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Writing the Soulbury Constitution

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The first Cabinet of independent Ceylon with Lord Soulbury

Excerpted from A Cabinet Secretary’s Memoirs by BP Peiris

It was war time. Villavarayan was Legal Draftsman, H. N. G Fernando second in command and I next. Constitutional reforms were in the air and D.S. Senanayake and Governor Caldecott were in correspondence with the Colonial Office in London regarding the grant of Independence to Ceylon. The Colonial Office would not hear of drafting constitutions while they were in the midst of a war and told D.S. bluntly that they had no draftsmen to spare.

D.S. had told them that he had draftsmen in Ceylon and would have the draft Order in Council prepared. And so it was agreed with peace on both sides. It is not necessary here to refer to the correspondence between the Governor and the Secretary of State for the Colonies which has already been published in the Sessional Papers of Government.

Villavarayan was expecting, as was his right, to be asked at any time, to begin the drafting of the Constitution. He had given up reading his Greek and Latin and was looking into treaties on constitutional Law and Cabinet Government. D.S. in the meantime, having told the Colonial Office that he would produce the goods, was putting the Criminal Investigation Department behind every draftsman to enable him to decide which man should be entrusted with the drafting and could be trusted to keep the drafting a top secret.

I heard this later from Sir Charles Collins who was, at that time Adviser to the Government on Administrative Changes. The Police dossier, I am told, ran something like this:

Villavarayan –               Classics man from Oxford.

Fernando –                    Oxford and Orient Club

Peiris –                            No Clubs

Abeysundera –              One-time Private Secretary to D.S.

Namasivayam –            Oxford, Grandson of Arunachalam

De Silva –                       Son of Geo De Silva, Member, State Council

Mahadeva  –                  Grandson of Ramanthan

I was also told that D.S. was reluctant to entrust the drafting to a clubman or a Tamil.One day, Legal Secretary Nihill summoned me and said that he had been instructed by the Colonial Office to draft the Constitution. He could not do it personally as he was not a draftsman. He asked me whether I was willing to undertake the task. I agreed provided I was relieved of all other work, in which case, I suggested he should speak to Villavarayan.

As he was about to take up the telephone, I got up to leave and he beckoned me to be seated. “It will be easier and less embarrassing”, he said. Villavarayan was reluctant to release me in view of the work I had in hand, and Nihill told him that this was a decision by D.S. and that this work was far more important and far more urgent than any major Bill. Villavarayan was forced to agree to my immediate release and I was gazetted as an Assistant to the Legal Secretary.

D.S. had asked that I be warned that if one line of what I was drafting leaked out, I would be “hanged by the neck.” Nihill asked me to lock up even my blotting paper whenever I left my room and gave me the key of his safe. I started drafting – Clifford Pereira’s (lawyer/astrologer consulted by Peiris) fifth correct forecast!

My instructions were quite clear. I was to keep strictly within the “documents in the case”. These were the documents usually known as the Ministers’ Draft, the Report of the Soulbury Commission, and the White Paper embodying the decisions of His Majesty’s Government as an officer on special duty in the Legal Secretary’s Department. I had nothing to do with the other matters that department normally dealt with.

In these circumstances, and in view of other distractions like the telephone, I asked Nihill whether it was necessary that the drafting should be done in the office. He said he didn’t care where I did the drafting. He wanted the draft as quickly as possible. My study at home now became my office and, about once in every two weeks, I came from Panadura to Hultsdorp to look up necessary references in the library. The fact that I was drafting the Constitution was kept secret by my colleagues.

I had undertaken responsible work and I had to be careful. Many were the times I drafted a clause and tore it up. In the face of D.S.’s threat to hang me, I was unable to consult any of my colleagues when I was in a drafting difficulty. I had to rely on myself. There was no one I could take into my confidence. I struggled alone, sometimes tearing sheet after sheet of foolscap.

Many small but difficult points arose for consideration. The Ministers’ Draft, which had been prepared by Sir Ivor Jennings, was in a most confusing form as a draft and, although it contained all the essential points, had to be entirely redrafted. It had to be divided into Parts, each Part coming into operation on a different day.

For example, one Part come into operation on the date on which the Order in Council was published in the Gazette, another, on a date to be appointed by the Governor being a date not earlier than nine months from the date of publication of the Order, another on an appointed date not later than the date on which the names of members elected to the first House of Representatives were published in the Gazette, and another on the date of the first meeting of the House.

The Royal Power of Veto with regard to Bills had not been exercised in the United Kingdom since the days of Queen Anne, but the Power, though not exercised, was in every Dominion Constitution. Should I go outside my instructions and include it? I decided to do so, but at the final revision, D.S. with his horse sense said “Why should we include a Power which has not been exercised” and deleted it.

And now, after months of dreary but interesting work, the draft was coming to an end. When it was completed, I borrowed a typewriter and typed three copies of it. I am no typist and all the work was done with one finger of each hand. This was a slow and painful business which took me a very long time as the draft went into 52 pages of foolscap. The spacing was sometimes wrong; the alignment of the paragraphs was not always correct; there was much miss-typing, but the typing at last came to an end and I was happy.

Apart from the difficulties of drafting, I had to contend with other difficulties. I was drafting at Panadura in wartime and my petrol ration for an Austin Eight was two gallons a month. Telegrams were still going between Nihill and the Colonial Office over the drafting and, one night, I was asked to come at once to the Galle Face Hotel where Nihill was staying, as an urgent telegram had come from the Secretary of State.

I told him I was unable to come as I had no petrol in my tank and there was no train which I could use. When I met him the next day., he thought it preposterous that I should be given only two gallons of petrol a month and wrote, with his own hand, a letter to the Petrol Controller saying that I was engaged on matters of high state which could not be disclosed and asking that I be given all the petrol I needed.

This was too precious a letter for me to part with and I held on to it for the duration of the war. Armed with a copy, I went to see the Controller. I have spoken earlier about courtesy in high places, for example, among the Supreme Court Judges. Now, to my surprise, I came across a small man in boots that were too big for him. On the way to the general office, I passed three notices which said prominently in red “No interviews today” and entered a working room presided over by the person I thought was the Office Assistant.

I saw a man walking among the clerks’ desks smoking a cigarette but he took no notice of me. I kept standing at a table until, at last, he came to me and said rudely “No interviews”. I asked him whether he was the Office Assistant and he repeated what he had said earlier. I repeated my question a little louder and he answered “Yes” in a very superior voice.

Speaking staccato, I said “If you are, read this. Here’s a copy for your file. I want the original. Send me twenty-five gallons’ coupons to the Legal Secretary’s Office” and left. Why cannot public servants be courteous when courtesy costs nothing? I have noticed that it is always the small man, promoted, who tries to throw his weight about. The big men are there because they are big and they know the rules.

I informed Nihill and Drayton that I had completed the draft. They were both happy and requested me to come to Nuwara Eliya in a few day’s time with five copies of the draft. I was asked not to stay at any hotel as I was carrying secret papers. I told Nihill that I had only three copies of the draft, that I had typed them myself and that it was impossible, within the time allowed, to type the two extra copies required.

Drayton was surprised when he heard that I had typed the draft myself. He said that typing was not my job and asked the Civil Defence Commissioner, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, to give me immediately a confidential stenographer-typist who could be entrusted with a most secret job. O.E.G., ever ready to help, sent me his own man, Basil A. R. Candappa and, with Candappa at my house typing till four in the morning, we produced the required number of copies in time. The two extra copies were intended for D.S. and Jennings who were in the background.

When I had the five copies, I sent the following note to Drayton as Nihill had suddenly gone to England for a couple of days for consultations:

C. S.

On Mr Nihill’s instructions five copies of the draft Order-in Council have been typed. Mr Nihill left with me the annexed note re distribution of copies and asked me to hand all the copies to you.

Drayton minuted back: My dear Peiris,

Thank you. I have distributed accordingly. A good piece of work I think and now for the Elections O in C:

Yours sincerely

Robert Drayton

On Nihill’s return, I reported at Nuwara Eliya. Drayton and Nihill were at the Lodge. I was at Lakshmi Mahal, the residence of Mr Walter Salgado of Panadura, a fully furnished luxurious place with grand piano, which he was kind enough to place at my disposal.

My hours of work at the Lodge were from 9 a.m. till 7 p.m. with a break of one hour for lunch before which gin was served. At about 6 p.m. the whisky came round. My one regret was that when at last our labours had come to an end and I invited Drayton and Nihill over to my place for a drink, Drayton very politely refused saying that they should not put me to any trouble. Drayton scrutinized my draft with a magnifying glass and found few faults. Nihill, not having been a draftsman, was more or less silent unless a matter of law was being discussed.

After the whisky, with my papers in my bag, I used to drive to the Public Service Club as I was mentally tired and wished to have a game of billiards. When I reached the Club, I gave my bag to the Bar keeper to be locked up. My name was then put on the billiards board as a player waiting for a game. All the members of the Club knew that I was engaged in some official work – what the nature of the work was they did not know.

And, although my game was about midnight, each game being of half an hour’s duration, the members were kind enough to accommodate me. As soon as the first after my arrival was over, one of them who was down to play the next game would invite me to take his place, and this happened night after night, with the result that I was able to get back home for an early dinner and bed and be fresh for the next day’s drafting.

There was only one unfortunate incident – the club sponger. The membership consisted mainly of clerks but there was one ‘Staff Officer’ who played bridge and not billiards, and the bridge section was on the other side of the Bar. He had the knack and the habit of coming into the billiards section with an empty glass in his hand just at the moment when a round of drinks was about to be ordered. How he timed his visit was never found out and the poor, foolish clerks, in ordering the next round of drinks, which they could afford with difficulty, would include the staff officer.

The high-up would then collect his glass and return to the bridge room; and this process was repeated three or four times a day. I noticed this technique about my third day at the club and asked the clerks whether the old boy ever stood them a drink, His salary was five or six times theirs, and they said “Never”. I said “Watch it, chaps, next round” and held a pow-wow with the bar keeper. It happened as I expected; he came and stood, empty glass in hand.

From the high bench I raised my hand and the bar keeper brought a tray of drinks for everyone in the room, less one. Someone asked whose round of drinks this was and was told “Mr Peiris”. The tray was taken round and, when it came to serving the Staff Officer, the Bar Keeper skipped him. He went back to the bridge room and was not seen in the billiards section thereafter. I received the grateful thanks of the others for helping them to get rid of a pest.

The draft as finally approved by Drayton and Nihill had now to be submitted to D.S. who was being advised by Jennings. These secret meetings were held at Temple Trees which was not then what it is now. Jennings has related this part of the story elsewhere. We were all seated round a small oval dining room table and D.S., with Jennings to assist him went through the entire Order in Council clause by clause.

At times, D.S. was so suspicious about some phraseology that I had used that Drayton, Nihill and I felt that we were suspected of ‘cooking up’ the draft to give effect to some secret instructions received by Nihill from the Secretary of State. The fact was that the three of us were, strictly, agents for His Majesty’s Government while Jennings was agent for D.S. Whenever there was a slight difference of opinion among the lawyers on a question of legal interpretation, was it not natural for the layman D.S. to feel that his agent’s interpretation was the correct one?

There was no love lost between the two European officials, on the one hand, and the Vice-Chancellor, on the other. The native officials appeared to be there, like an air-cushion, to soften the blows. When after thrust and counter-thrust, complete agreement was reached by both parties, Candappa again typed the final wax sheets. This was necessary because, I believe, the Colonial Office required 15 copies.

The 52 wax sheets had to be carefully checked before they could be rolled off the machine, and that was a task I couldn’t handle single-handed.

Some outsider had to be taken into my confidence (there had been no leak and my neck was still intact) and that outsider had to be a person who was very good in his English, who was unlikely to go to a club and blab, and who, above all, had not the slightest interest in anything political. There was only one such I could think of – my friend Alexis Roberts who figures prominently in these Memoirs.

He lived at Auburnside at Dehiwala by the sea. On a full-moon night I took my wax sheets and went to him with a bottle of whisky. Stretched out on the lawn on a tarpaulin and cushions, the sea breeze keeping us cool and the whisky keeping us warm, he read the fifty-two pages of manuscript slowly with the aid of a reading lamp on a very long lead, while I kept my eyes glued on the wax sheets. The reading went on till four in the morning, with frequent intermissions, when we felt we had to wet the whistle if we were to survive.



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Features

The Paradox of Coercion: US strategy and the global re-emergence of Iran

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Iranians vowing resistance at a mass funeral of the victims of US-Israeli airstrikes

(A sequel to the two-part article, War with Iran and unravelling of the global order, published in The Island on April 8 and 9.)

The unfolding developments in the US-Israeli coordinated military attack against Iran reveal a striking paradox at contemporary geopolitics: efforts to weaken a state through coercion may, under certain conditions, contribute to its structural elevation within the international system. What appears as short-term tactical success can generate long-term strategic consequences that are neither anticipated nor easily reversible. In this context, the policies associated with Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu, marked by unilateralism and the willingness to use force, risk producing precisely such an unintended outcome. Rather than marginalising Iran, their actions may be accelerating its re-emergence, not merely as a regional actor in the Middle East, but as a consequential player in the global geopolitics and the wider architecture of international supply chains of energy economy.

Iran not merely a state

Iran is not merely a state, but a civilisation with a distinctive political trajectory. At the heart of the present transformation lies its asymmetric strategy, rooted in the strategic exploitation of geography. Few states possess the capacity to shape the global system through geography alone. Iran’s proximity to the Strait of Hormuz, a narrow maritime passage through which a substantial share of the world’s oil and liquefied natural gas flows, endows it with a latent structural power that transcends conventional measures of national capability.

In periods of stability, this position translates into economic opportunity; in moments of crisis, it becomes a lever of systemic disruption. Recent tensions have demonstrated that even limited instability in this corridor can reverberate across global markets, triggering sharp increases in energy prices, disrupting supply chains, and amplifying inflationary pressures worldwide. Should Iran consolidate its capacity to influence or control this chokepoint, whether through military deterrence, asymmetric instruments, or diplomatic maneuvering, it would shift from being a participant in global energy markets to a pivotal arbiter of their functioning.

Energy-embedded global economy

The contemporary global economy is not merely energy-dependent; it is deeply energy-embedded. Hydrocarbons underpin not only transportation and electricity generation but also the production of petrochemicals, fertilisers, and a wide range of industrial inputs essential to modern manufacturing and food systems. Disruptions linked to Iran have already illustrated how shocks in the energy sector cascade through interconnected supply chains, affecting everything from agricultural output to high-technology industries. In this sense, Iran’s leverage is no longer confined to the traditional realm of resource geopolitics. It increasingly operates within a networked global system in which control over a single critical node can generate disproportionate influence across multiple sectors. This form of power, diffuse, indirect, and systemic, marks a departure from the more linear dynamics of twentieth-century oil politics.

The implications of such a shift are profound for the structure of the international order. For decades, the global system has been underpinned by a set of institutions, norms, and economic arrangements often described as the so-called liberal international order. Sanctions, financial controls, and diplomatic isolation have been key instruments through which dominant powers have sought to discipline states that challenge this order. However, Iran’s prolonged exposure to sanctions has compelled it to develop adaptive strategies: alternative trade networks, informal financial channels, and closer ties with non-Western partners. A crisis-induced re-entry into global markets would therefore not signify reintegration into the existing order, but rather the expansion of parallel systems that operate alongside, and sometimes in opposition to, it. In this context, Iran’s rise would contribute to the gradual fragmentation of the global economy, accelerating trends toward decoupling, regionalization, and the erosion of established institutional authority.

Decline of global order based on US hegemony

This process of fragmentation is closely linked to declining global order based on U.S. hegemony. A more globally consequential Iran would inevitably become a focal point in the strategic player in emerging multipolar world. For China, whose economic growth remains heavily dependent on secure energy supplies, deeper engagement with Iran would serve both economic and geopolitical objectives, reinforcing its presence in the broader Middle East and insulating it from vulnerabilities associated with maritime chokepoints. Russia, already positioned as a major energy exporter and a challenger to Western dominance, may find in Iran a complementary partner in reshaping global energy markets and contesting sanctions regimes. Meanwhile, countries across the Global South, including major importers such as India, would face a more complex strategic environment, characterized by heightened exposure to supply disruptions and increased pressure to navigate between competing power centers. In this emerging landscape, Iran would function less as an isolated actor and more as a pivotal node within a reconfigured network of global alignments.

Dynamics enhancing Iran’s strategic importance

Paradoxically, the very dynamics that enhance Iran’s strategic importance may also accelerate efforts to reduce dependence on the conditions that enable its influence. Recurrent energy shocks tend to catalyze policy responses aimed at diversification and resilience. States are likely to expand strategic reserves, invest in alternative supply routes, and accelerate transitions toward renewable energy and nuclear power. Over the longer term, such measures could diminish the centrality of fossil fuel chokepoints, thereby constraining Iran’s leverage. However, this transition will be uneven and contested. Advanced economies may possess the resources to adapt more rapidly, while developing countries remain structurally dependent on affordable hydrocarbons. In the interim, the global system may experience a prolonged period in which dependence on Iranian-linked energy flows coexists with attempts to transcend it—a duality that adds further complexity to the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Beyond material considerations, Iran’s potential re-emergence also signals a deeper transformation of the existing global order. Traditional metrics—military strength, economic size, technological capacity—remain somewhat important, but they are increasingly complemented by the ability to influence critical nodes within global networks. The capacity to disrupt, delay, or redirect flows of energy, goods, and capital can generate strategic effects that rival, or even surpass, those achieved through direct military confrontation. In this sense, Iran exemplifies a broader shift from territorial geopolitics to what might be termed network geopolitics. Control over chokepoints, supply chains, and infrastructural linkages become a central determinant of influence, enabling states with relatively limited ‘conventional’ capabilities to exert outsized impact on the international system.

Iran’s trajectory may be understood as a transition through several distinct phases: from a regional challenger seeking to assert influence within the Middle East, to a strategic disruptor capable of unsettling global markets, and ultimately to a systemic actor whose decisions carry worldwide consequences. This evolution is neither inevitable nor linear; it depends on a complex interplay of domestic resilience, external pressures, and the responses of other global actors. Nevertheless, the possibility itself underscores the unintended consequences of policies that prioritize short-term coercion over long-term strategic foresight.

Transition shaped by paradoxes

In historical perspective, moments of systemic transition are often shaped by such paradoxes. Actions taken to preserve an existing order can, under certain conditions, accelerate its transformation. The current crisis involving Iran may represent one such moment. By elevating the strategic significance of energy chokepoints, exposing the vulnerabilities of interconnected supply chains, and encouraging the development of alternative economic networks, it contributes to a broader reconfiguration of global power. In this emerging context, Iran’s re-emergence as a global actor would not simply reflect its own capabilities or ambitions; it would also embody the structural shifts reshaping the international system itself. What began as an effort to constrain Iran may ultimately facilitate its transformation into a decisive player in the global energy economy and supply chain architecture. The implications of this shift extend far beyond the Middle East, touching upon the stability of markets, the cohesion of international institutions, and the evolving nature of power in the twenty-first century.

The war with Iran is best understood not as a discrete regional conflict, but as a structural moment in the transformation of the international system. It reveals a growing disjuncture between the continued reliance on coercive statecraft and the realities of an interdependent global order in which power increasingly derives from control over critical economic and infrastructural nodes. Rather than achieving strategic containment, the conflict has underscored the capacity of a relatively constrained actor to generate systemic effects through geoeconomic leverage. In doing so, it highlights a broader shift from military-centric conceptions of power toward forms of influence embedded in networks of energy, trade, and supply chains.

This is not merely a redistribution of power, but a redefinition of how power operates. At the systemic level, the war accelerates the erosion of the post-Cold War order, reinforcing tendencies toward fragmentation, parallel economic arrangements, and multipolar competition. Iran’s potential re-emergence as a global actor should therefore be seen less as an isolated outcome than as a manifestation of these deeper structural changes. In this sense, the strategic significance of the war lies in its unintended consequences: it exposes the limits of coercive hegemony while simultaneously amplifying the importance of those actors positioned to exploit the vulnerabilities of an interconnected world.

by Gamini Keerawella ✍️

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The dawn of smart help for little ones

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How Artificial Intelligence is breaking barriers in Autism Diagnosis and Care

For any parent, the early years are a most valuable countdown of “firsts” of his or her precious child: the first step, the first clear word, the first beautiful smile, and quite a few other firsts as well. Yet for all that, for some families, that joy is overshadowed by a growing, quiet, but disturbing intuition that something is even a little bit different. Perhaps a child is not responding to his or her name, or the little one seems to be more interested in the spinning wheels of a toy than a game of peek-a-boo, or even avoids normal social responses.

In many countries, especially in the developing world, the road from that first “gut feeling” that there is something wrong, to a formal diagnosis of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) is often a long and exhausting journey. While doctors can often identify autism in children as young as 12 to 18 months, the average age of diagnosis in our communities still hovers around four years. In these critical years, when a child’s brain is most like a machine ready to learn and adapt, time is of the essence and is the most valuable resource a family has.

Today, a new “algorithmic dawn” is offering a shortcut to really cut that delay. Artificial Intelligence (AI), the very same smart technology that helps us navigate traffic, suggest a new song, or help people with ChatGPT, is moving out of the lab and into the children’s nursery. By acting as a digital “magnifying glass”, specifically designed AI tools can now spot subtle patterns in a child’s gaze, some little quirks in the rhythm of their babbling, or the way they move, often much faster than the human eye can. Then the machine can issue a warning signal and indicate that further action and a proper evaluation are necessary. This is most certainly not about replacing the brain, the heart and the expertise of a paediatrician; it is about providing “Smart Help” that can be accessed from a smartphone in a family living room. For millions of “little ones on the spectrum”, most notably in the developing world, this technology is turning a journey once defined by waiting, uncertainty and even tears, into one of proactive care and even brighter horizons. The time gained is most certainly a very valuable window of opportunity.

What is the “Spectrum,” and Why Does Time Matter?

Autism is described as a “spectrum” because it affects many children somewhat differently and to varying degrees. Some children may have advanced technical skills but struggle to hold a conversation; others may be non-verbal or have intense sensory sensitivities. It can be very mild or very severe, and perhaps everywhere in between as well.

The common thread is that the brain develops differently in these affected children. This is why Early Intervention is the gold-standard goal. During the toddler years, a child’s brain is incredibly “plastic”, meaning that it is a highly adaptable and ready to learn type of organ. Starting therapy and management strategies during this valuable period of opportunity can fundamentally change a child’s future life path.

The problem, to a certain extent, is that traditional diagnosis of ASD is a slow, manual process. It requires intensively trained experts to watch a child play for hours and fill out complex checklists. In many countries, including Sri Lanka, where there is a massive shortage of these highly qualified specialists, the waiting list for a consultation alone can take months or even years. These doyens are rather thin on the ground and even when available, are heavily overworked.

Enter the AI Revolution: Seeing the Unseen

AI certainly does NOT replace doctors, but it acts like a high-powered magnifying glass. By using “Machine Learning”, computers can analyse massive amounts of data to find tiny patterns that the human eye might miss. Here is how it is changing the game:

1. Tracking Gaze and Smiles

One of the earliest signs of autism is how a child looks at the world. AI “Computer Vision” can analyse a simple video of a child playing. It can track exactly where the child is looking. Does the child look at a person’s eyes when they speak, or are they drawn to the spinning wheels of a toy in the corner? AI can quantify these “social attention” patterns in seconds and add them to a cache of things that ring warning bells.

2. The Sound of a Voice

Did you know that the “music” of a child’s speech can hold clues? AI can listen to the pitch and rhythm (called prosody) of a child’s voice. Children on the spectrum sometimes have a “flat” or monotonic way of speaking. AI algorithms can measure these vocal biomarkers with incredible precision, helping to flag concerns long before a child is old enough for a full conversation.

3. Movement and Play

Repetitive behaviour, like hand-flapping or rocking, are core traits of ASD. Sensors in smartphones or simple video analysis can now categorise these movements objectively. Instead of a parent trying to describe how often a behaviour happens, the application or ‘app’ provides a clear, data-driven report for the doctor.

Innovation at Home: India’s Digital Solutions

The most exciting part of this technology is that it does not require a million-dollar lab. In India, where smartphone use is booming, several “homegrown” apps are bringing specialist-level screening to rural and urban homes alike.

Apps like CogniAble, which give parents a step-by-step intervention plan based on the child’s specific needs, or START, a tablet-based tool used by local health workers in areas like Delhi slums to spot risks via simple games, or LEEZA.APP, which offers free AI screening to remove the “money barrier” that keeps many families from seeking help, or AutismBASICS, which provides thousands of activities and a milestone tracker to help parents manage daily therapy at home, are just a few of the programs in use at present. These tools are “democratising” healthcare. A mother in a remote village with a basic smartphone can now access the same level of screening logic that was once only available in a major city hospital.

Beyond the Diagnosis: A Robot Tutor?

The role of AI does not stop once a diagnosis is made. It is also becoming a tireless “co-therapist.”

For many children with autism, the human world can be unpredictable and overwhelming. AI-powered “Social Robots” or interactive apps provide a safe, predictable environment. These “Robo-Therapists” do not get tired, they do not get frustrated, and they can repeat a social lesson even 100 times until the child feels comfortable.

Furthermore, for children who are nonverbal, AI-powered communication apps serve as a “voice”. These apps use smart technology to predict what a child wants to say, allowing and facilitating them to express their needs and feelings to their parents, even for the very first time.

The Human Element: Proceed with Care

As bright as this dawn is, experts warn that we must move forward carefully and most intelligently.

= Privacy: Because these apps collect sensitive videos and data about children, keeping that information secure is a top priority.

= Cultural Differences: An AI trained on children in the US or Europe might not perfectly understand a child in Sri Lanka. We need “diverse local data” to ensure the algorithms understand our local languages, gestures, and social norms. Many of these programs need to be home-grown or baked at home in Sri Lanka.

= The Human Touch: Most importantly, we need to always remember that AI is a tool, not a replacement. A computer can spot a pattern, but it cannot give a hug, provide emotional support to a struggling parent, or celebrate a breakthrough with the same joy as a human therapist.

A Brighter Future

We are moving toward a world where “waiting and seeing” is no longer, and quite definitely, not the only option for parents. By combining the heart of a parent and the expertise of a doctor with the speed of an algorithm, we can ensure that no child is left behind because of where they live or how much money they have.

The “Algorithmic Dawn” is not just about code and data. It is about giving every child the best possible start in life. It is the main principle on which Hippocrates, the Father of Medicine, all those centuries ago, based all his postulations on how physicians should work.

 The “Red Flag” Checklist: 18 to 24 Months

The American Academy of Pediatrics recommends screening all children at 18 and 24 months. If you notice several of these signs, it is time to use an AI screening app or consult your paediatrician.

Communication and Social Cues

= The Name Test: Does your child consistently fail to turn around or look at you when you call his or her name?

= The Pointing Test: By 18 months, most toddlers point at things they want (like a biscuit) or things they find interesting (like a dog). Is your child using your hand as a “tool” to get things instead of pointing?

= The Eye Contact Test: Does your child avoid looking at your face during social interactions or during play or when being fed?

= The Shared Smile: Does your child rarely smile back when you smile at him or her?

Behaviour and Play

= The Toy Test: Does your child play with toys in “unusual” ways? (e.g., instead of rolling a car, they spend 20 minutes just spinning one wheel or lining them up in a perfect, rigid line).

= The Routine Rule: Do they have an extreme “meltdown” over tiny changes, like taking a different route to the park or using a different coloured cup?

= Repetitive Motions: Do you notice frequent hand-flapping, rocking, or spinning in circles, especially when they are excited or upset?

The “Golden Rule” of Regression

Finally, an extremely important rule for concerned parents to follow.

If your little one had words (like “Mama” or “Dada” or “Amma” or “Thaththa” or Thaii/Amma or Appa) or social skills (like waving “Bye-Bye”) and a beautiful social smile etc, and then SUDDENLY STOPS USING THEM, that could be a most significant red flag. In such situations, the standard advice would be: Please consult a doctor immediately.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics),
MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK),
FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

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Governance, growth and our regional moment:Why Sri Lanka must choose wisely

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The recent disclosure of a substantial internal fraud at National Development Bank has understandably unsettled the financial community. What began as a relatively contained incident has since been revised upwards, revealing a scheme that operated over an extended period within a specific operational area. To their credit, both the bank and the Central Bank of Sri Lanka responded with speed. Staff were suspended, arrests followed, an independent forensic review was commissioned, and clear assurances were given that customer funds remained secure. The institution’s capital and liquidity positions continue to meet regulatory requirements, and day to day operations have not been disrupted.

Yet it would be a mistake to view this as an isolated operational error at a single respected institution. When a fraud of this magnitude, equivalent to more than a year’s profit for the bank, emerges within one of our most established listed companies, the implications extend well beyond the banking sector. It prompts a necessary and uncomfortable question. Are we truly strengthening the foundations of our economy so that every part of our society can operate with the integrity and confidence that sustainable progress demands?

Banking sits at the heart of any modern economy. It channels savings into investment, supports enterprise, and underpins household security. When even a leading institution reveals weaknesses in internal controls, risk oversight or governance culture, the signal to international observers is difficult to ignore. It suggests that the financial system upon which growth depends may not yet possess the resilience we aspire to project. If institutions that have undergone significant reform since 2022 can still experience such failures, what assurance can investors reasonably expect in other sectors of our economy? At a time when Sri Lanka needs to demonstrate strength and reliability, perceptions of fragility carry a heavy cost.

This matters profoundly because a genuine window of opportunity is now opening. Geopolitical shifts in the Middle East and beyond are prompting global investors and entrepreneurs to seek stable, well governed destinations for capital and talent. Sri Lanka possesses distinct advantages. Our geographical position offers natural connectivity. We have invested in critical infrastructure, including two major ports, international airports and strategic energy reserves. In an era where businesses prioritise rule of law, institutional predictability and sound fundamentals, our potential alignment with these criteria is significant. However, high profile governance failures at this precise moment risk undermining that narrative before it can gain meaningful traction.

The stakes are equally significant for initiatives such as the Port City Colombo. With substantial projects now approved, foreign investment commitments secured and early construction underway, this endeavour is moving from concept to delivery. Yet persistent concerns about governance standards in our established companies can act as a drag on investor sentiment. The confidence required to attract high value international tenants and long- term capital depends not only on physical infrastructure but on the perceived strength of our institutions and the consistency of our regulatory environment.

For decades, Sri Lanka has experienced growth averaging around four to five per cent per year. While this is not insignificant, it falls short of our potential, particularly when measured against the progress of our regional neighbours. India, for example, has sustained growth at roughly twice our rate for more than twenty years, driven by consistent policy execution and strengthening institutional credibility. Our own trajectory has been held back not by a lack of ideas or ambition, but by recurring shortcomings in how our major institutions are governed and held to account. The result is a cycle of unrealised potential, where promising openings are not fully converted into lasting advancement.

The current situation, though challenging, can serve as a catalyst for meaningful change. Boards of listed companies must move beyond procedural compliance to foster a genuine culture of ethical leadership, proactive risk management and zero tolerance for control failures. Regulators have an opportunity to undertake a comprehensive review of fraud prevention frameworks, whistle-blower protections and monitoring standards across the financial sector, with lessons applied to other key industries. Greater transparency in reporting material incidents and more timely forensic follow through will help rebuild trust with both domestic and international stakeholders.

Crucially, the government must tread carefully as it responds. Short term fixes or reactive measures may address immediate concerns but will not deliver the enduring stability that investors seek. What is required is a coherent long-term strategy that balances the imperative for rapid economic development with the equally vital need to conserve our natural environment and strengthen regional cooperation. Our neighbours in South Asia and Southeast Asia offer not only markets for trade and investment but also partners in shared challenges such as climate resilience, sustainable infrastructure and digital connectivity. By deepening these relationships through practical collaboration, Sri Lanka can position itself as a reliable and forward-looking partner in a dynamic region.

Sri Lanka stands at a pivotal moment. Global realignments are creating rare opportunities for capital inflows, technology transfer and new economic partnerships. Yet these opportunities will flow most readily to nations that demonstrate they can protect investor interests, uphold the rule of law and operate with predictability and transparency. If we allow governance weaknesses in our flagship institutions to persist, we risk once again watching potential pass us by.

This is a defining moment, and our response must be equally purposeful. We can treat the recent events as an unfortunate but isolated incident and return to established patterns. Or we can seize this moment as a timely reminder to strengthen every pillar of our economy, with particular attention to environmental stewardship and regional collaboration. Only by getting our house in order, with patience, consistency and a clear-eyed commitment to long term goals, can we convert today’s challenges into tomorrow’s competitive advantage. The path to sustained prosperity demands nothing less.

by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena
Professor of Marketing
University of Surrey
Chanaka.j@gmail.com

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