Midweek Review

‘Brandix eruption’ close on the heels of Matara corona scare

Published

5 years ago

2020/10/14

Colombo Municipal Council Public Health Department personnel conducted random PCR tests at the Fort Railway Station, Monday, Oct 12. Pic by Kamal Bogoda

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Over a week before the coronavirus eruption at the Brandix apparel manufacturing facility, in Minuwangoda, a 52-year-old foreigner was tested positive, in Matara. He had been among the crew of an aircraft that arrived at the Mattala airport on Sept 13 and was moving freely, in Matara, before being quarantined at the Amaloh boutique resort, in Polhena, a popular tourist destination, minutes away from the town. The flight had touched down in India before flying to Mattala.

The President of the Public Health Inspectors’ Union of Sri Lanka, Upul Rohana, is on record as having said that local Public Health Inspectors (PHIs) or Medical Officers of Health (MOHs) were not told the crew was to be quarantined at Amaloh hotel. Rohana declared that the crew hadn’t been supervised by any PHI or MOH officers, in the area, since they were sent to the hotel, without alerting the relevant health officials.

The foreigner was tested positive, on Sept. 23, during the required second RT PCR test carried out by health authorities, before the departure of the crew. On arrival, airline crews are tested at the airport before being moved to a private hotel, until they leave. Before the day of their departure, they are subjected to RT PCR tests.

From that group of airline crew, two had taken a three-wheeler to an Arpico supermarket, on Sept 20, and to a Keells Super on or about the same day.

A subsequent RT PCR test, conducted at the Hambantota hospital, hadn’t shown the crew member to be infected with coronavirus. The first test on the foreigner had been carried out by a private hospital.

Although the foreigner had been later cleared, the Matara incident revealed the shortcomings in the system. How did those supposed to be staying indoors visit supermarkets? Did anyone bother to inquire into Public Health Inspectors’ allegations that they weren’t informed of the decision to move the airline crew to Amaloh hotel?

Russian Ambassador in Colombo, Yuri Borissovich Materiy, inquired from the writer about the Matara incident in the wake of the Sept 25th edition of The Island report, headlined ‘Covid-19 scare grips Matara as Russian crew member tests positive’ by Priyan de Silva. With the world battling coronavirus, a relevant foreign mission being interested in even an isolated case is not surprising.

Brandix crisis far worse than

Welisara cluster

The Matara scare was quickly forgotten. The Minuwangoda eruption, within days of that false scare, is continuing to cause quite a crisis. It is certainly far worse than what was called the Welisara Navy cluster that threatened to overwhelm the system during the first corona wave. While 950 officers and men, attached to the Welisara base, had been infected with the highly contagious virus, during a period of six weeks, beginning the third week of April 2020, the Brandix cluster has so far infected more than 1,200 within a week. The Gampaha hospital made the first detection on Oct 2 as a result of a routine RT PCR test done on 39-year-old supervisor, Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, when she was leaving the hospital. The mother of four was faulted for the crisis though quickly health authorities established the truth. She was not the first Brandix employee infected.

Health Minister Pavitra Wanniarachchi, on Oct 4, told the media that the Brandix employee, tested positive at the Gampaha hospital, had been detected, thanks to a decision to test persons with fever/fever symptoms randomly at government hospitals. The government on Oct 4 imposed curfew in the Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya (Bomugammana) police areas, where the Brandix employee resides.

Later, it was revealed she had received medical treatment at a dispensary, near her home, at Bomugammana, on Sept. 28, after she fell ill at the factory. In an interview with Mawbima (Oct 11, 2020 edition) over the phone, the woman, who had been with Brandix for nine years, maintained over a dozen workers, attached to her section, fell sick on Sept 19-20 before she too got affected, a couple of days later. Those attached to her section, CM 23, had received treatment at the medical centre at Brandix before Pradeepa, too, received treatment at the same medical centre, on Sept. 27. On the following day, she received medical treatment at a dispensary, near her home. Mawbima quoted her as having said that in spite of the developing situation within the facility, none of them were directed to a government hospital until she demanded that she be taken to Gampaha, on September 30. She had even worked on September 30 though she was receiving treatment.

She was taken from the Brandix facility, to Gampaha hospital, on September 30, and released from hospital on the following day. By then, a substantial number of workers had been affected. Brandix, in its first statement, issued on Oct 4, placed the number of affected at 45, in addition to the person first tested positive. It meant at the time the first detection was made there were at least 45 others affected, within the facility.

Authorities haven’t been able yet to establish how the coronavirus eruption took place in Brandix. For nearly two weeks, the cause of the Brandix eruption remains a mystery. The Brandix eruption delivered a massive blow to the country’s struggling economy.

The Brandix crisis will further undermine Sri Lanka’s economy. There is no dispute over the contribution made by Brandix over the years to the national economy.

Indian HC, Brandix respond

to accusations

The writer, on Oct 7, morning raised growing accusations, with the Indian High Commission in Colombo, that Indian workers, employed by Brandix, at its Minuwangoda manufacturing facility, caused the crisis.

The Island asked whether the IHC had been aware of the number of Indian workers at Minuwangoda and whether they had arrived there this year. The IHC spokesperson, Neha Singh, said: “As far as our understanding goes all international arrivals are subjected to health protocols and procedures stipulated by the government of Sri Lanka in view of the Covid-19 pandemic. Any question in this regard may be directed to concerned authorities.”

Due to the rapid deterioration of the situation, police headquarters on Oct 7 extended the curfew to over a dozen police areas in the Gampaha administrative district. The police brought Ganemulla, Kiridiwela,

Dompe, Malwathuhiripitiya, Mirigama, Nittambuwa, Pugoda, Weeragula, Weliweriya, Pallewala, Yakkala, Kandana, Ja–Ela and Seeduwa under curfew, in addition to the curfew imposed on Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya.

Brandix issued its first statement, as regards the corona attack, on Oct 4. The statement, headlined ‘Early detection of COVID-19 positive patient at Brandix facility in Minuwangoda declared: “The rigorous protocol implemented across Brandix, and the immediate response and support received from the PHI and relevant health authorities of Sri Lanka enabled the early detection of the patient, ensuring her timely transfer to IDH for immediate treatment and mitigation of any further spread of the virus.”

At the time of the issuance of the first statement, the number of Brandix affected was placed at 45, in addition to the first detected.

The media received the second Brandix statement on Oct 6. The company said that 1,394 Brandix employees at its Minuwangoda facility had been tested by Oct 5 and of them 567 confirmed as corona positive.

Three chartered flights,

341 persons return

The writer raised continuing concerns as regards developments at the Minuwangoda facility with Assad Omar, of Brandix, on Oct 7. Omar responded to issues raised by The Island while assuring a comprehensive statement would be issued during the day. It dealt with a number of issues, including accusations regarding the arrival of Indians, at the Brandix facility at Minuwangoda, in the run-up to the devastating corona eruption. Brandix denied allegations that foreigners, including Indians, had been to its Minuwangoda facility, under any circumstances. Brandix also denied claims that fabric, required by Brandix, had been brought from India, or accepted orders from its facility in India.

As regards those Sri Lankans employed in the Brandix facility, at Visakhapatnam, Andhara Pradesh, and their families returning to Sri Lanka in the recent past, the leading apparel manufacturer revealed that there had been three chartered flights from Visakhapatnam. Brandix assured all of them followed government stipulated procedures, including RT PCR testing and a 14-day mandatory quarantine at a government regulated quarantine facility, as well as the 14-day self-quarantine process, supervised by respective PHIs. Brandix further emphasized that none of those, who had returned from Andhra Pradesh, visited the Minuwangoda manufacturing facility.

The writer sought clarification from Brandix, on Oct 11, regarding a number of issues. The Island submitted the following questions to Brandix: “We received three media statements from you regarding the Covid-19 eruption. In the third statement, you mentioned the arrival of three flights from India carrying Sri Lankans and their families. Can you please provide (1) the dates flights arrived at the Mattala airport (2) the number of passengers on each flight (3) where were they quarantined for two weeks and (4) who supervised the remaining 14-day self-quarantine period? Brandix, in a statement issued the same day, while reiterating all protocols were followed, revealed that altogether 341 Sri Lankans, both workers and their families, returned on three chartered flights on June 25, August 8 and Sept.22. The flight that is causing a puzzle is UL 1159 that was expected to bring in 60 persons though only 48 arrived aboard it.

Brandix, in its fourth statement, said: “Upon completion of the 14-day mandatory period at a government regulated quarantine facility, a certification, signed by the Head of the National Operation Centre for Prevention of COVID-19 and the Director General of Health Services has been issued to each individual confirming the same. The passengers of the first two flights then underwent the 14-day self-quarantine process under the supervision of the respective PHIs. A certificate confirming the completion of the self-quarantine process has been issued to each passenger of these two flights by the Office of the Medical Officer of Health for the respective area, which is signed off by the respective Public Health Inspector and the Medical Officer of Health. The 48 passengers that travelled to Sri Lanka on 22nd September 2020 are currently undergoing the 14-day self-quarantine process, under the supervision of the respective PHIs, and will be issued the same certificate upon completion of the process. The certificates regarding all passengers can be produced for verification to any Government authority investigating the matter.”

Brandix also said that the company continues to operate a quarantine centre provided by them in Punani, Batticaloa, during the COVID-19 outbreak earlier this year, which also presently houses employees, family members, and any others affected.

However, when Chathura Alwis interviewed Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva, who heads the National Operation Centre for the Prevention of Covid-19 Outbreak (NOCPCO), the Derana anchor said that the third contingent was accommodated at Sheraton hotel, Waskaduwa, where Durdens Hospital staff subjected them to RT PCR. Lt. Gen. Silva pointed out that contrary to reports that 60 returned on the Sept 22 flight, there were only 48. Did those who returned on June 25 and Aug 8, too, stay at Sheraton? Wouldn’t it be relevant to ask whether any of those who had returned from India were accommodated at the Punani facility before the corona eruption?

Perhaps, the most important line in the fourth Brandix statement is the following. The relevant section verbatim: “We are also thoroughly investigating any lapses in this regard and will share our learning and take the necessary action in the event of any violation.”

Subsequently, Brandix told The Island on Oct 12 (Monday) that those who had returned from India (three contingents) were accommodated at Sheraton Hotel, Kosgoda, and TI, Wadduwa, Long Beach Hotel, Koggala, and again Sheraton Hotel, Kosgoda, respectively.

Welisara Navy cluster

The second, far worse wave couldn’t have happened at a worse time for Sri Lanka, struggling to cope up with the unprecedented economic fallout. The government, too, should inquire into possible lapses on its part in line with overall measures meant to prevent further outbreaks. The Welisara corona cluster was caused by congestion, within the Navy base there, though it was conveniently blamed on heroin addicts of Suduwella. Those responsible suppressed severe congestion within the vital base that compelled the Navy to evacuate the base in the third week of May 2020, a month after the detection of the first infected sailor. Well over 2,000 officers and men had to be shifted to bases in various parts of the country, including the north. This was done in terms of instructions issued by the health authorities.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa categorized the Welisara cluster as a mistake when he addressed a group of officials. The coronavirus outbreak revealed the pathetic situation, within the base, where sailors were denied even basic facilities. They lacked sufficient bathroom and toilet facilities in addition to proper sleeping quarters. Even today, residents of Suduwella are blamed for what befell on the Welisara Navy base.

Against the backdrop of the recent Brandix eruption, some of those who had been accommodated at the Welisara Navy base were moved to other bases.

Indian poaching, smuggling

across Palk Straits

In spite of regular naval patrols, smuggling continues across the Palk Straits. Contacts between the Indians and Sri Lankan smugglers posed quite a threat against the backdrop of India reeling from corona cases. With over 7 mn cases reported so far, and the death toll at 109,150, by Oct 12, India is really struggling to bring the situation under control. Globally, the infections topped 37.3 million. Sri Lanka also placed some restrictions on its fishing community to prevent contacts with the Indians.

Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda announced restrictions following discussions at cabinet level, in this regard. The Navy continues to make regular detections in the seas off the northwestern province and northern districts. During recent talks between Indian leader Modi and Sri Lankan Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa, the contentious issue of Indian poaching, too, has been taken up.

Amidst the corona crisis, a high level Chinese visit took place with the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) questioning the corona counter measures in place to check the visiting delegation. China provided some much needed relief with additional loans though the Sri Lanka economy remained at a critical point due to serious difficulties in meeting the country’s financial obligations. The Brandix eruption caused further deterioration, rather rapidly, with no end in sight. By Monday, Oct 12, the police had no option but to further expand restrictions as more cases were reported from various districts. Police headquarters placed several villages in Gampaha and Mannar under lockdown conditions. The crisis could have been avoided if basic protocols were followed. Brandix facility at Minuwangoda owed an explanation as regards the claim that workers began to fall sick as early as Sept. 19 -20 and Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake received medical treatment on Sept. 27 within the factory premises. Explanation is also required whether those who had fallen sick reported to work from September 19-20 to Oct 4, when the government declared curfew in Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya areas, over 24 hours after Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake was tested positive. If authorities talked to Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, 45 other workers tested positive (first Brandix statement issued on Oct 4) as well as the person in charge of the Brandix medical centre, they can easily establish when workers first complained of difficulties. When did Brandix Minuwangoda bring the situation to the notice of the MoH and PHIs? If supervisor Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake’s still undisputed assertion that workers, in her section, fell sick on Sept 19-20, how can the failure on the part of those responsible to bring it, immediately to the notice of, health authorities be explained. According to Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake even on Oct 30 she was taken to Gampaha hospital on her insistence.

Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva, who is also the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), confirmed Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake’s assertion that workers showed symptoms about a week before she was affected by it.

Appearing on Derana ‘360’, Monday night, the Army Chief told anchor Dilka Samanmali that about 10 workers had been infected before a worker was tested positive at the Gampaha hospital. Lt. Gen. Silva said that even if they disregarded a worker showing symptoms on Sept 15, now it was clear infections took place between Sept 10 and 20 with several cases reported on 20th. The Army Chief’s declaration brought to an end the despicable attempt made by some interested parties to blame the corona eruption on Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, on the basis of her having an illicit affair.

The primary question, the government needs a clear answer is exactly when the workers complained of fever and showed other symptoms? The answer will establish the culpability of those responsible for the devastating corona eruption.

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Midweek Review

Year ends with the NPP govt. on the back foot

Published

5 days ago

2025/12/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

President Dissanayake addresses Parliament as PM Dr. Harini Amarasuriya looks on. Dissanayake is the leader of both the JVP and NPP

The failure on the part of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led National People’s Power (NPP) government to fulfil a plethora of promises given in the run up to the last presidential election, in September, 2024, and a series of incidents, including cases of corruption, and embarrassing failure to act on a specific weather alert, ahead of Cyclone Ditwah, had undermined the administration beyond measure.

Ditwah dealt a knockout blow to the arrogant and cocky NPP. If the ruling party consented to the Opposition proposal for a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe the events leading to the November 27 cyclone, the disclosure would be catastrophic, even for the all-powerful Executive President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, as responsible government bodies, like the Disaster Management Centre that horribly failed in its duty, and the Met Department that alerted about the developing storm, but the government did not heed its timely warnings, directly come under his purview.

The NPP is on the back foot and struggling to cope up with the rapidly developing situation. In spite of having both executive presidency and an overwhelming 2/3 majority in Parliament, the government seems to be weak and in total disarray.

The regular appearance of President Dissanayake in Parliament, who usually respond deftly to criticism, thereby defending his parliamentary group, obviously failed to make an impression. Overall, the top NPP leadership appeared to have caused irreparable damage to the NPP and taken the shine out of two glorious electoral victories at the last presidential and parliamentary polls held in September and November 2024 respectively.

The NPP has deteriorated, both in and out of Parliament. The performance of the 159-member NPP parliamentary group, led by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, doesn’t reflect the actual situation on the ground or the developing political environment.

Having repeatedly boasted of its commitment to bring about good governance and accountability, the current dispensation proved in style that it is definitely not different from the previous lots or even worse. (The recent arrest of a policeman who claimed of being assaulted by a gang, led by an NPP MP, emphasised that so-called system change is nothing but a farce) In the run-up to the November, 2024, parliamentary polls, President Dissanayake, who is the leader of both the JVP and NPP, declared that the House should be filled with only NPPers as other political parties were corrupt. Dissanayake cited the Parliament defeating the no-confidence motions filed against Ravi Karunanayake (2016/over Treasury Bond scams) and Keheliya Rambukwella (2023/against health sector corruption) to promote his argument. However, recently the ongoing controversy over patient deaths, allegedly blamed on the administration of Ondansetron injections, exposed the government.

Mounting concerns over drug safety and regulatory oversight triggered strong calls from medical professionals, and trade unions, for the resignation of senior officials at the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) and the State Pharmaceutical Corporation (SPC).

Medical and civil rights groups declared that the incident exposed deep systemic failures in Sri Lanka’s drug regulatory framework, with critics warning that the collapse of quality assurance mechanisms is placing patients’ lives at grave risk.

The Medical and Civil Rights Professional Association of Doctors (MCRPA), and allied trade unions, accused health authorities of gross negligence and demanded the immediate resignation of senior NMRA and SPC officials.

MCRPA President Dr. Chamal Sanjeewa is on record as having said that the Health Ministry, NMRA and SPC had collectively failed to ensure patient safety, citing, what he described as, a failed drug regulatory system.

The controversy has taken an unexpected turn with some alleging that the NPP government, on behalf of Sri Lanka and India, in April this year, entered into an agreement whereby the former agreed to lower quality/standards of medicine imports.

Trouble begins with Ranwala’s resignation

The NPP suffered a humiliating setback when its National List MP Asoka Ranwala had to resign from the post of Speaker on 13 December, 2024, following intense controversy over his educational qualification. The petroleum sector trade union leader served as the Speaker for a period of three weeks and his resignation shook the party. Ranwala, first time entrant to Parliament was one of the 18 NPP National List appointees out of a total of 29. The Parliament consists of 196 elected and 29 appointed members. Since the introduction of the National List, in 1989, there had never been an occasion where one party secured 18 slots.

The JVP/NPP made an initial bid to defend Ranwala but quickly gave it up and got him to resign amidst media furor. Ranwala dominated the social media as political rivals exploited the controversy over his claimed doctorate from the Waseda University of Japan, which he has failed to prove to this day. But, the JVP/NPP had to suffer a second time as a result of Ranwala’s antics when he caused injuries to three persons, including a child, on 11 December, in the Sapugaskanda police area.

The NPP made a pathetic, UNP and SLFP style effort to save the parliamentarian by blaming the Sapugaskanda police for not promptly subjecting him for a drunk driving test. The declaration made by the Government Analyst Department that the parliamentarian hadn’t been drunk at the time of the accident, several days after the accident, does not make any difference. Having experienced the wrongdoing of successive previous governments, the public, regardless of what various interested parties propagated on social media, realise that the government is making a disgraceful bid to cover-up.

No less a person than President Dissanayake is on record as having said that their members do not consume liquor. Let us wait for the outcome of the internal investigation into the lapses on the part of the Sapugaskanda police with regard to the accident that happened near Denimulla Junction, in Sapugaskanda.

JVP/NPP bigwigs obviously hadn’t learnt from the Weligama W 15 hotel attack in December, 2023, that ruined President Ranil Wickremeinghe’s administration. That incident exposed the direct nexus between the government and the police in carrying out Mafia-style operations. Although the two incidents cannot be compared as the circumstances differ, there is a similarity. Initially, police headquarters represented the interests of the wrongdoers, while President Wickremesinghe bent over backwards to retain the man who dispatched the CCD (Colombo Crime Division) team to Weligama, as the IGP. The UNP leader went to the extent of speaking to Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC, and Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to push his agenda. There is no dispute the then Public Security Minister Tiran Alles wanted Deshabandu Tennakoon as IGP, regardless of a spate of accusations against him, in addition to him being faulted by the Supreme Court in a high-profile fundamental rights application.

The JVP/NPP must have realised that though the Opposition remained disorganised and ineffective, thanks to the media, particularly social media, a case of transgression, if not addressed swiftly and properly, can develop into a crisis. Action taken by the government to protect Ranwala is a case in point. Government leaders must have heaved a sigh of relief as Ranwala is no longer the Speaker when he drove a jeep recklessly and collided with a motorcycle and a car.

Major cases, key developments

Instead of addressing public concerns, the government sought to suppress the truth by manipulating and exploiting developments

* The release of 323 containers from the Colombo Port, in January 2025, is a case in point. The issue at hand is whether the powers that be took advantage of the port congestion to clear ‘red-flagged’ containers.

Although the Customs repeatedly declared that they did nothing wrong and such releases were resorted even during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency (July 2022 to September 2024), the public won’t buy that. Container issue remains a mystery. That controversy eroded public confidence in the NPP that vowed 100 percent transparency in all its dealings. But the way the current dispensation handled the Port congestion proved that transparency must be the last thing in the minds of the JVPers/NPPers holding office.

* The JVP/NPP’s much touted all-out anti-corruption stand suffered a debilitating blow over their failure to finalise the appointment of a new Auditor General. In spite of the Opposition, the civil society, and the media, vigorously taking up this issue, the government continued to hold up the appointment by irresponsibly pushing for an appointment acceptable to President Dissanayake. The JVP/NPP is certainly pursuing a strategy contrary to what it preached while in the Opposition and found fault with successive governments for trying to manipulate the AG. It would be pertinent to mention that President Dissanayake should accept the responsibility for the inordinate delay in proposing a suitable person to that position. The government failed to get the approval of the Constitutional Council more than once to install a favourite of theirs in it, thanks to the forthright position taken by its civil society representatives.

The government should be ashamed of its disgraceful effort to bring the Office of the Auditor General under its thumb:

* The JVP/NPP government’s hotly disputed decision to procure 1,775 brand-new double cab pickup trucks, at a staggering cost exceeding Rs. 12,500 mn, under controversial circumstances, exposed the duplicity of that party that painted all other political parties black. Would the government rethink the double cab deal, especially in the wake of economic ruination caused by Cyclone Ditwah? The top leadership seems to be determined to proceed with their original plans, regardless of immeasurable losses caused by Cyclone Ditwah. Post-cyclone efforts still remain at a nascent stage with the government putting on a brave face. The top leadership has turned a blind eye to the overwhelming challenge in getting the country back on track especially against the backdrop of its agreement with the IMF.

Post-Cyclone Ditwah recovery process is going to be slow and extremely painful. Unfortunately, both the government and the Opposition are hell-bent on exploiting the miserable conditions experienced by its hapless victims. The government is yet to acknowledge that it could have faced the crisis much better if it acted on the warning issued by Met Department Chief Athula Karunanayake on 12 November, two weeks before the cyclone struck.

Foreign policy dilemma

Sri Lanka moved further closer to India and the US this year as President Dissanayake entered into several new agreements with them. In spite of criticism, seven Memorandums of Understanding (MoUs), including one on defence, remains confidential. What are they hiding?

Within weeks after signing of the seven MoUs, India bought the controlling interests in the Colombo Dockyard Limited for USD 52 mn.

Although some Opposition members, representing the SJB, raised the issue, their leader Sajith Premadasa, during a subsequent visit to New Delhi, indicated he wouldn’t, under any circumstances, raise such a contentious issue.

Premadasa went a step further. The SJB leader assured his unwavering commitment to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to the Constitution that was forced on Sri Lanka during President JRJ’s administration, under the highly questionable Indo-Lanka Accord of July, 1987, after the infamous parippu drop by Indian military aircraft over Jaffna, their version of the old gunboat diplomacy practiced by the West.

Both India and the US consolidated their position here further in the post-Aragalaya period. Those who felt that the JVP would be in a collision course with them must have been quite surprised by the turn of events and the way post-Aragalaya Sri Lanka leaned towards the US-India combine with not a hum from our carboard revolutionaries now installed in power. They certainly know which side of the bread is buttered. Sri Lanka’s economic deterioration, and the 2023 agreement with the IMF, had tied up the country with the US-led bloc.

In spite of India still procuring large quantities of Russian crude oil and its refusal to condemn Russia over the conflict in Ukraine, New Delhi has obviously reached consensus with the US on a long-term partnership to meet the formidable Chinese challenge. Both countries feel each other’s support is incalculably vital and indispensable.

Sri Lanka, India, and Japan, in May 2019, signed a Memorandum of Cooperation (MoC) to jointly develop the East Container Terminal (ECT) at the Colombo Port. That was during the tail end of the Yahapalana administration. The Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration wanted to take that project forward. But trade unions, spearheaded by the JVP/NPP combine, thwarted a tripartite agreement on the basis that they opposed privatisation of the Colombo Port at any level.

But, the Colombo West International Terminal (CWIT) project, that was launched in November, 2022, during Ranil Wickremesinghe’s presidency, became fully operational in April this year. The JVP revolutionary tiger has completely changed its stripes regarding foreign investments and privatisation. If the JVP remained committed to its previous strategies, India taking over CDL or CWIT would have been unrealistic.

The failure on the part of the government to reveal its stand on visits by foreign research vessels to ports here underscored the intensity of US and Indian pressure. Hope our readers remember how US and India compelled the then President Wickremesinghe to announce a one-year moratorium on such visits. In line with that decision Sri Lanka declared research vessels wouldn’t be allowed here during 2024. The NPP that succeeded Wickremesinghe’s administration in September, 2024, is yet to take a decision on foreign research vessels. What a pity?

The NPP ends the year on the back foot, struggling to cope up with daunting challenges, both domestic and external. The recent revelation of direct Indian intervention in the 2022 regime change project here along with the US underscored the gravity of the situation and developing challenges. Post-cyclone period will facilitate further Indian and US interventions for obvious reasons.

****

Perhaps one of the most debated events in 2025 was the opening of ‘City of Dreams Sri Lanka’ that included, what the investors called, a world-class casino. In spite of mega Bollywood star Shah Rukh Khan’s unexpected decision to pull out of the grand opening on 02 August, the investors went ahead with the restricted event. The Chief Guest was President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who is also the Finance Minister, in addition to being the Defence Minister. Among the other notable invitees were Dissanayake’s predecessor Ranil Wickremesinghe, whose administration gave critical support to the high-profile project, worth over USD 1.2 bn. John Keells Holdings PLC (JKH) and Melco Resorts & Entertainment (Melco) invested in the project that also consist of the luxurious Nüwa hotel and a premium shopping mall. Who would have thought President Dissanayake’s participation, even remotely, possible, against the backdrop of his strong past public opposition to gambling of any kind?

Don’t forget ‘City of Dreams’ received a license to operate for a period of 20 years. Definitely an unprecedented situation. Although that license had been issued by the Wickremesinghe administration, the NPP, or any other political party represented in Parliament, didn’t speak publicly about that matter. Interesting, isn’t it, coming from people, still referred by influential sections of the Western media, as avowed Marxists?

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Midweek Review

The Aesthetics and the Visual Politics of an Artisanal Community

Published

5 days ago

2025/12/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Through the Eyes of the Patua:

Organised by the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences in collaboration with Millennium Art Contemporary, an interesting and unique exhibition got underway in the latter’s gallery in Millennium City, Oruwala on 21 December 2025. The exhibition is titled, ‘Through the Eyes of the Patua: Ramayana Paintings of an Artisanal Community’ and was organized in parallel with the conference that was held on 20 December 2025 under the theme, ‘Move Your Shadow: Rediscovering Ravana, Forms of Resistance and Alternative Universes in the Tellings of the Ramayana.’ The scrolls on display at the gallery are part of the over 100 scrolls in the collection of Colombo Institute’s ‘Roma Chatterji Patua Scroll Collection.’ Prof Chatterji, who taught Sociology at University of Delhi and at present teaches at Shiv Nadar University donated the scrolls to the Colombo Institute in 2024.

The paintings on display are what might be called narrative scrolls that are often over ten feet long. Each scroll narrates a story, with separate panels pictorially depicting one component of a story. The Patuas or the Chitrakars, as they are also known, are traditionally bards. A bard will sing the story that is depicted by each scroll which is simultaneously unfurled. For Sri Lankan viewers for whom the paintings and their contexts of production and use would be unusual and unfamiliar, the best way to understand them is to consider them as a comic strip. In the case of the ongoing exhibition, since the bards or the live songs are not a part of it, the word and voice elements are missing. However, the curators have endeavoured to address this gap by displaying a series of video presentations of the songs, how they are performed and the history of the Patuas as part of the exhibition itself.

The unfamiliarity of the art on display and their histories, necessitates broader explanation. The Patua hail from Medinipur District of West Bengal in India. Essentially, this community of artisans are traditional painters and singers who compose stories based on sacred texts such as the Ramayana or Mahabharata as well as secular events that can vary from the bombing of the Twin Towers in New York in 2001 to the Indian Ocean Tsunami of 2004. Even though painted storytelling is done by a number of traditional artisan groups in India, the Patua is the only community where performers and artists belong to the same group. Hence, Professor Chatterji, in her curatorial note for the exhibition calls them “the original multi-media performers in Bengal.”

‘The story of the Patuas’ also is an account of what happens to such artisanal communities in contemporary times in South Asia more broadly even though this specific story is from India. There was a time before the 21st century when such communities were living and working across a large part of eastern India – each group with a claim to their recognizably unique style of painting. However, at the present time, this community and their vocation is limited to areas such as Medinipur, Birbhum, Purulia in West Bengal and Dumka in Jharkhand.

A pertinent question is how the scroll painters from Medinipur have survived the vagaries of time when others have not. Professor Chatterji provides an important clue when she notes that these painters, “unlike their counterparts elsewhere, are also extremely responsive to political events.” As such, “apart from a rich repertoire of stories based on myth and folklore, including the Ramayana and other epics, they have, over many years, also composed on themes that range from events of local or national significance such as boat accidents and communal violence to global events such as the tsunami and the attack on the World Trade Centre.”

There is another interesting aspect that becomes evident when one looks into the socio-cultural background of this community. As Professor Chatterji writes, “one significant feature that gives a distinct flavour to their stories is the fact that a majority of Chitrakars consider themselves to be Muslims but perform stories based largely on Hindu myths.” In this sense, their story complicates the tension-ridden dichotomies between ethno-cultural and religious groups typical of relations between groups in India as well as more broadly in South Asia, including in Sri Lanka. Prof Chatterji suggests this positionality allows the Patua to have “a truly secular voice so vital in the world that we live in today.”

As a result, she notes, contemporary Patuas “have propagated the message of communal harmony in their compositions in the context of the recent riots in India and the Gulf War. Their commentaries couched in the language of myth are profoundly symbolic and draw on a rich oral tradition of storytelling.” What is even more important is their “engagement with contemporary issues also inflects their aesthetics” because many of these painters also “experiment with novel painterly values inspired by recent interaction with new media such as comic books and with folk art forms from other parts of the country.”

From this varied repertoire of the Patuas’ painterly tradition, this exhibition focusses on scrolls portraying different aspects of the Ramayana. In North Indian and the more dominant renditions of the Ramayana, the focus is on Rama while in many alternate renditions this shifts to Ravana as typified by versions popular among the Sinhalas and Tamils in Sri Lanka as well as in some areas in several Indian states. Compared to this, the Patua renditions in the exhibition mostly illustrate the abduction of Sita with a pronounced focus on Sita and not on Ravana, the conventional antagonist or on Rama, the conventional protagonist. As a result, these two traditional male colossuses are distant. Moreover, with the focus on Sita, these folk renditions also bring to the fore other figures directly associated with her such as her sons Luv and Kush in the act of capturing Rama’s victory horse as well as Lakshmana.

Interestingly, almost as a counter narrative, which also serves as a comparison to these Ramayana scrolls, the exhibition also presents three scrolls known as ‘bin-Laden Patas’ depicting different renditions on the attack on New York’s Twin Towers.

While the painted scrolls in this collection have been exhibited thrice in India, this is the first time they are being exhibited in Sri Lanka, and it is quite likely such paintings from any community beyond Sri Lanka’s shores were not available for viewing in the country before this. Organised with no diplomatic or political affiliation and purely as a Sri Lankan cultural effort with broader South Asian interest, it is definitely worth a visit. The exhibition will run until 10 January 2026.