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Editorial

Clash of mandates

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Monday 7th October, 2024

The process of submitting nominations for the 14 Nov., general election is currently underway. It is popularly thought that a person who wins the presidency stands a much better chance of steering his or her party to victory at a subsequent general election. But anything is possible in politics, where upset wins are not uncommon. What if a party other than President Dissanayake’s NPP wins the upcoming parliamentary polls?

Dissanayake has been one of the bitterest critics of the executive presidency, which his party, the JVP, has condemned as a wellspring of evil. But he chose to do what his predecessors had done, after being sworn in as the President; he exercised the much-despised executive powers of the President to dissolve Parliament prematurely in a bid to secure control thereof and consolidate his position.

There is a compelling argument that the last Parliament had to be dissolved as the NPP, which had only three members in it, needed to secure legislative power in a general election to carry out President Dissanayake’s policies. But the question is whether a mandate given to a President takes precedence over that of a political party which controls Parliament. There is another argument in favour of the premature dissolution of the last Parliament; the SLPP government, which was full of undesirables, lost legitimacy to remain in power when President Gotabaya Rajapaksa (GR) and Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa resigned due to mass protests. One cannot but agree that the SLPP government was full of misfits, but ironically the majority of the people who, unable to make proper judgements, made the mistake of electing those undesirables in the 2020 general election, voted for Dissanayake overwhelmingly at the recently concluded presidential election!

True, the SLPP government mismanaged the economy and inflicted unbearable suffering on the public, who were left with no alternative but to rise against that regime. But if mass protests can delegitimise popularly elected administrations, future governments, including the one President Dissanayake is planning to form, will also lose legitimacy in case of continuous mass protests against them.

Interestingly, Dissanayake, who successfully harnessed the forces that ousted President GR to realise his presidential dream, said in the run-up the 21 Sept. presidential election that President GR was a victim of what Ranil Wickremesinghe’s reckless borrowing from external sources to the tune of USD 13.5% billion during the Yahapalana government (2015-2019). The biggest beneficiary of the 2022 uprising, which the JVP infiltrated and manipulated, was Wickremesinghe, the ‘reckless borrower’; he became the President! Thus, Dissanayake and the JVP/NPP are doubly at fault.

If the political parties/alliances that form governments after obtaining popular mandates can be dislodged on the basis of the outcomes of presidential elections or according to the whims and fancies of the Executive Presidents, then what are general elections there for? In 2015, following the election of President Maithripala Sirisena, the UPFA ceded control of Parliament to the UNP, allowing President Sirisena to appoint Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister. The UNP did likewise in 2019, after GR secured the presidency. In 2004, the then President Chandrika Kumaratunga sacked the UNP-led UNF government, which had obtained a popular mandate about two years after the 1999 presidential election.

In 2018, President Sirisena made an abortive bid to sack Prime Minister Wickremesinghe and then dissolve Parliament. Last month, the SLPP government stepped down, following the election of President Dissanayake, allowing him to appoint a three-member Cabinet before dissolving Parliament. The Presidents who have either dissolved Parliament or wrested control thereof, immediately after being sworn in, came to power promising to abolish the executive presidency or to curtail the presidential powers that help undermine the legislature. Their actions have facilitated the emergence of an unhealthy political culture devoid of co-operation and coexistence between the Executive and the Legislature, unlike in mature democracies.

There is a constitutional provision preventing the President from dissolving Parliament before the expiration of two and a half years of the term of Parliament. In other words, if the President and the Prime Minister happen to be elected from different parties, they will have to co-operate for at least two and a half years to prevent the country from descending into chaos. If so, why shouldn’t they be made to do likewise after the expiration of the first two and a half years of the term of Parliament? The opponents of the executive presidency maintain that the President should be stripped of the power to dissolve Parliament prematurely. This argument has some merits.

The fact that the President has to have control over Parliament to ensure smooth governance points to a serious flaw in the Constitution. The Prime Minister becomes more powerful than the Executive President to all intents and purposes when they happen to represent two different political parties, and they tend to clash. This constitutional anomaly can lead to political instability mainly due to Sri Lankan political leaders’ insatiable quest of self-aggrandisement and unwillingness to cooperate for the sake of the country.

Some political commentators are of the view that both the presidential election and the parliamentary polls should be held simultaneously. But the possibility of two different parties securing the presidency and control of Parliament cannot be ruled out. The way out is for the political leaders to learn to respect the mandates they receive at presidential and parliamentary elections separately and act in the interest of the country.

It is up to the public to elect, as their MPs, only the individuals who have the national interest at heart, at the upcoming general election. Otherwise, political instability is likely to set in, taking its toll on the economic recovery process in case of a party other than the NPP gaining control of the legislature or the next Parliament becoming hung by any chance.



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Editorial

Emergency turns Jekyll into Hyde

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Friday 5th December, 2025

The JVP-led NPP government has laid bare its Jekyll-and-Hyde nature by deciding to use Emergency regulations to suppress the media. President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his address to the nation on 30 November, stressed that the state of Emergency, declared in view of recent weather disasters, would not be misused for undemocratic purposes, but on 02 December Deputy Minister of Public Security Sunil Watagala directed the police to use the draconian Emergency regulations against social media. Watagala told the police top brass, at a meeting in Malabe, that they must invoke Emergency regulations to deal with the social media activists who were carrying out personal attacks on President Dissanayake and ministers. He warned the media that all those arrested under Emergency regulations would be treated as offenders and not as suspects. So much for the new political culture the JVP/NPP promised!

The police, who are accused of acting as the JVP’s Gestapo, are likely to follow the government’s order at issue to the letter and go all out to suppress the media critical of the JVP/NPP bigwigs. Now that the JVP’s legal advisor and Central Committee member Watagala has defied an assurance given by President Dissanayake and directed the police to use Emergency regulations against the media, one wonders whether there is an alternative centre of power within the NPP government.

There is no gainsaying that nobody must be allowed to abuse media freedom to vilify anyone or disseminate lies. Social media has become a metaphor for smear campaigns. The self-styled social media influencers who resort to hate/rage baiting are driven by five motives, namely attention and engagement, polarisation, influencing public opinion, political or ideological leverage and, in most cases, monetary gain from viral outrage that drives advertising revenue and subscriptions. Many of them are in the pay of political parties and politicians and do not scruple to do dirty propaganda work. Whatever the motives, defamatory social media posts are a scourge that must be eradicated in the name of civility. However, there are ways and means of dealing with the culprits under ordinary laws, and using Emergency regulations for that purpose cannot be countenanced on any grounds.

The JVP or a government led by it has no moral right to use Emergency regulations against the media or any other institution or individuals; it opposed Emergency vehemently during previous governments. The JVP leaders themselves became victims of Emergency regulations during their so-called revolutionary days and therefore know what it is like to be arrested and detained indefinitely on trumped-up charges.

The JVP/NPP and its propaganda hitmen have been doing exactly what the current government is going to have some social media activists arrested for—launching smear campaigns. They opened a new low in Sri Lanka’s social media culture, demonising rival political leaders during previous governments and propagating diabolical lies to turn public opinion against their political opponents. They succeeded in their endeavour and formed a government. Now, the boot is on the other foot. They are still carrying out savage propaganda onslaughts on their opponents if their defamatory attacks on a young female speaker who attracted a great deal of media attention at the SLPP’s recent rally at Nugegoda are any indication. Shouldn’t the JVP/NPP and its propagandists do unto others as they would have others do unto them?

The JVP has a history of stifling dissent; old habits are said to die hard. In the past, it relied on mindless violence for this purpose, but it now appears to be attempting to use of Emergency regulations to achieve the same end under the pretext of controlling errant social media activists. This makes it all the more necessary to call a halt to the NPP government’s plan to misuse Emergency regulations for a witch-hunt against the media.

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Editorial

Disaster, relief, and challenges

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Thursday 4th December, 2025

Cyclone Ditwah has dissipated, but the trail of destruction it left remains. More than 475 people have already been confirmed dead. Many have gone missing, and the death toll continues to rise. It may not be possible to trace most landslide victims who were buried alive. It is too early to assess the economic cost of the recent weather disasters. Commissioner General of Essential Services Prabath Chandrakeerthi has given a ballpark figure—USD 6 -7 billion or about 3 – 5 percent of GDP. This is a staggering amount. The economic crisis is far from over. The government has its work cut out to allocate funds for rebuilding programmes and is therefore seeking assistance from other nations. Thankfully, disaster aid is pouring in, but whether it will be sufficient for the post-disaster reconstruction projects in all 25 districts, affected by Ditwah, remains to be seen.

Many organisations, public and private, and individuals have been donating relief supplies. All disaster victims, especially the displaced, will have to be supported for several weeks, if not for months, continuously. It is heartening that there has been a tremendous response to calls for disaster assistance, and the relief material collection centres are overflowing. The challenge is to streamline relief distribution programmes.

Some private companies and individuals collect relief materials and distribute them in a haphazard manner. Their intention is laudable and deserves appreciation, but whether their efforts will serve the intended purpose is in doubt, for they lack expertise and logistical facilities to distribute relief efficiently. There have been instances where large amounts of cooked meals had to be discarded due to delays in distribution during previous disasters.

What characterises social welfare and disaster relief programmes in Sri Lanka is poor targeting. Whenever a disaster occurs, various organisations come forward to collect relief items, and whether all the goods so collected reach disaster victims is anyone’s guess. Going by oft-heard laments from many victims of Ditwah that they have not received any food or drinking water for days, there is a need to streamline the ongoing relief distribution programmes. Not all disaster victims can be identified easily. There’s the rub. Some fraudsters visit disaster-stricken areas and collect food and dry rations, posing as victims.

The process of providing relief often involves multiple intermediaries, and this could lead to inefficiency, delays, misallocation, and even diversion, as we have seen on previous occasions. People are donating relief items generously amidst crippling economic hardships, and therefore the government is duty bound to ensure that these goods reach the intended beneficiaries. Relief distribution operations should be monitored closely to prevent waste and malpractices. This points to the need for a more vigorous state intervention. However, there have been complaints against some state officials involved in relief distribution. A group of flood victims, in a suburb of Colombo, interviewed by a television channel, accused a Grama Niladhari of siphoning off disaster relief. The shameless characters thriving at the expense of disaster victims during national calamities must be brought to justice.

Complaints abound that some politicians abuse disaster relief programmes to gain political mileage by using various associations affiliated to their parties to distribute the goods collected from the generous public. All such complaints must be probed expeditiously and action taken against the culprits. Politicians also engage in what can be described as calamity clout chasing in disaster-stricken areas, as evident from the sheer number of videos they have posted on social media. There have been instances where irate disaster victims set upon some of them. It behoves the self-righteous politicians to put an end to the disaster selfie culture and knuckle down to relief work.

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Editorial

When poetry beats AI

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Wednesday 3rd December, 2025

A story about poetry has come like a ray of sunshine amidst dark clouds hovering above Sri Lanka. Actually, it is about the use of poetry to dupe AI models. The Guardian (UK) has reported on an experiment conducted by a group of researchers from Italy’s Icaro Lab, as part of an initiative by an ethical AI company called DexAI, to test the efficacy of the guardrails on AI systems. They succeeded in making the AI models respond to harmful prompts, with the help of 20 poems they themselves wrote. The success rate of using poetic prompts to elicit responses from AI models by way of deception was as high as 62%. However, some AI models made no responses; they were too smart to be taken for a ride!

The poems used by the researchers were in Italian and English, according to The Guardian. The power of poetry has been known to humans throughout history across all cultures. There is much more to poetry than being an alluring form of entertainment. It helps convey emotions and even powerful messages, political, religious, social or otherwise, as one can see in the works of the greats like Bertolt Brecht (The Solution, wherein one comes across these famous lines: “Would it not be easier/In that case for the government/To dissolve the people/And elect another?”), T. S. Eliot (The Wasteland), Wilfred Owen (Anthem for Doomed Youth) and Yeats (The Second Coming).

Furthermore, the lure of poetry consists in its ability to evoke emotions, stir imagination and create participatory resonance; its beauty lies not in explicitness but in suggestion. Epic poems have become cultural markers of civilisations, just as the Iliad and the Odyssey defined Greek culture and education in the Classical Age. Poetry is also known for its power of seduction, so to speak. Examples abound, and The Flea by John Donne and To His Coy Mistress by Andrew Marvell are prominent among them. Shakespeare’s Sonnet 129 (Th’ Expense of Spirit in A Waste of Shame) explores the irresistible temptation to succumb to lust and the bitter aftermath.

The Icaro Lab researchers have taken the power of poetry to a whole new level, with their experiment under discussion. In fact, they have used the unpredictable sound/rhythmic patterns of poems, which tend to confuse the predictive mechanisms of AI. Their method has come to be dubbed ‘adversarial poetry’. With meter and rhyme and associated linguistic and structural unpredictability, poetry has helped prove that even the so-called AI gods, as it were, are not without feet of clay.

Poetry’s ability to help create clever prompts to bypass the built-in safety restrictions and ethical guidelines of an AI model—a process known as ‘jailbreaking’—is a cause for concern. It is the guardrails that keep the abusers of AI at bay. The Guardian report informs us that ‘the content the researchers were trying to get the models to produce included everything from content related to making weapons or explosives from chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear materials, as well as hate speech, sexual content, suicide and self-harm and child-sexual exploitation’. A headline of an article, published in the Wired magazine, on ‘adversarial poetry’ reads: “Poems can trick AI into helping you make a nuclear weapon.”

While pushing the envelope of AI is not harmful per se, and could arguably pave the way for innovation and creativity, it is feared that ‘jailbreaking’ carries the danger of leading to irreversible consequences. Thankfully, AI safety is not binary. There are safeguards, and guardrails can be restored, revised and improved. AI companies are reportedly working on the vulnerability of their AI models exposed by the aforesaid experiment, and hopefully it will be possible to spot harmful intent in artistic content.

One can only hope that poetry, which soothes the mind and spirit, or its prosodic structure, to be exact, will not be weaponised to achieve sinister objectives.

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