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America’s Mid-term, Sri Lanka’s Post-term and other distractions

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by Rajan Philips

Thanks to global information overreach, the American midterm elections have been splashed everywhere in everyone’s face. American elections are canonically fixed for their timing, not necessarily for their fairness. Mid-term elections are held between two presidential elections to elect 435 members for a two-year term to the House of Representatives, and a third of the Senate whose 100 members serve a six-year term. In addition, multiple states have their legislature and Governor’s elections in the same mid-term year. Mid-term elections are a referendum on sitting Presidents, especially in their first term, and verdicts usually go against the incumbent President’s Party. President Biden was expected to fare worse than any of his recent predecessors. As it turned out he has performed better than any of them, Democratic or Republican. President George W Bush said he and his Party got a “thumping” after the 2006 mid-term. Obama called it “shellacking” after his mid-term experience in 2010.

If there was any thumping or shellacking last week, it was not in politics but in cricket down under, at the Adelaide Oval, where the national icons of Indian Cricket were memorably thrashed by a relatively nameless team from England which now has a PM of Indian origin to boast. England will now face Pakistan in the 20-over World Cup final, 30 years after a charismatic Imran Khan led his country to its first (50-over) and only World Cup victory, defeating England in the final, which too was played in Australia.

In a curious twist of cricket and politics, Imran Khan is now a deposed Prime Minister leading the charge against the powerful Pakistani military, accusing its top brass and the Pakistani government of plotting to kill him after a gunman’s failed attempt on his life. Ever the fighter, now with his right leg in a cast after the shooting, the former cricketer has become the most serious political threat to the country’s all-powerful military establishment.

Talking of cricket, Sri Lankan cricket is earning notoriety on rape charges in Australian courts after losing out on Australian cricket grounds. What a fall from the winning feats of Arjuna Ranatunga, the spinning exploits of Muralitharan, and the batting brilliance of Mahela Jayawardena and Kumar Sangakkara! For a fleeting moment, there was something to celebrate about a pathbreaking achievement in the Booker Prize award for a Sri Lankan novel, but then someone pettily decided to toss a piece of dung into a pot of literary milk with a pathetic charge of plagiarism. Be that as it may!

Winners & Losers

President Biden has not only avoided the thumping and shellacking that Bush and Obama got, but has also performed better than any President since John F Kennedy at the national level, and is only the third President since 1900 (after Roosevelt in 1934 and Bush in 2002) to register a net gain of seats at the state level. The much touted red (Republican) wave was reduced to a ripple. So, President Biden did a victory lap in the White House with a vindicating press conference, while Republican leaders ran away from cameras. Except Trump, but as always coveting publicity for all the wrong reasons

At the end of the day, and it is becoming a long election day for every election in the US with its state-specific and contested systems of vote counting, the President’s Democratic Party might lose control of both the House and the Senate, but by the slenderest of margins. Not at all by a landslide that Republicans were cockily waiting for. At the same time, Democrats may still retain their slender control of both, as they currently have. Or the Republicans may take the House, while Democrats keep the Senate. The final tally for the House may not be known for several weeks, and the status in the Senate may not be known until the runoff election in Georgia later in December, as no candidate passed the 50% threshhold for outright victory. But the indeterminate results have not hampered political postmortems. Nor have they slowed down the Biden Administration which wants to make the maximum use of the current lame-duck status quo, before the newly elected Congress is sworn in January.

The clear losers after the mid-term vote are Donald Trump and his brand of the Republican Party, on the one hand, and the Catholic-Action Supreme Court of the formally secular United States of America. Besides the pundits, Trump was the only political leader who was boastfully predicting a Republican red wave, and if it has materialized, he would have taken to his megaphone MAGA (Make America Great Again) politics and triumphantly announced his candidacy for a third time in 2024. With the mid-term Republican setbacks, Trump cannot take another Republican ticket for granted. But that does not rule out his candidacy as an independent Trump-Republican. He might decide to run for presidency not with any hope of winning, but as a political safeguard against potential indictments in the courts by the US Justice Department.

In addition to Trump’s political antics and disrespect for the law, the Republican chances in the mid-term elections were undermined by the overturning of the longstanding Roe vs Wade Supreme Court decision on women’s abortion rights, by a conservative majority of six judges of the present Court, five of whom are Catholics and the sixth had a Catholic upbringing. In exit polls during voting, abortion was the second most voting driver after inflation and cost of living, and it certainly cost the red wave for the Republicans.

The Catholic-Conservative dominance of the US Supreme Court began during the Reagan presidency and is a direct result of the economic mobility of American Catholics and their increasing migration from being a mostly immigrant, working class vote base of the Democratic Party, to becoming a wealthy and influential Republican constituency.

According to a recent statistical study of Supreme Court rulings in cases involving religion over nearly 70 years (1953-2020) by two respected empirical law scholars (Lee Epstein and Eric Posner), there have been two major shifts in the court’s rulings: a leftward shift in the 1960s and 1970s, and a rightward shift since the 1990s. However, in recklessly overturning Roe vs. Wade, the Catholic conservative judges may have dared too much, and have in fact created an unprecedented political backlash against their ideological judicial agenda.

At the same time, the rise of Catholic conservatism in the US, like Rishi Sunak’s rise in British political society, is also symptomatic of the inclusiveness of the American society, albeit at the regressive, if not wrong, end of the ideological spectrum. It is also true that notwithstanding Trump’s ugly racism, there has been an increase in the number of Latinos and African Americans voting for the Republican Party, and a number of them becoming Republican candidates. This year’s mid-term election also saw several firsts – of women, lesbians, and Black people winning elections to hitherto barred elected offices in a number of states.

The mid-term election results show that racism, bigotry and, more broadly, anti-foundational populism can be pushed back both politically, even electorally, and through constitutional means. They also show the institutional resilience of the American polity in pushing back the onslaughts of Donald Trump. Other societies would have buckled under such attacks against the political order, even though launching attacks against the political system for personal gains and without any serious political purpose can only be seen as a unique trait of US Trumpism.

Post-Term, Post-Rajapaksa Politics

However much one might despise and disparage the Rajapaksas, there is one thing to be said to their credit that they did not choose to dig in their heels and unleash state terror on protestors. Not that they did not think of doing it, or thought better of it and gave up the idea, or found the aragalaya movement too formidable to take on. Or a hundred other reasons. Some of them tried it on May 9, with disastrous results. Not Gotabaya Rajapaksa. He may or may not have left what he wouldn’t do to be done by his chosen successor, Ranil Wickremesinghe, who did it anyway.

As the protest dust settles, Sri Lanka finds itself in a period of tense transition. The transition, or stalemate, whatever you might call it, is showing no sign of getting to an end. Put another way, post-Rajapaksa politics is beginning to look like post-term pregnancy, not a healthy situation for anyone. Sri Lanka has experienced political changes and successions through elections and between elections. But never before has there been such an extended transition – between the departing political forces and their replacements.

Rajapaksas are virtually finished in politics – at least from the power business of politics. Ranil Wickremesinghe who was virtually finished in politics a year ago is trying to find his final wind to make the most of the fortuity of his becoming President literally out of nowhere. At 73, Mr. Wickremesinghe is about the same age (in fact, a little older) as JR Jayewardene was when he became Prime Minister for the first time and Sri Lanka’s first Executive President soon after. But JRJ had five-sixths of the then parliament in his pocket, literally the resignation letters of his MPs and his Ministers.

Even so the long parliament of 1977 was a substantial parliament in terms of its MPs and their endowments. And also, in terms of its accomplishments. Whether one agrees with them or not, they were significant and substantial. On the other hand, the present parliament is the most insubstantial parliament since parliamentary system was introduced in Sri Lanka. And President Wickremesinghe has to dole out cabinet positions from his presidential pocket to keep his parliamentary majority secure.

Sri Lanka’s first Prime Minister, DS Senanayake wanted it written into the (Jennings-Soulbury) Constitution that the number of cabinet ministers in a government shall not exceed – if I remember right what I have read – 18. The British officials advised him not to, as that would be unnecessarily restrictive. Now the Constitution is not restrictive, but permissive. And not only is the President expanding his cabinet, but he is also expanding the self-assignment of portfolios to himself as President. On all important matters, the Wickremesinghe Administration is a one-man band. The unimportant matters are the playing fields for corrupt middlemen and money makers.

If the government, or what is there in name, lacks direction, the opposition is in disarray. There have been two separate protests in the name of the same people. The first was on October 27 by JVP-led trade unions, and the second on November 2 by non-JVP unions with limited show by SJB stalwarts. Neither protest gave worries to the government, nor did they make any political gain for the organizers. The JVP seems to have gotten itself into a puritanical political bubble, and is intending to stay there until elections are called. The SJB is all over the map, with as many heads as it has MPs. Between them, the two have made parliament more worthless than what the SLPP has already turned it into. And they are contributing to the post-term extension of post-Rajapaksa politics.



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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