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Burying the Hatchet IN Your Heads !

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By Sena Thoradeniya

“JVP and the FSP are planning to bury the hatchet.

I hope they won’t bury it in our heads”.

(From “Jeff & Nut”; The Island, 1 June 2022)

In an earlier essay, I have identified two major groups which support the Galle Face Protesters (GFP) i.e. local players and international players. My observations enabled me to divide the local players into 18 sub-groups denoting salient features and characteristics of each sub-group. In this small piece I bring to the attention of local supporters and sympathisers of GFP an impending catastrophe that will send shock waves through their nerves. I do not intend to make a detailed analysis of the approaching events, although I have collected material sufficient enough for a complete dossier. This article contains only “warning shadows”.

Old timers may remember the 1971 insurrection launched by the unemployed, disgruntled, petti-bourgeois rural and urban youth and mass killings and destruction of property, 17 years later during 1988-89. In 2022, 24 years after, have we come to the verge of observing a repetition of history, a “3-G catastrophe”?

Galle Face Protest is no more a “peaceful” and “non-partisan” agitation of “angry young men and women”. Now it is being led by the activists and front organisations of JVP and FSP. A banner at the protest site appeared as “Sarvapakshika Aragalakaruwo” or “all-party protesters”. A JVP MP had admitted in a TV talk show, that it has become a “Sarvapakshika” and “Bahupakshika” (multi-party) struggle and it has a political leadership. JVP General Secretary said ,”our party has been there right from the beginning; we have our youth, cultural, students’ and women’s wings at the Galle Face”.

In 1971, JVP launched a one-day armed insurrection to capture state power, overnight. They were so sure of capturing power, in one night, and did not have any alternative plan if the insurrection failed; all subsequent plans were mapped out by withdrawing men and women in combat fatigue themselves as a means of survival. The 1988-89 attacks took a different shape, beginning with the very crude and unrefined slogan in Sinhala, “JR Maramu” (Let’s kill JR) as opposed to euro-centric, polysemic hashtag, “GoGota Home”. “Unidentified gunmen” started the killing spree . Learning from their past mistakes, we observe that the JVP and its ally FSP are adopting a different strategy and tactics. Initially they have succeeded in becoming the leading force at Galle Face and other protest sites. It should be noted that these two rival factions have forged an alliance and have admitted that youth activists of the two parties already work together at the Galle Face protest site. This is no more than a marriage between a populist group and a group paying lip service to Marxism.

It is noteworthy to mention that their third upheaval is acquiring a protracted nature, but it is an affront to Chairman Mao’s theory of Protracted War which emancipated millions of people in China, if someone calls the present struggle is also a “Protracted War or a ’Peoples’ War”. General Secretary of the FSP in a press interview (June 01) has told that the current public agitation should be sustained in the long run, that it should not be confined to Galle Face alone and spread across the country. Lal Kantha, the JVP bigwig, addressing a meeting at Thambuththegama, said that the date that ends the on-going struggle will soon be announced; his plan is to besiege the Parliament , closing down all roads and demanding that all MPs pass a motion to dissolve the current Parliament; he also asked to change the venue of the protest site from Galle Face to Diyawannawa. No further proof is necessary to show that they have become the force behind the Galle Face protest.

It is very clear that their aim is reenacting a Guatemalan type struggle in Sri Lanka. Anura Kumara Dissanyake’s drama at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute, the other day, presenting a set of files as documentary evidence of corruption of Rajapaksas and some other politicians, already exposed by political commentators of Sunday newspapers many years ago, and their own “Dooshana Virodhee Peramuna” during Yahapalana regime is part of that grand stratagem. Similar anti-graft activities preceded protests that took place outside the Presidential Palace in Guatemala, too.

Vijitha Herath, JVP MP, addressing a meeting at Matara, said that they have kindled the “Rajapaksa hurricane” and they will dethrone the entire Rajapaksa clan as happened in Guatemala. A 22-minute video, shared among GFP, draws parallels between Guatemalan rulers and Rajapaksas in Sri Lanka. The narrator in Sinhala says that the peaceful protest should go beyond -aiming violent overthrow of the corrupt rulers. The narrator with the aid of a visual portrays the present struggle as the tip of the iceberg, its massive mass underneath waiting for the Titanic.

May 09 was the dress rehearsal; this time arson took place with the aid of drones and Molotov cocktails, helmet wearing gangs coming to the fore.. Ordinary farmers who demand fertiliser, housewives who demand cooking gas and food items, motorists who clamour for petrol and diesel do not have these items in their shopping lists. In the coming months problems of the people will aggravate and no party will be able to provide solutions to these problems. the JVP has advised the members of their front organisation “ehera api” (we overseas) not to send remittances to Sri Lanka strangling the economy further. Strikes, Sathyagrahas will become the order of the day, crippling tourism, manufacture of readymade wear garments etc. JVP publicist Sunil Handunnetti had twittered, commenting on the on-going “grow more food campaign”, “wavanna pera peralanna” (oust them before you grow). The Aeroflot incident is only a part of the grand conspiracy aimed at suspension of Russian tourists and tea exports to Russia.

The third upheaval will be different from the first two. It can be a forcible occupation of the Parliament, declaring a new government, abrogating the existing Constitution. Events of 1988-89 will unfold on a massive scale thereafter. Already many organisations such as “Kalu Hamudawa” (Black Army), “Black Cap Movement”, etc., have emerged, ironically all from same sources. An upstart has come back abandoning his studies at Edinburgh; (a local Lenin! Lenin who was exiled in Zurich returned to Petrograd before the Great October Revolution! Eh!) l But we should not be fooled that this will bring socialism to Sri Lanka. It will be a Sri Lankan version of Talibanism. Nothing else.



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Opinion

Maha Jana Handa at Nugegoda, cyclone destruction, and contenders positioning for power in post-NPP Sri Lanka – I

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Maha Jana Handa rally at Nugegoda

The Joint Opposition rally dubbed the ‘Maha Jana Handa’ (Vox Populi/ Voice of the People) held at the Ananda Samarakoon Open Air Theatre, Nugegoda on 21 November, 2025 has suddenly acquired a growing potential to be remembered as a significant turning point in post-civil conflict Sri Lankan politics, in the wake of the meteorological catastrophe caused by the calamitous Ditwah cyclonic storm that devastated the whole country from north to south and east to west on an unprecedented scale. But the strength of this  prospect depends on the collective coordinated success of the future public awareness raising rallies, promised by the participating opposition parties, against the incumbent JVP-led NPP government. They are set to expose what they perceive as the government’s utterly inexperienced and unexpectedly authoritarian stand on certain vitally important issues including the country’s national security and independence, political and economic stability, and the Lankan state’s unitary status. The government is also alleged to be moving towards establishing a form of old-fashioned single party Marxist dictatorship in place of the firmly established system of governance based on parliamentary democracy, which was almost toppled by the adventitious Aragalaya protest of 2022 but saved by the timely intervention of some patriotic elements.

The minefield of policy making that the government must negotiate is strewn with issues including, among others: the seven or so recent  agreements or MOUs (?) secretly signed with India; the unresolved controversy over the allegedly illegal clearance of some 323 containers (with unknown goods) without mandatory Customs inspection, from the Colombo Port; the Prime Minister’s arbitrary, apparently  ill-considered and hasty education reforms without proper parliamentary discussion; the proposed culturally sensitive lgbtqia+ legislation non-issue (it is a non-issue for Sri Lanka, given its dominant culture); the so-called IMF debt trap; dealing with the unfair, virtually unilateral UNHRC resolutions against Sri Lanka; the inexplicably submissive surrender of the control of the profit-making Colombo Dockyard PLC to India; some government personal assets declarations that have raised many eyebrows, and the government’s handling of anti-narcotic and anti-corruption operations. The opposition politicians relentlessly criticise the ruling JVP/NPP’s failure to come out clean on these matters. But they themselves are not likely to be on an easy wicket if challenged to reveal their own positions regarding the above-mentioned issues.

 In addition to those problems, the much more formidable challenge of unsolicited foreign-power interference in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs, in the guise of friendly intervention, remains an unavoidable circumstance that we are required to survive in the geostrategically sensitive region where Sri Lanka is located. Having  been active right from the departure of the British colonialists in 1948, the foreign interference menace intensified after the successful ending of armed separatist terrorism in 2009. Such external interferences are locally assisted by latent domestic communal disharmony as well as real political factionalism, both of which are  normal in any democratic country.

The war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, as the leader of the SLFP-led United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), was made to suffer a largely unexpected electoral defeat in 2015 through a foreign-engineered regime change operation that tacitly favoured his key rival, UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Mahinda was betrayed by his most trusted lieutenant Maithripala Sirisena.

The SLFP, a more middle of the way socialist-leaning rival political party,  was formed in September 1951—five years after the birth of the UNP—and was elected to power in 1956, ending a near decade under the rather West-friendly latter party. It was deemed to be a ‘revolution’ that started an era of ‘transition’ (from elitist to common citizen rule). From nominal independence in 1948, governing power has to date alternated between these two parties or alliances led by them, except for the last electoral year, 2024. Though incumbent Executive President Anura Kumara Dissanayake may be said to have made history in this sense, the fact remains that he was barely able to scrape just 43% of the popular vote as the head of a newly formed, JVP-led NPP. Dissanayake was sworn in as President in September 2024. But his less than convincing electoral approval triggered a massive victory for the NPP at the parliamentary election that followed in November, giving him a parliament with 159 members, which is unprecedented in Sri Lanka’s electoral history.

In my opinion, there are two main reasons for this outcome. One is that the average Sri Lankan voters trust democracy. Since the president elect is accepted as having won the favour of the majority of the pan-Sri Lankan electorate, the general public choose to forget about their personal party affiliations and tend to vote for the parliamentary candidates from the party of the elected president. This is particularly true of the majority Sinhalese Buddhist community represented by the two mainstream, non-communal national parties, the UNP and the SLFP.  The brittle foundation of that victory is not likely to sustain a strong enough administration that is capable of introducing the nebulous ‘system change’ that they have promised in their manifesto, while it is becoming clear that the general performance of the government seems to be falling far short of the real public expectations, which are not identical with the unconscionable demands made by the few separatist elements among the peaceful Tamil diaspora in the West, to whom the JVP/NPP alliance seems to owe its significantly qualified electoral success in 2024.

The Maha Jana Handa reminded me of the long Janabalaya Protest March from Kandy to Colombo where it ended in a mass rally on September 5, 2018. That hugely successful event was organised by the youth wing of the SLPP led by Namal Rajapaksa, who was an Opposition MP during the Yahapalanaya. He has played the same role just as efficiently on the most recent occasion, too. At the end of his address during the Maha Jana Handa, he declared his determination to bring down the malfunctioning JVP/NPP government at the earliest instance possible. Probably, he missed Ranil’s protege Harin Fernando’s speech that came earlier. This was because Namal Rajapaksa joined the rally midway. Harin had brought a message from his mentor Ranil to be read out to the rally audience. But he said he didn’t want to do so after all, saying that it was not suitable for that moment. Anyway, during his speech, Harin said emphatically that the era of heirs apparent or crown princes was gone for good. People knew that he was alluding to Sajith Premadasa and Namal Rajapaksa (sons of former Presidents hopeful of succeeding Anura Kumara Dissanayake). Harin was seen biting his tongue or sticking it out a little as he was preparing to leave the stage at the end of his address. Was he regretting what he had just said or was he cocking a snook at what, he was sure, was Namal’s ambition that would be revealed in his speech, the rally having been organised by the Pohottuwa or the SLPP? (To be continued)

by Rohana R. Wasala

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Lessons that should be learnt from Ditwah

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Cyclonic storm Ditwah, named as such by Yemen referring to Detwah lagoon in one of its islands, caused severe devastation in Sri Lanka though it was categorised a weak tropical cyclone. When it hit on Thursday 27th November, the main problem was the unprecedented rain, some areas experiencing over 500 millimetres in 24 hours. Fortunately, wind speeds were not high reaching a maximum of only 45 mph, the sort of wind speed not infrequently encountered in the UK. In contrast, Hurricane Melissa, a category 5 storm which struck Jamaica, just a month ago, had winds reaching 185 mph! Though it was the most powerful storm to hit Jamaica ever, causing extensive damage across the island due to strong winds with added torrential rainfall causing landslides, the death toll was only 54 with further 15 people reported missing. It affected Cuba, Dominican Republic, and Haiti as well, with a further 48 deaths. Jamaicans were forewarned and were well prepared. It looks as if this did not happen in Sri Lanka. Though politicians are fighting over this aspect, despite it being not the priority, it is never too early to learn lessons. My comments that follow should not, in any way, detract from the very positive actions the government has taken and continues to do so, as well as the heroic efforts of volunteers putting their own lives at risk.

I did not realise the enormity till Friday (28) evening, when Ven. Teldeniyaye Amitha, who conducts a fortnightly Mindfulness meditation session over Zoom, told the participants that we should instead do Kindness meditation in view of the catastrophic situation in Sri Lanka. As soon as the session was over, I switched on to YouTube and was shocked by the images of destruction seen. When I contacted a good friend of mine in Kandy on Saturday 29th afternoon, what he told me made me realise that there were no warnings at all.

This lack of warning was not due to information being not available, I learned later. In fact, the DG of Meteorology has warned of an impending catastrophe when inclement weather was discussed on “Big Focus” programme broadcast over Derana TV on 12th November, in the presence of the DG of the Disaster Management Centre (DMC). It also further transpires that BBC World Service, the day before, accurately predicted that Cyclone Ditwah will cause heavy rainfall, up to 500mm, in Sri Lanka. Thus, there is no doubt that the government failed in its duty of adequate warning and taking action to minimise damage. Perhaps, it may have something to do with their labelling the DMC a ‘White Elephant’ in the past and threatening to dismantle it. Meteorological department’s lack of latest radar equipment is no excuse as information could be obtained from many sources. Some scientists whose sympathies are with the governing party seem to pronounce that weather predictions are unreliable. This may be so in the long term but, surely, BBC’s prediction the previous day, as well as the regular warnings sent by the Meteorological Service of India, should have been taken seriously. It is a great shame that the government does not seem prepared to admit that it made a mistake. Without that lessons cannot be learned!

It was disgusting to see a lady MP, who seems to be a loose cannon, having the audacity in parliament to blame Derana TV for broadcasting that programme! If true, it is more worrying that an opposition MP has stated in parliament that the Secretary of Defence has threatened the DG of Meteorology. In the latest turn of events, Deputy Minister Mahinda Jayasinghe has stated that the opposition should be sued for being silent on the weather warning! Does he not realise that by such loose talk he is helping the government to dig its own grave!

The other important question is whether the opening of sluice gates of reservoirs contributed to death and destruction. Some experts opine that had sluice gates been opened in advance to accommodate the expected torrential downpour, a significant amount of destruction and some deaths could have been avoided. This needs careful study, not to apportion blame, but to make sure that any future recurrences could be prevented. Considering the global changes in weather experienced, whatever the reason may be, we need to be prepared for this type of eventuality.

At a time of an unprecedented national emergency when cooperation of all was needed, the mudslinging on social media, both by supporters and opponents of the government, was despicable. There seems to be some truth to the accusations that the governing party goons hindered attempts by the opposition to help the affected, to claim credit for themselves! Do they think people in distress care whether ‘red stars’ are attached to aid packets?

The fact that the government seems incapable of taking criticism was made obvious by the actions of the Deputy Minister of Public Security. Though his Minister and the President subsequently denied that emergency powers would be used to suppress dissent,Watagala’s despicable behaviour, as well stated in the editorial “Emergency turns Jekyll into Hyde” (The Island, 5 December), deserves condemnation. There is a well justified suspicion that the Police are behaving as a paw of the ruling party, as two police officers with shadows over them were, plucked out of retirement, unashamedly appointed to two key positions as a reward for their political campaigning.

Perhaps, the comments made by Jaffna district MP, Dr Archchuna should make the government rethink, leave the past behind and act rationally. He told parliament that he had been rescued by Sinhala war heroes and sheltered in a Navy camp, criticising the government for insulting the armed forces. Considering the yeoman’s service rendered by the tri forces during this catastrophe, it is high time the governing party realised that service personnel are required at other times too, not only during war, and that they deserve the gratitude and the respect of the nation for saving us from terrorism too.

The best way to honour those who died during the recent disasters is by learning lessons from this tragedy so that we would be better equipped for any future emergencies. This could be done only if the government is prepared to eat humble pie and admit that mistakes were made. Do sincerely hope that they are big enough, and humble too, to do so!

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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A 6th Year Accolade: The eternal opulence of my fair lady

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The 6th of December marked the sixth solar cycle since my adored life partner, Dr Malwattage Josephine Sarojini Perera (née Peeris), left this mortal world. Six years have elapsed; a period characterised by a searingly perpetual heartache. However, her inspiring influence is not diminished by the passage of time, and her memory has become more burnished and sublimely potent. It has transformed from a painful void into a sparkling, indestructible legacy that fortifies the hearts of all who were privileged to share her path.

The abyss left by her departure is multitudinous for all of us, including those who benefited from her professional dedication. Nevertheless, the consciousness of her magnificent journey, a spectacular 72 years, 2 months, and 11 days on this planet Earth, remains as a seamless record of a unique chronicle. It was the radiance of her inner spirit that rendered her truly peerless. She epitomised the beautiful words of one of my favourite Sri Lankan lady singers, “Beauty is how you feel inside; you glow from within.” Sarojini was a woman of monumental dignity and benevolence, whose serene, consistent luminosity brought a radiance into every room she entered. Her smile was a glorious spectacle of her lovely inner human nature; a pure expression of her soul’s integrity. That spectacularly radiant smile epitomised the immortal words of the beautiful song by Nat King Cole, “Smile though your heart is aching, smile even though it is breaking, when there are clouds in the sky, you will get by.

Throughout her tenure on earth, she embodied the highest form of selfless service, dedicating her energies wholly to our family unit, her relatives, and all her acquaintances. She served her patients with an unreserved commitment, functioning as the very milieu of abiding reassurance for them. Her chosen field in medicine was one of profound challenges and pressing needs. She primarily worked ever so tirelessly with individuals afflicted and affected by Sexually transmitted Diseases, HIV and AIDS. They were a cohort frequently marginalised, ostracised, and terribly wounded by societal judgment. Yet, this extraordinary woman approached her work with limitless compassion and an intrinsic, deep-seated sense of humanitarian duty. She held an irrefutable conviction that beyond the stark finality of any medical diagnosis, there was a human being whose entitlement to honour, consideration, respect and warmth was absolute.

Sophocles wisely said: “One word frees us of all the weight and pain of life: That word is love.” Sarojini’s approach to life was built upon this very word ‘love’ as its foundation. She remained steadfastly true to her ethical moorings, never wavering in her commitment to assuage suffering and nurture genuine understanding. Her patients were not mere cases receiving clinical attention; they were embraced into a circle of care that extended beyond the confines of the clinic. Sarojini’s gentle disposition and empathetic spirit captivated all those who came seeking relief and comfort in her ministrations.

She extended not only medical expertise but also essential emotional ballast, serving as a critical beacon of optimism in times of the most profound darkness and utter despair. Her engagement was holistic; she saw the complete person, not just the disease. The philosopher Kahlil Gibran expressed a sentiment that describes the core values of her life: “You give but little when you give of your possessions. It is when you give of yourself that you truly give.” Her affection emanated as a gentle, regenerative anodyne, calming the distressed spirits of those sighing in overwhelming heartache. Her bequest in this vital domain of medicine is not merely a record of treatments, but a register of hearts healed and spirits uplifted by unconditional acceptance and love.

Beyond her professional life, Sarojini was the gravitational centre of our existence; a loving spouse, an undaunted mother, and a precious confidante. The habitat and the canvas of love we built together were a haven of affection and composure, a place where joy thrived, and the air was often vibrant with shared merriment. She cultivated her family with boundless tenderness, sowing and nurturing the essential precepts of benevolence, rectitude, and resilience within us. In return, we never made her cry, but sometimes she cried for others, and some made her cry too.

Her capacity for quiet strength was remarkable; she could maintain perfect equilibrium even when confronted with severe setbacks, always taking deliberate, measured steps to restore serenity and balance. Her affection is a vibrant force that persists in the deepest recesses of our hearts, a covenant that triumphantly surpasses the limitations of physical existence and the transience of life. The deep impact of her role as a matriarch cannot be overstated; she was the silent architect of our moral framework and emotional stability, and the queen of our hearts.

As we reflect on her exceptional life and the vast bounty of goodness she left behind, our determination is not to be subdued by the grief of her physical absence, but rather, to eulogise the radiant splendour of her time amongst us. It is a legacy beyond epithets and the true portrayal of the lilting music of remembrance. We feel the unremitting pain of missing her absolutely and profoundly. She may have transitioned from this worldly realm, but her vital essence remains inextricably bound to ours, steering us with her quiet wisdom and inspiring us with her incomparable dignity. Sarojini’s life stands as an eternal affidavit to the transformative power of enduring love, deep empathy, and sacrificial duty. It remains a boon that richly augments our present and illuminates our future. True beauty, as she demonstrated, is not simply what the eyes can witness, but, more crucially, what the soul can permanently safeguard. What we perceive visually is destined to fade, but the treasures we store within our hearts will remain eternally.

Many, including myself, our daughter Maneesha and our grandchildren, Joshua, Malaika and Jaydon, have endeavoured with every available adjective and hyperbolic utterance to paint a faithful portrait of the superlative person that was Sarojini. Yet, even if we were to compile tomes detailing her excellence, the effort would still fall short of creating a realistic depiction that truly captures her profile. It is simply impossible to confine a description of her magnificence to even a substantial plethora of words.

For my part, I had the wonderful pleasure of the company of that stunning lady for all those blessed years, from the dawn of our courtship in 1973 until her fateful day of final rest. Despite the finality of that separation, memories remain the ultimate constant. I will forever recall her life as an exquisite and enduring strand, a beautiful composition, that will never diminish and will reverberate throughout the balance of my time on this planet Earth.

Sarojini, your loved ones strive daily to revere your memory by actively embodying the virtues you demonstrated so effortlessly: boundless compassion, humane benevolence, unbridled affection, and an unwavering commitment to the welfare of others. This is a matter of seminal importance to us, as it is a pledge towards the continuity of the very matrix of your tapestry of life on Mother Earth.

Darling Sara, I will end with a couple of lines from the 1996 Quadruple Chart Topper, “Because You Loved Me” by Celine Dion, which very concisely sums up what you were to me: –

“You’ve been my inspiration.

Through the lies, you were the truth.

My world is a better place because of you.”

by Dr B. J. C. Perera
(This appreciation appeared in The Island online edition on 06 Dec. 2025)

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