Features
Come September!
Presidential Politics and Prospects
by Rajan Philips
Of all the presidential contenders for the September 21 election, Ranil Wickremesinghe might be the only one who would have seen and possibly remember the 1961 movie “Come September,” a popular lighthearted comedy that starred Rock Hudson and Gina Lollobrigida. Come September – it will be for Sri Lankan voters as it is now confirmed that they will have their chance to vote and elect their next president on Saturday, September 21. A countdown of 49 days starting on Sunday, August 4.
The US presidential election, the campaign for which has been going on forever, is scheduled for November 5, the canonical Tuesday after the first Monday of November. To continue where I left last week, Kamala Harris is till riding high, and Donald Trump is finally being exposed for his crass limitations. But with 94 days to go there is plenty of time left for twists and turns, and ups and downs.
In Sri Lanka, it will not be a straight up contest between two candidates but a drawn out battle involving three main candidates – Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe. There are others who will run but will not count. The three cornered contest is definitely a better scenario for AKD than if he were facing either one of the other two.
For the first time, none of the candidates is likely to pass the 50% mark on the first count, and the winner will have to be decided from the first two candidates by counting the preferential votes cast in their favour on the ballots of the eliminated candidates. Even a coin toss is allowed in the event of an ultimate tie.
The more democratic option would be to hold a second runoff election between the first two candidates. That is the practice in France and several other presidential polities. France even has a repeat election system for its parliamentary election, which provides for a second election in constituencies where there is no 50%+ majority winner in the first leg. Elections are expensive but electing a clearly mandated winner is worth the cost. In France, it was certainly worth having second round as it helped prevent Marine Le Pen’s right wing National Rally alliance from getting a parliamentary majority in the national election in June/July this year.
In the US, the electoral college system for the presidential election undermines the popular vote and predicates the ultimate outcome on the results of a handful of so called swing states. That is how Donald Trump defeated Hillary Clinton in 2016. The strategy did not work for him against Joe Biden in 2020. Trump was cocksure of winning in a rematch against Biden.
But Biden’s withdrawal and the emergence of Kamala Harris as the Democratic candidate has scuppered Trump’s plans. Ms. Harris will of course have to win the critical swing states, but she is in a far better position to do that than Biden. She has the momentum on her side. She is also being helped by the growing Trump fatigue and the age comparison. Trump is now the oldest candidate in an American presidential election.
Until Joe Biden became president, Ronald Reagan was the oldest US president to hold office which he did over two terms from 1981 to 1989. Reagan took office in 1981 at the now relatively young age of 70. Biden was 78 when he became president, and Trump is now 78 and contesting his third consecutive presidential election. Suddenly he looks older and somewhat out of sorts on the campaign trail as he faces the 59-year old-and- young Kamala Harris.
Come September
To connect with Come September, Reagan had been a friend of Rock Hudson in Hollywood when Hudson was among the more prominent actors while Reagan was a minor role player in movies and a speech maker on television. From Hollywood Reagan went on to become a Republican flag bearer, first as Governor of California and later as US President serving two terms in office.
It was during the Reagan presidency, in 1984, that Rock Hudson publicly acknowledged his homosexuality after he was diagnosed with AIDS. He died in October 1985, the first major celebrity to die from AIDS in America. It was Hudson’s AIDS and death at the age of 59 that persuaded Reagan to accept that AIDS was a major public health issue and not a personal moral question.
Fast forward 40 years, the LGBTQ rainbow represents America’s cultural evolution in coming to terms with the biology of multiple sexual orientations. And Pete Buttigieg, the 42 year young, intellectually brilliant and the first-to-be-so openly gay member of the Biden cabinet, is a short-listed contender to be Kamala Harri’s Vice Presidential nominee.
At 75 Ranil Wickremesinghe is Sri Lanka’s oldest presidential candidate, eclipsing JR Jayewardene who became president at 71 by way of a constitutional amendment in 1978, and Sirima Bandaranaike who was a losing presidential candidate in 1988. Mr. Wickremesinghe is nearly 20 years older to both Sajith Premadasa (57 years) and Anura Kumara Dissanayake (56 years), but no one seems to be making an issue of Wickremesinghe’s age. It is rather odd that the chief executive of the country could get elected at 75 and go on working till 80 or more, while all government and private sector employees have to comply with varying retirement ages, all under 65.
Wickremesinghe has bigger problems to worry about than his age and so are his two rivals despite their relatively younger ages. RW is the interim president today because parliament elected him to that position to complete the leftover portion of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s first term, after the latter fled his office and the country. Wickremesinghe of course knows that to continue in office for a new full term as president, he must be elected by the people and not MPs in next month. Yet he seems pre-occupied with showing how many MPs are supporting him in parliament rather than shoring up support among the people at large. Not that RW doesn’t know that there is no direct translation of the support in an unpopular parliament into a popular vote in the presidential election. But top down old habits die hard.
Alliance Politics
Wickremesinghe might be constrained to be focusing on parliament after Namal Rajapaksa got his family elders to support him in denying RW the SLPP’s endorsement of his candidacy. While Namal Rajapaksa’s amateurish move is backfiring as it should, it is not clear why Wickremesinghe should be keen on making a public show of how many SLPP MPs are supporting him. He seems also determined to make a show of how many UNP/SJB MPs he can poach from Sajith Premadasa.
Anura Kumara Dissanayake is just the opposite. According to him, the JVP/NPP has been spurning overtures by current MPs and parties in parliament to join the NPP alliance. AKD’s position is that the NPP will have no truck with those who have destroyed the country. He is of course referring to the current crop of MPs but there are many in the country who will point their finger at the JVP for the destruction it caused in 1971 and again in 1988/89.
But Dissanayake has a point in that it would be impossible to expect any positive contribution to meaningful changes from a majority of the current MPs in parliament. The cynics will have a different take. It would look wonky for the JVP/NPP to strike an alliance with other MPs who will easily outnumber its three MPs.
Ranil Wickremesinghe looks at it differently. He wants all the MPs in parliament to support him in essentially doing whatever he wants to do. He wants MPs to provide him with parliamentary cover and not to bring about changes. Sajith Premadasa might be somewhere in between AKD and RW. There is another similarity and a difference.
A common criticism of RW and SP is that they do not encourage collegial decision making in the UNP and in the SJB. That was one of the reasons why SP broke away from RW’s clutches, and now he is said to have become a clone of RW for decision making in the SJB. The difference between the two UNPers and AKD is that the latter is perceived to be too collegial, and that he may not be the one calling the decisive shots in the JVP and the NPP. Some observers think that the JVP old guard is still in control of decision making in the organization while presenting Anura Kumara Dissanayake as the popular alternative that the people can vote for in the presidential election.
After such a long wait for an election or any election, the actual campaign is now going to be condensed in a matter of seven weeks. Seven weeks are a long time in politics but campaigns can be over even before they can begin. Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been actively campaigning for over two years now. How he will fare in the home stretch where it matters most is now the question.
Wickremesinghe is a late starter after playing the guessing game for so long that even he might have been confused whether he is going to be for real or for fake. Now it is for the people to judge. Sajith Premadasa naturally falls between the two making it impossible for Wickremesinghe to win on the first count and opening up even chances for him and AKD. None of the three should be considered to be a spoiler for there are others coveting that distinction but thankfully without any consequence.
Features
Ranking public services with AI — A roadmap to reviving institutions like SriLankan Airlines
Efficacy measures an organisation’s capacity to achieve its mission and intended outcomes under planned or optimal conditions. It differs from efficiency, which focuses on achieving objectives with minimal resources, and effectiveness, which evaluates results in real-world conditions. Today, modern AI tools, using publicly available data, enable objective assessment of the efficacy of Sri Lanka’s government institutions.
Among key public bodies, the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka emerges as the most efficacious, outperforming the Department of Inland Revenue, Sri Lanka Customs, the Election Commission, and Parliament. In the financial and regulatory sector, the Central Bank of Sri Lanka (CBSL) ranks highest, ahead of the Securities and Exchange Commission, the Public Utilities Commission, the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission, the Insurance Regulatory Commission, and the Sri Lanka Standards Institution.
Among state-owned enterprises, the Sri Lanka Ports Authority (SLPA) leads in efficacy, followed by Bank of Ceylon and People’s Bank. Other institutions assessed included the State Pharmaceuticals Corporation, the National Water Supply and Drainage Board, the Ceylon Electricity Board, the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation, and the Sri Lanka Transport Board. At the lower end of the spectrum were Lanka Sathosa and Sri Lankan Airlines, highlighting a critical challenge for the national economy.
Sri Lankan Airlines, consistently ranked at the bottom, has long been a financial drain. Despite successive governments’ reform attempts, sustainable solutions remain elusive.
Globally, the most profitable airlines operate as highly integrated, technology-enabled ecosystems rather than as fragmented departments. Operations, finance, fleet management, route planning, engineering, marketing, and customer service are closely coordinated, sharing real-time data to maximise efficiency, safety, and profitability.
The challenge for Sri Lankan Airlines is structural. Its operations are fragmented, overly hierarchical, and poorly aligned. Simply replacing the CEO or senior leadership will not address these deep-seated weaknesses. What the airline needs is a cohesive, integrated organisational ecosystem that leverages technology for cross-functional planning and real-time decision-making.
The government must urgently consider restructuring Sri Lankan Airlines to encourage:
=Joint planning across operational divisions
=Data-driven, evidence-based decision-making
=Continuous cross-functional consultation
=Collaborative strategic decisions on route rationalisation, fleet renewal, partnerships, and cost management, rather than exclusive top-down mandates
Sustainable reform requires systemic change. Without modernised organisational structures, stronger accountability, and aligned incentives across divisions, financial recovery will remain out of reach. An integrated, performance-oriented model offers the most realistic path to operational efficiency and long-term viability.
Reforming loss-making institutions like Sri Lankan Airlines is not merely a matter of leadership change — it is a structural overhaul essential to ensuring these entities contribute productively to the national economy rather than remain perpetual burdens.
By Chula Goonasekera – Citizen Analyst
Features
Why Pi Day?
International Day of Mathematics falls tomorrow
The approximate value of Pi (π) is 3.14 in mathematics. Therefore, the day 14 March is celebrated as the Pi Day. In 2019, UNESCO proclaimed 14 March as the International Day of Mathematics.
Ancient Babylonians and Egyptians figured out that the circumference of a circle is slightly more than three times its diameter. But they could not come up with an exact value for this ratio although they knew that it is a constant. This constant was later named as π which is a letter in the Greek alphabet.
It was the Greek mathematician Archimedes (250 BC) who was able to find an upper bound and a lower bound for this constant. He drew a circle of diameter one unit and drew hexagons inside and outside the circle such that the sides of each hexagon touch the sides of the circle. In mathematics the circle passing through all vertices of a polygon is called a ‘circumcircle’ and the largest circle that fits inside a polygon tangent to all its sides is called an ‘incircle’. The total length of the smaller hexagon then becomes the lower bound of π and the length of the hexagon outside the circle is the upper bound. He realised that by increasing the number of sides of the polygon can make the bounds get closer to the value of Pi and increased the number of sides to 12,24,48 and 60. He argued that by increasing the number of sides will ultimately result in obtaining the original circle, thereby laying the foundation for the theory of limits. He ended up with the lower bound as 22/7 and the upper bound 223/71. He could not continue his research as his hometown Syracuse was invaded by Romans and was killed by one of the soldiers. His last words were ‘do not disturb my circles’, perhaps a reference to his continuing efforts to find the value of π to a greater accuracy.
Archimedes can be considered as the father of geometry. His contributions revolutionised geometry and his methods anticipated integral calculus. He invented the pulley and the hydraulic screw for drawing water from a well. He also discovered the law of hydrostatics. He formulated the law of levers which states that a smaller weight placed farther from a pivot can balance a much heavier weight closer to it. He famously said “Give me a lever long enough and a place to stand and I will move the earth”.
Mathematicians have found many expressions for π as a sum of infinite series that converge to its value. One such famous series is the Leibniz Series found in 1674 by the German mathematician Gottfried Leibniz, which is given below.
π = 4 ( 1 – 1/3 + 1/5 – 1/7 + 1/9 – ………….)
The Indian mathematical genius Ramanujan came up with a magnificent formula in 1910. The short form of the formula is as follows.
π = 9801/(1103 √8)
For practical applications an approximation is sufficient. Even NASA uses only the approximation 3.141592653589793 for its interplanetary navigation calculations.
It is not just an interesting and curious number. It is used for calculations in navigation, encryption, space exploration, video game development and even in medicine. As π is fundamental to spherical geometry, it is at the heart of positioning systems in GPS navigations. It also contributes significantly to cybersecurity. As it is an irrational number it is an excellent foundation for generating randomness required in encryption and securing communications. In the medical field, it helps to calculate blood flow rates and pressure differentials. In diagnostic tools such as CT scans and MRI, pi is an important component in mathematical algorithms and signal processing techniques.
This elegant, never-ending number demonstrates how mathematics transforms into practical applications that shape our world. The possibilities of what it can do are infinite as the number itself. It has become a symbol of beauty and complexity in mathematics. “It matters little who first arrives at an idea, rather what is significant is how far that idea can go.” said Sophie Germain.
Mathematics fans are intrigued by this irrational number and attempt to calculate it as far as they can. In March 2022, Emma Haruka Iwao of Japan calculated it to 100 trillion decimal places in Google Cloud. It had taken 157 days. The Guinness World Record for reciting the number from memory is held by Rajveer Meena of India for 70000 decimal places over 10 hours.
Happy Pi Day!
The author is a senior examiner of the International Baccalaureate in the UK and an educational consultant at the Overseas School of Colombo.
by R N A de Silva
Features
Sheer rise of Realpolitik making the world see the brink
The recent humanly costly torpedoing of an Iranian naval vessel in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone by a US submarine has raised a number of issues of great importance to international political discourse and law that call for elucidation. It is best that enlightened commentary is brought to bear in such discussions because at present misleading and uninformed speculation on questions arising from the incident are being aired by particularly jingoistic politicians of Sri Lanka’s South which could prove deleterious.
As matters stand, there seems to be no credible evidence that the Indian state was aware of the impending torpedoing of the Iranian vessel but these acerbic-tongued politicians of Sri Lanka’s South would have the local public believe that the tragedy was triggered with India’s connivance. Likewise, India is accused of ‘embroiling’ Sri Lanka in the incident on account of seemingly having prior knowledge of it and not warning Sri Lanka about the impending disaster.
It is plain that a process is once again afoot to raise anti-India hysteria in Sri Lanka. An obligation is cast on the Sri Lankan government to ensure that incendiary speculation of the above kind is defeated and India-Sri Lanka relations are prevented from being in any way harmed. Proactive measures are needed by the Sri Lankan government and well meaning quarters to ensure that public discourse in such matters have a factual and rational basis. ‘Knowledge gaps’ could prove hazardous.
Meanwhile, there could be no doubt that Sri Lanka’s sovereignty was violated by the US because the sinking of the Iranian vessel took place in Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone. While there is no international decrying of the incident, and this is to be regretted, Sri Lanka’s helplessness and small player status would enable the US to ‘get away with it’.
Could anything be done by the international community to hold the US to account over the act of lawlessness in question? None is the answer at present. This is because in the current ‘Global Disorder’ major powers could commit the gravest international irregularities with impunity. As the threadbare cliché declares, ‘Might is Right’….. or so it seems.
Unfortunately, the UN could only merely verbally denounce any violations of International Law by the world’s foremost powers. It cannot use countervailing force against violators of the law, for example, on account of the divided nature of the UN Security Council, whose permanent members have shown incapability of seeing eye-to-eye on grave matters relating to International Law and order over the decades.
The foregoing considerations could force the conclusion on uncritical sections that Political Realism or Realpolitik has won out in the end. A basic premise of the school of thought known as Political Realism is that power or force wielded by states and international actors determine the shape, direction and substance of international relations. This school stands in marked contrast to political idealists who essentially proclaim that moral norms and values determine the nature of local and international politics.
While, British political scientist Thomas Hobbes, for instance, was a proponent of Political Realism, political idealism has its roots in the teachings of Socrates, Plato and latterly Friedrich Hegel of Germany, to name just few such notables.
On the face of it, therefore, there is no getting way from the conclusion that coercive force is the deciding factor in international politics. If this were not so, US President Donald Trump in collaboration with Israeli Rightist Premier Benjamin Natanyahu could not have wielded the ‘big stick’, so to speak, on Iran, killed its Supreme Head of State, terrorized the Iranian public and gone ‘scot-free’. That is, currently, the US’ impunity seems to be limitless.
Moreover, the evidence is that the Western bloc is reuniting in the face of Iran’s threats to stymie the flow of oil from West Asia to the rest of the world. The recent G7 summit witnessed a coming together of the foremost powers of the global North to ensure that the West does not suffer grave negative consequences from any future blocking of western oil supplies.
Meanwhile, Israel is having a ‘free run’ of the Middle East, so to speak, picking out perceived adversarial powers, such as Lebanon, and militarily neutralizing them; once again with impunity. On the other hand, Iran has been bringing under assault, with no questions asked, Gulf states that are seen as allying with the US and Israel. West Asia is facing a compounded crisis and International Law seems to be helplessly silent.
Wittingly or unwittingly, matters at the heart of International Law and peace are being obfuscated by some pro-Trump administration commentators meanwhile. For example, retired US Navy Captain Brent Sadler has cited Article 51 of the UN Charter, which provides for the right to self or collective self-defence of UN member states in the face of armed attacks, as justifying the US sinking of the Iranian vessel (See page 2 of The Island of March 10, 2026). But the Article makes it clear that such measures could be resorted to by UN members only ‘ if an armed attack occurs’ against them and under no other circumstances. But no such thing happened in the incident in question and the US acted under a sheer threat perception.
Clearly, the US has violated the Article through its action and has once again demonstrated its tendency to arbitrarily use military might. The general drift of Sadler’s thinking is that in the face of pressing national priorities, obligations of a state under International Law could be side-stepped. This is a sure recipe for international anarchy because in such a policy environment states could pursue their national interests, irrespective of their merits, disregarding in the process their obligations towards the international community.
Moreover, Article 51 repeatedly reiterates the authority of the UN Security Council and the obligation of those states that act in self-defence to report to the Council and be guided by it. Sadler, therefore, could be said to have cited the Article very selectively, whereas, right along member states’ commitments to the UNSC are stressed.
However, it is beyond doubt that international anarchy has strengthened its grip over the world. While the US set destabilizing precedents after the crumbling of the Cold War that paved the way for the current anarchic situation, Russia further aggravated these degenerative trends through its invasion of Ukraine. Stepping back from anarchy has thus emerged as the prime challenge for the world community.
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