with whom we associated freely. The Muslims were more in business and their daughters did not study to the higher grades in school. Religious harmony prevailed in both village and town. In villages surrounding Kandy, most were Buddhist but there was never any antagonism towards other religions. (After the 1914 Muslim-Sinhala riots, of course). Many Buddhist and Hindu families sent their children to Christian schools, there being only Mahamaya and Dharmarajah and Vidyartha colleges considered Buddhist. Hindu schools were started much later and the famous Zahira in Gampola was firmly established when Badi-ud-din Mahmud was Minister of Education in 1970-77.

We studied Christianity in school and went to the Methodist Church in Kandy town on Sundays. All the better for us, since we got to read the Bible and sing psalms and hymns. Christmas was so much more showy fun with decorated trees and gift-wrapped presents than the piety insisting Vesak and the Sinhala and Tamil Avurudha though it came alive if we went to our maternal village to savour it and grandmother’s unduvel.

 

Independence then

In the sense of independence as regards British rule, we were totally ignorant of any ‘fight’ for it. We were more knowledgeable about India’s struggle with unstinted admiration for spindly Gandhi and handsome Nehru. Then with the dawn of February 4, 1948, D S Senanayake loomed large on our horizon. Others followed. With childhood over and adulthood firmly established with responsibilities of career and marriage and children to nurture, we got interested in the political scene, but only interested. Governing was left to those we voted in to govern. Speaking for myself, I disapproved SWRD Bandaranaike’s policies, especially his Sinhala Only which caused so much turmoil, inequality and separation. Free education was very good – affording opportunities to all – but teaching in the Swabasha was a crime as it was continued in higher classes and even in university education.

 

Independence within the family

As a child, our Kandy families were completely patriarchal, but the patriarchs totally benevolent. Our maternal grandfather was the most significant figure in my childhood, until he died, but after my father’s premature death. My mother was a very strong woman but she definitely was passed on from father to husband and then my elder brother became the leading force in the family. This she sought herself.

Independence to girls and young women was highly restricted, but there were no revolts. Girls were amenable to all strictures in behaviour and then agreed to arranged marriages. With all the intense guarding by my mother of her three grown daughters, restricting them severely to the straight and narrow, they did manage little romances and me, a very young sister, was often the go-between – post a letter; hide a present received in my cupboard to thwart detection by Mother or Loku Aiya.

Remembered is my eldest sister, secretly sobbing her heart out as she agreed to marry a person selected for her and not the person who was interested in her and she loved. Caste difference was a strong deterrent then. She sacrificed her desire for the sake of her younger sisters. When I reached adulthood the world had changed, and so also our conservative family.

Recollected is the Jane Austenish lives of young girls in the 1940s. They played netball and tennis; were prefects in school; but complete obedience was demanded in homes and school: traditional dress, modest behaviour, and once in a way the banning of a girl friend as unsuitable.

Life really was better then in spite of restrictions and lack of amenities that flood us now. True national loyalty and independence were enjoyed. There was no corruption, that’s for sure, in public life. Public servants lived true to their appellation. Politicians were voted in at fair elections and left to govern the country, which they did with national mindedness and no corruption. Most funded their elections themselves so the better bred and educated contested.

We suffered pandemics like malaria of the early 1930s; the devastation of the Dry Zone by malaria until after WWII when DDT was widely used; later the onslaught of poliomyelitis around the 1940s. STDs were surely unknown then with morality high on the list. Our free health was a boon and the health services efficient, reducing mortality rates of birthing mothers and infants. Everyone had something to eat – a meal of boiled jak fruit sufficing sometimes.

And now, so many decades later, we suffer Covid 19 fatigue and the fear that democracy is being drained and corruption and attendant vices not significantly stymied or dented by law.

No wonder the feeling of discouragement.



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Features

Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines

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Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.

Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.

Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.

Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.

Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.

The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.

The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:

=Joint planning across operational divisions

=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making

=Continuous cross-functional consultation

=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates

Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.

Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.

By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst

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Why Pi Day?

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International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow

The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.

Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.

Archimedes

It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.

Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.

Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.

π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)

The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.

π = 9801/(1103 √8)

For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.

It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.

This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.

Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.

Happy Pi Day!

The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.

by R N A de Silva

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Features

Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink

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A combined US-Israel attack on Iran.(BBC)

The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.

As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.

It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.

Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.

Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.

Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.

The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.

While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.

On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.

Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.

Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.

Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.

Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.

Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.

However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.

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