Features
Working with Dahanayake – the man, his habits and departure from ‘Temple Trees’
(Excerpted from Rendering Unto Caesar by Bradman Weerakoon)
I began to get used to his unusual ways. Dahanayake was an early riser and insisted on starting work at 7.00 am. I didn’t mind as I lived close by at de Fonseka Place and it was not more than a 10 minute drive at that time in the morning. It wasn’t a matter of a leisurely run-over in sarong or pyjama of the day’s work at the breakfast table, interspersed with asides from the morning’s newspapers, as others were wont to do, but the actual start of an official day with interviews, conferences and files.
Acutely conscious of retaining his good health – in his youth he had indulged heavily in drinking and smoking – Dahanayake was usually up at 4.30 am and would have done his hour’s barefooted perambulation on the lawns of Temple Trees soaking in the early morning dew. As he put it in one of his many expositions on how to stay healthy, walking barefoot on wet grass – especially if there was a patch of convenient indupiyeli around – mightily helped in “clearing the brain”! Another of his favoured recipes, as he mentioned to my very interested wife one day, was how to keep one’s weight down with a diet of raw vetakolu and rice bran aggala spiced with pol kudu, for lunch.
Dahanayake had beautiful handwriting. His official minutes and orders in files in his characteristic purple ink – he always used a fountain pen – were eminently legible, clear and often quite long winded. When I once observed on the clarity and style of his handwriting he replied that it was his diligence with the copybook during his years at the Teacher’s Training College at Maharagama which had endowed him with this facility. He had been taught, he said, ‘the civil service style’ of writing; large well formed letters gently sloping to the right, and as he put it, “once you put pen to paper lift your hand only after you’ve finished your sentence!” Which probably accounted for the length of his minutes and the absolute absence of corrections or erasures.
I found that the prime minister was quick in decision-making, generally based on the first complaint he received. He was also not averse to completely reversing his decision no sooner he received a contrary opinion from one of his officials. So, deciphering his minutes, particularly regarding teachers’ transfers – he had been minister of education earlier – could give one a sense of ‘constant to-ing and fro-ing’.
The circumstances of Mr Bandaranaike’s death and his own elevation to the post of prime minister as a result, led inevitably, but as far as I was convinced unfairly, to some suspicion of Dahanayake’s own conduct in the affair.
Stories began to spread about his seeming reluctance to press charges against the big names who the public quickly associated with the heinous crime. These were the Hon Vimala Wijewardene, minister of health in Mr Bandaranaike’s Cabinet and still one of his ministers, and the Ven Mapitigama Buddharakhita, the high priest of the prominent Kelaniya Temple and one of the most influential of the monks in the Eksath Bhikku Perumuna which had propelled Mr Bandaranaike into power in 1956.
By early 1959, however, both these luminaries had begun to move away from Mr Bandaranaike. Mrs Wijewardene became an important part of the right wing of the SLFP (the Regent Flats group), as the press had begun to term them. The high priest was openly critical of Mr Bandaranaike both on account of the latter’s seeming reluctance to fulfil his radical reform programme of 1956 while the more prosaic reason was that he, the prime minister, had not helped him sufficiently in securing contracts for the shipping business in which the priest was heavily involved. The woman minister and the high priest had already acquired a certain notoriety for conducting an unusually close association.
This, I soon found out, was one of the primary exigencies of holding high office in the country. People are prone to attribute an ulterior motive to whatever you do. The story soon got about that two persons, Kelanitilleke and Michael Baas, had informed Dahanayake on the night of September 26, the day of Mr Bandaranaike’s death, about Buddharakhita’s involvement in the act of murdering Bandaranaike, but upon Dahanayake’s accession to the prime ministership, he had tried to dissuade the informants from proceeding with the matter. Although not proven at the subsequent inquiry before a presidential commission, the story itself gained ground and contributed to Dahanayake’s growing unpopularity in the country.
Through October and November, Dahanayake tried to hold his fractious team together and keep Parliament going. The House elected in 1956 with a five year term could have continued till April 1961, but the raison d’etre for that Parliament had gone with the death of Bandaranaike. Dahanayake was now prime minister in his own right having succeeded to the position through the support of the majority in Parliament but clearly the ministers were not in favour of him continuing. He tried, for a while, to bask in the sunshine of Bandaranaike’s name.
I remember him once telling the foreign press that Bandaranaike had now become a Bosath – a Bodhisatva, a Mahayana Buddhist conception that elevates exemplary virtuosity to the highest level before Buddhahood. He was not alone as S D Bandaranaike, the Imbulgoda veeraya who had stopped J R Jayewardene on his march to Kandy in 1958, also came out at the time with his Bosath Bandaranaike Party, virtually a one-man show of which he was the president.
The air was full of talk of conspiracies and plots and coups in the days that followed Bandaranaike’s death. Dahanayake ordered the (Temple Trees) wall skirting Duplication Road raised by four feet. This was considered by the press to be a major security measure and Collette retaliated with a cartoon in the Observer, with Jim Munasinghe and Stanley de Zoysa, two of his more loyal ministers standing guard duty. There was no Prime Minister’s Security Division (PMSD) in those days but only an inspector, or at most an ASP as personal security officer and a small contingent of men on duty.
Dahanayake ordered more police security men to be moved in, and also tightened entry procedures for the public. He also created a new ministry of internal security and had Sydney de Zoyza who was then one of the four DIGS appointed to the position of secretary. Two votes of no confidence in Parliament against Dahanayake’s government, one against him personally and the other against the minister of justice, for not being more forceful in bringing to book those responsible for the assassination, were narrowly defeated.
On December 3, 1959 the emergency lapsed and Dahanayake, now tired out with all the machinations against him, decided to recommend to Sir Oliver the dissolution of Parliament. Elections were called for March 19, 1960. Dahanayake was now head of a caretaker government and took some major strategic decisions. He first announced his resignation from the SLFP but this was refused by the executive committee who proceeded in turn to sack him from the party. Dahanayake retaliated by sacking five ministers, the letters being delivered to them at midnight. Some of them read of their dismissal in the morning’s Daily News.
I had a busy time until all the ministers were dismissed and five new ones appointed to assist Dahanayake until the elections. Among them were M M Mustapha from Nintavur in the Eastern Province as minister of finance and R E Jayatilleke from Nawalapitiya. The Soulbury constitution permitted a non-parliamentarian to be in the Cabinet for a maximum period of three months and that gave Dahanayake sufficient time.
To fight the elections Dahanayake formed a new party which he called the Lanka Prajatantra Party — the Lanka Democratic Party. He cobbled it together from a few former SLFP members who yet remained loyal to him and an odd assortment of people from all walks of life, many of them with absolutely no previous experience of politics. Some were literally picked off the street like one ‘never do well’ from Welimada whom I knew as a habitual drunkard from my teaching days at St Thomas’ College in Gurutalawa during the university vacations.
Temple Trees was a party office in those days with Dahanayake presiding over ‘walk-in’ interviews for MP aspirants. Those who took the trouble to present themselves were usually rewarded with a letter of appointment as candidate of the LPP, personally signed by the prime minister, and a sum of Rs 25,000 as election expenses. I am sure my friend from Welimada must have got rip-roaring drunk that night.
The LPP put forward 101 candidates, just a few less than the SLFP’s 113 for the March elections. Ninety-four of Dahanayake’s candidates lost their deposits, including of course my Welimada friend, and only four were returned to Parliament. Dahanayake himself lost narrowly by 400 votes in Galle. He was still immensely popular there but he had over-stretched himself attempting to campaign all over the country single-handed, and leaving Galle, to be handled by friends. This was proved by his winning back Galle in the July ’60 election, again narrowly by 444 votes, where he contested again as an LPP candidate.
At election time, although I could well have had myself excused from election duty as secretary to the prime minister, I had made it a habit to volunteer for duty. The only special favour I sought from the Elections Commissioner, the highly efficient and affable Felix Dias Abeysinghe, was that of being posted to one of the more remote parts of the country. The chief reason for that was that officers could take their wives along. Damayanthi too could be on duty as the Lady Presiding Officer dealing with the women voters who were provided with a separate ballot box.
The traveling allowance, at 35 cents per mile could also give one a sizable bonus when one returned home. In addition it gave one a chance to see a part of the island one would normally not have gone to, and meet rural people. Felix gave us the polling station at Lahugalle, ten miles west of Arugam Bay, which had a very nice rest-house, for the night. The returning office was at Batticaloa, to which we would have to take the sealed ballot boxes in the evening for the counting.
It was a fascinating day and we encountered in the election registers a phenomenon I was not aware of earlier. This was the existence of some wonderful combined names where Sinhala and Tamil came together, a reflection of life in the transitional zones in the country and the intermixing that must have gone on from former times. The people were fluent in both languages and bore names like `Somasunderam Banda’ and Ariyawathie Kanagaratnam’. On my questioning how they came by their names some would venture the explanation that it was due to the Tamil Registrar of Births writing down whatever he felt would be proper as a surname. I was however more inclined to the view that there had been considerable intermarriage in these parts of the country.
As we travelled back to Colombo, the radio was announcing the results of Dahanayake’s heavy defeat. His loss at Galle surprised me as I knew how popular he was with ordinary people like the betel-seller on the pavement, those who patronized the local tea boutiques, shops, the bus stand and the sellers of gram. When I arrived at Temple Trees late in the evening he was sitting in an arm chair in the long verandah with his two faithful suitcases by his side.
He had a request to make of me, that I permit the use of one of the two official Humber Hawks the prime minister’s office had to be used for dropping him at his home in Galle. It was sad to see him leave alone that evening only accompanied by his bags. The staff came together to see him off, gathered around the portico as the car drove off, and gave him a spontaneous cheer of good wishes and farewell.
Yet, you could not keep this good man down for long and he continued for years to make news in the political history of the country. He was back in Parliament in July 1966 and continued to be a thorn in Sirimavo Bandaranaike’s side throughout that session of Parliament. I met him again in 1965 when he joined Dudley Senanayake in his seven-party National Government. Dudley appointed him minister of home affairs and we had a lot to do with each other. I was also secretary of the committee consisting of representatives of the seven parties trying to determine what subjects and functions we could delegate to the district councils – another attempt at devolution and part of the Dudley-Chelvanayakam agreement – and what should be left to the Centre.
Dahanayake had obviously thought about the issue seriously and I got the impression that he, like most southerners was for a strong Centre. In the 1970 election which Sirimavo won with a United Front administration, and Dudley and the UNP were reduced to 17 seats, Dahanayake retained his seat with a greatly reduced majority. He had by now moved to the UNP but when the party refused his request to enjoy a free vote on the new 1972 Constitution, he resigned. He remained an independent thereafter opposing with vigour Sirimavo’s move to extend the life of Parliament by two years from 1975.
Nevertheless Parliament went on till 1977 when, at the elections, the swing to the UNP was so great that the SLFP was annihilated and reduced to eight seats while J R secured a five-sixths majority. Dahanayake, too, contesting as an independent candidate against his old rival Albert Silva of the UNP lost. But the old soldier was not yet down and out. He filed a petition against Silva in the Galle High Court against Albert Silva. Preliminary objections were raised by the other party, and on the High Court judge accepting the objections, Dahanayake’s petition was dismissed.
He next filed an appeal in the Supreme Court. The five judge bench divided four to one, set aside the order of the High Court and ordered re-trial. In this appeal Dahanayake appeared on his own behalf without any legal assistance. Dahanayake’s appeal was taken up by a bench comprising the Chief Justice Neville Samarakoon, and Justices G T Samarawickrama and R S Wanasundara. Despite his advanced age, he was then 77, he submitted some powerful arguments before the Court. People followed the case with great interest as Dahanayake was not a lawyer and the only job he had done other than politics had been teaching. In September 1979 the Supreme Court announced their unanimous decision, depriving Albert Silva of his seat.
Dahanayake next presented J R with a most perplexing problem when he sought nomination from the UNP at the upcoming by-elections. Disregarding all the objections by the Galle UNP members J R gave him the nomination having found another safe seat for the rival Albert Silva. Five candidates contested the by-election. Dahanayake won Galle by a majority of 13,012 votes, one of his best-ever victories. The young Lionel Bopage, one of the main accused in the 1971 insurrection, contested the by-election as an independent candidate since the JVP had not as yet obtained registration as a political party. Bopage addressing an election meeting, referring to Dahanayake’s renowned political somersaulting reminded the voters, correctly, that the only parties Dahanayake had not been part of, in his fabulous political career, were the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna and the Tamil United Liberation Front.
Dahanayake remained a back bench MP for a few years in the J R Jayewardene Government of 1977. In March of 1986, mirabile dictu, at the age of 84, Wijayananda Dahanayake was once again appointed to the Cabinet, this time as minister of cooperatives. He was not yet finished. When in 1989 Premadasa was readying himself for the general election which took place in January in the midst of the JVP violence, Dahanayake solicited nomination for the Galle district under the changed proportional representation system from the UNP. He had no intention of contesting but hoped he could get into Parliament through the National List. The UNP won a majority at the election but the old war horse was left out.
A long and eventful tenure in the legislature commencing from the days of the State Council had come to an end. He was 86. There was one other goal he could not reach. He had hoped to complete his 100th year but at 95 he fell ill at his home in Richmond Hill, Galle, and died soon after. During his short retirement he started work on an autobiography which he could not complete and indulged in his favourite recreation composing little parodies about his political contemporaries. Here is a typical effort of one in homespun Lewis. Carrol nursery-rhyme metre about his favourite bete noire Sir John Kotelawela.
Twinkle, twinkle, good Sir john
How you’ve fooled our fair Ceylon
Looking young in spite of age
Like an actor on the stage
When the girls at ‘Temple Trees’ crowd and dance like buzzing bees,
Then you sing your sweetest song, Twinkle, twinkle, all night long!
But if you care to see the woe
Of starving men who come and go,
Then you’ll sing a sadder song
And twinkle like a wiser John.
Features
Making ‘Sinhala Studies’ globally relevant
On 8 January 2026, I delivered a talk at an event at the University of Colombo marking the retirement of my longtime friend and former Professor of Sinhala, Ananda Tissa Kumara and his appointment as Emeritus Professor of Sinhala in that university. What I said has much to do with decolonising social sciences and humanities and the contributions countries like ours can make to the global discourses of knowledge in these broad disciplines. I have previously discussed these issues in this column, including in my essay, ‘Does Sri Lanka Contribute to the Global Intellectual Expansion of Social Sciences and Humanities?’ published on 29 October 2025 and ‘Can Asians Think? Towards Decolonising Social Sciences and Humanities’ published on 31 December 2025.
At the recent talk, I posed a question that relates directly to what I have raised earlier but drew from a specific type of knowledge scholars like Prof Ananda Tissa Kumara have produced over a lifetime about our cultural worlds. I do not refer to their published work on Sinhala, Pali and Sanskrit languages, their histories or grammars; instead, their writing on various aspects of Sinhala culture. Erudite scholars familiar with Tamil sources have written extensively on Tamil culture in this same manner, which I will not refer to here.
To elaborate, let me refer to a several essays written by Professor Tissa Kumara over the years in the Sinhala language: 1) Aspects of Sri Lankan town planning emerging from Sinhala Sandesha poetry; 2) Health practices emerging from inscriptions of the latter part of the Anuradhapura period; 3) Buddhist religious background described in inscriptions of the Kandyan period; 4) Notions of aesthetic appreciation emerging from Sigiri poetry; 5) Rituals related to Sinhala clinical procedures; 6) Customs linked to marriage taboos in Sinhala society; 7) Food habits of ancient and medieval Lankans; and 8) The decline of modern Buddhist education. All these essays by Prof. Tissa Kumara and many others like them written by others remain untranslated into English or any other global language that holds intellectual power. The only exceptions would be the handful of scholars who also wrote in English or some of their works happened to be translated into English, an example of the latter being Prof. M.B. Ariyapala’s classic, Society in Medieval Ceylon.
The question I raised during my lecture was, what does one do with this knowledge and whether it is not possible to use this kind of knowledge profitably for theory building, conceptual and methodological fine-tuning and other such essential work mostly in the domain of abstract thinking that is crucially needed for social sciences and humanities. But this is not an interest these scholars ever entertained. Except for those who wrote fictionalised accounts such as unsubstantiated stories on mythological characters like Rawana, many of these scholars amassed detailed information along with their sources. This focus on sources is evident even in the titles of many of Prof. Tissa Kumara’s work referred to earlier. Rather than focusing on theorising or theory-based interpretations, these scholars’ aim was to collect and present socio-cultural material that is inaccessible to most others in society including people like myself. Either we know very little of such material or are completely unaware of their existence. But they are important sources of our collective history indicating what we are where we have come from and need to be seen as a specific genre of research.
In this sense, people like Prof. Tissa Kumara and his predecessors are human encyclopedias. But the knowledge they produced, when situated in the context of global knowledge production in general, remains mostly as ‘raw’ information albeit crucial. The pertinent question now is what do we do with this information? They can, of course, remain as it is. My argument however is this knowledge can be a serious source for theory-building and constructing philosophy based on a deeper understanding of the histories of our country and of the region and how people in these areas have dealt with the world over time.
Most scholars in our country and elsewhere in the region believe that the theoretical and conceptual apparatuses needed for our thinking – clearly manifest in social sciences and humanities – must necessarily be imported from the ‘west.’ It is this backward assumption, but specifically in reference to Indian experiences on social theory, that Prathama Banerjee and her colleagues observe in the following words: “theory appears as a ready-made body of philosophical thought, produced in the West …” As they further note, in this situation, “the more theory-inclined among us simply pick the latest theory off-the-shelf and ‘apply’ it to our context” disregarding its provincial European or North American origin, because of the false belief “that “‘theory’ is by definition universal.” What this means is that like in India, in countries like ours too, the “relationship to theory is dependent, derivative, and often deeply alienated.”
In a somewhat similar critique in his 2000 book, Provincialising Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference Dipesh Chakrabarty points to the limitations of Western social sciences in explaining the historical experiences of political modernity in South Asia. He attempted to renew Western and particularly European thought “from and for the margins,” and bring in diverse histories from regions that were marginalised in global knowledge production into the mainstream discourse of knowledge. In effect, this means making histories of countries like ours relevant in knowledge production.
The erroneous and blind faith in the universality of theory is evident in our country too whether it is the unquestioned embrace of modernist theories and philosophies or their postmodern versions. The heroes in this situation generally remain old white men from Marx to Foucault and many in between. This indicates the kind of unhealthy dependence local discourses of theory owe to the ‘west’ without any attempt towards generating serious thinking on our own.
In his 2002 essay, ‘Dismal State of Social Sciences in Pakistan,’ Akbar Zaidi points out how Pakistani social scientists blindly apply imported “theoretical arguments and constructs to Pakistani conditions without questioning, debating or commenting on the theory itself.” Similarly, as I noted in my 2017 essay, ‘Reclaiming Social Sciences and Humanities: Notes from South Asia,’ Sri Lankan social sciences and humanities have “not seriously engaged in recent times with the dominant theoretical constructs that currently hold sway in the more academically dominant parts of the world.” Our scholars also have not offered any serious alternate constructions of their own to the world without going crudely nativistic or exclusivist.
This situation brings me back to the kind of knowledge that scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have produced. Philosophy, theory or concepts generally emerge from specific historical and temporal conditions. Therefore, they are difficult to universalise or generalise without serious consequences. This does not mean that some ideas would not have universal applicability with or without minor fine tuning. In general, however, such bodies of abstract knowledge should ideally be constructed with reference to the histories and contemporary socio-political circumstances
from where they emerge that may have applicability to other places with similar histories. This is what Banerjee and her colleagues proposed in their 2016 essay, ‘The Work of Theory: Thinking Across Traditions’. This is also what decolonial theorists such as Walter Mignolo, Enrique Dussel and Aníbal Quijano have referred to as ‘decolonizing Western epistemology’ and ‘building decolonial epistemologies.’
My sense is, scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have amassed at least some part of such knowledge that can be used for theory-building that has so far not been used for this purpose. Let me refer to two specific examples that have local relevance which will place my argument in context. Historian and political scientist Benedict Anderson argued in his influential 1983 book, Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism that notions of nationalism led to the creation of nations or, as he calls them, ‘imagined communities.’ For him, unlike many others, European nation states emerged in response to the rise of ‘nationalism’ in the overseas European settlements, especially in the Western Hemisphere. But it was still a form of thinking that had Europe at its center.
Comparatively, we can consider Stephen Kemper’s 1991 book, The Presence of the Past: Chronicles, Politics, and Culture in Sinhala Life where the American anthropologist explored the ways in which Sinhala ‘national’ identity evolved over time along with a continual historical consciousness because of the existence of texts such as Mahawamsa. In other words, the Sinhala past manifests with social practices that have continued from the ancient past among which are chronicle-keeping, maintaining sacred places, and venerating heroes.
In this context, his argument is that Sinhala nationalism predates the rise of nationalist movements in Europe by over a thousand years, thereby challenging the hegemonic arguments such as those of Anderson, Ernest Gellner, Elie Kedourie and others who link nationalism as a modern phenomenon impacted by Europe in some way or another. Kemper was able to come to his interpretation by closely reading Lankan texts such as Mahawamsa and other Pali chronicles and more critically, theorizing what is in these texts. Such interpretable material is what has been presented by Prof. Tissa Kumara and others, sans the sing.
Similarly, local texts in Sinhala such as kadaim poth’ and vitti poth, which are basically narratives of local boundaries and descriptions of specific events written in the Dambadeniya and Kandyan periods are replete with crucial information. This includes local village and district boundaries, the different ethno-cultural groups that lived in and came to settle in specific places in these kingdoms, migratory events, wars and so on. These texts as well as European diplomatic dispatches and political reports from these times, particularly during the Kandyan period, refer to the cosmopolitanism in the Kandyan kingdom particularly its court, the military, town planning and more importantly the religious tolerance which even surprised the European observers and latter-day colonial rulers. Again, much of this comes from local sources or much less focused upon European dispatches of the time.
Scholars like Prof. Tissa Kumara have collected this kind of information as well as material from much older times and sources. What would the conceptual categories, such as ethnicity, nationalism, cosmopolitanism be like if they are reinterpreted or cast anew through these histories, rather than merely following their European and North American intellectual and historical slants which is the case at present? Among the questions we can ask are, whether these local idiosyncrasies resulted from Buddhism or local cultural practices we may not know much about at present but may exist in inscriptions, in ola leaf manuscripts or in other materials collected and presented by scholars such as Prof. Tissa Kumara.
For me, familiarizing ourselves with this under- and unused archive and employing them for theory-building as well as for fine-tuning what already exists is the main intellectual role we can play in taking our cultural knowledge to the world in a way that might make sense beyond the linguistic and socio-political borders of our country. Whether our universities and scholars are ready to attempt this without falling into the trap of crude nativisms, be satisfied with what has already been collected, but is untheorized or if they would rather lackadaisically remain shackled to ‘western’ epistemologies in the sense articulated by decolonial theorists remains to be seen.
Features
Extinction in isolation: Sri Lanka’s lizards at the climate crossroads
Climate change is no longer a distant or abstract threat to Sri Lanka’s biodiversity. It is already driving local extinctions — particularly among lizards trapped in geographically isolated habitats, where even small increases in temperature can mean the difference between survival and disappearance.
According to research by Buddhi Dayananda, Thilina Surasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna, Sri Lanka’s narrowly distributed lizards are among the most vulnerable vertebrates in the country, with climate stress intensifying the impacts of habitat loss, fragmentation and naturally small population sizes.
Isolation Turns Warming into an Extinction Trap
Sri Lanka’s rugged topography and long geological isolation have produced extraordinary levels of reptile endemism. Many lizard species are confined to single mountains, forest patches or rock outcrops, existing nowhere else on Earth. While this isolation has driven evolution, it has also created conditions where climate change can rapidly trigger extinction.
“Lizards are especially sensitive to environmental temperature because their metabolism, activity patterns and reproduction depend directly on external conditions,” explains Suranjan Karunarathna, a leading herpetologist and co-author of the study. “When climatic thresholds are exceeded, geographically isolated species cannot shift their ranges. They are effectively trapped.”
The study highlights global projections indicating that nearly 40 percent of local lizard populations could disappear in coming decades, while up to one-fifth of all lizard species worldwide may face extinction by 2080 if current warming trends persist.
- Cnemaspis_gunawardanai (Adult Female), Pilikuttuwa, Gampaha District
- Cnemaspis_ingerorum (Adult Male), Sithulpauwa, Hambantota District
- Cnemaspis_hitihamii (Adult Female), Maragala, Monaragala District
- Cnemaspis_gunasekarai (Adult Male), Ritigala, Anuradapura District
- Cnemaspis_dissanayakai (Adult Male), Dimbulagala, Polonnaruwa District
- Cnemaspis_kandambyi (Adult Male), Meemure, Matale District
Heat Stress, Energy Loss and Reproductive Failure
Rising temperatures force lizards to spend more time in shelters to avoid lethal heat, reducing their foraging time and energy intake. Over time, this leads to chronic energy deficits that undermine growth and reproduction.
“When lizards forage less, they have less energy for breeding,” Karunarathna says. “This doesn’t always cause immediate mortality, but it slowly erodes populations.”
Repeated exposure to sub-lethal warming has been shown to increase embryonic mortality, reduce hatchling size, slow post-hatch growth and compromise body condition. In species with temperature-dependent sex determination, warming can skew sex ratios, threatening long-term population viability.
“These impacts often remain invisible until populations suddenly collapse,” Karunarathna warns.
Tropical Species with No Thermal Buffer
The research highlights that tropical lizards such as those in Sri Lanka are particularly vulnerable because they already live close to their physiological thermal limits. Unlike temperate species, they experience little seasonal temperature variation and therefore possess limited behavioural or evolutionary flexibility to cope with rapid warming.
“Even modest temperature increases can have severe consequences in tropical systems,” Karunarathna explains. “There is very little room for error.”
Climate change also alters habitat structure. Canopy thinning, tree mortality and changes in vegetation density increase ground-level temperatures and reduce the availability of shaded refuges, further exposing lizards to heat stress.
Narrow Ranges, Small Populations
Many Sri Lankan lizards exist as small, isolated populations restricted to narrow altitudinal bands or specific microhabitats. Once these habitats are degraded — through land-use change, quarrying, infrastructure development or climate-driven vegetation loss — entire global populations can vanish.
“Species confined to isolated hills and rock outcrops are especially at risk,” Karunarathna says. “Surrounding human-modified landscapes prevent movement to cooler or more suitable areas.”
Even protected areas offer no guarantee of survival if species occupy only small pockets within reserves. Localised disturbances or microclimatic changes can still result in extinction.
Climate Change Amplifies Human Pressures
The study emphasises that climate change will intensify existing human-driven threats, including habitat fragmentation, land-use change and environmental degradation. Together, these pressures create extinction cascades that disproportionately affect narrowly distributed species.
“Climate change acts as a force multiplier,” Karunarathna explains. “It worsens the impacts of every other threat lizards already face.”
Without targeted conservation action, many species may disappear before they are formally assessed or fully understood.
Science Must Shape Conservation Policy
Researchers stress the urgent need for conservation strategies that recognise micro-endemism and climate vulnerability. They call for stronger environmental impact assessments, climate-informed land-use planning and long-term monitoring of isolated populations.
“We cannot rely on broad conservation measures alone,” Karunarathna says. “Species that exist in a single location require site-specific protection.”
The researchers also highlight the importance of continued taxonomic and ecological research, warning that extinction may outpace scientific discovery.
A Vanishing Evolutionary Legacy
Sri Lanka’s lizards are not merely small reptiles hidden from view; they represent millions of years of unique evolutionary history. Their loss would be irreversible.
“Once these species disappear, they are gone forever,” Karunarathna says. “Climate change is moving faster than our conservation response, and isolation means there are no second chances.”
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Online work compatibility of education tablets
Enabling Education-to-Income Pathways through Dual-Use Devices
The deployment of tablets and Chromebook-based devices for emergency education following Cyclone Ditwah presents an opportunity that extends beyond short-term academic continuity. International experience demonstrates that the same category of devices—when properly governed and configured—can support safe, ethical, and productive online work, particularly for youth and displaced populations. This annex outlines the types of online jobs compatible with such devices, their technical limitations, and their strategic national value within Sri Lanka’s recovery and human capital development agenda.
Compatible Categories of Online Work
At the foundational level, entry-level digital jobs are widely accessible through Android tablets and Chromebook devices. These roles typically require basic digital literacy, language comprehension, and sustained attention rather than advanced computing power. Common examples include data tagging and data validation tasks, AI training activities such as text, image, or voice labelling, online surveys and structured research tasks, digital form filling, and basic transcription work. These activities are routinely hosted on Google task-based platforms, global AI crowdsourcing systems, and micro-task portals operated by international NGOs and UN agencies. Such models have been extensively utilised in countries including India, the Philippines, Kenya, and Nepal, particularly in post-disaster and low-income contexts.
At an intermediate level, freelance and gig-based work becomes viable, especially when Chromebook tablets such as the Lenovo Chromebook Duet or Acer Chromebook Tab are used with detachable keyboards. These devices are well suited for content writing and editing, Sinhala–Tamil–English translation work, social media management, Canva-based design assignments, and virtual assistant roles. Chromebooks excel in this domain because they provide full browser functionality, seamless integration with Google Docs and Sheets (including offline drafting and later (synchronization), reliable file upload capabilities, and stable video conferencing through platforms such as Google Meet or Zoom. Freelancers across Southeast Asia and Africa already rely heavily on Chromebook-class devices for such work, demonstrating their suitability in bandwidth- and power-constrained environments.
A third category involves remote employment and structured part-time work, which is also feasible on Chromebook tablets when paired with a keyboard and headset. These roles include online tutoring support, customer service through chat or email, research assistance, and entry-level digital bookkeeping. While such work requires a more consistent internet connection—often achievable through mobile hotspots—it does not demand high-end hardware. The combination of portability, long battery life, and browser-based platforms makes these devices adequate for such employment models.
Functional Capabilities and Limitations
It is important to clearly distinguish what these devices can and cannot reasonably support. Tablets and Chromebooks are highly effective for web-based jobs, Google Workspace-driven tasks, cloud platforms, online interviews conducted via Zoom or Google Meet, and the use of digital wallets and electronic payment systems. However, they are not designed for heavy video editing, advanced software development environments, or professional engineering and design tools such as AutoCAD. This limitation does not materially reduce their relevance, as global labour market data indicate that approximately 70–75 per cent of online work worldwide is browser-based and fully compatible with tablet-class devices.
Device Suitability for Dual Use
Among commonly deployed devices, the Chromebook Duet and Acer Chromebook Tab offer the strongest balance between learning and online work, making them the most effective all-round options. Android tablets such as the Samsung Galaxy Tab A8 or A9 and the Nokia T20 also perform reliably when supplemented with keyboards, with the latter offering particularly strong battery endurance. Budget-oriented devices such as the Xiaomi Redmi Pad remain suitable for learning and basic work tasks, though with some limitations in sustained productivity. Across all device types, battery efficiency remains a decisive advantage.
Power and Energy Considerations
In disaster-affected and power-scarce environments, tablets outperform conventional laptops. A battery life of 10–12 hours effectively supports a full day of online work or study. Offline drafting of documents with later synchronisation further reduces dependence on continuous connectivity. The use of solar chargers and power banks can extend operational capacity significantly, making these devices particularly suitable for temporary shelters and community learning hubs.
Payment and Income Feasibility in the Sri Lankan Context
From a financial inclusion perspective, these devices are fully compatible with commonly used payment systems. Platforms such as PayPal (within existing national constraints), Payoneer, Wise, LankaQR, local banking applications, and NGO stipend mechanisms are all accessible through Android and ChromeOS environments. Notably, many Sri Lankan freelancers already conduct income-generating activities entirely via mobile devices, confirming the practical feasibility of tablet-based earning.
Strategic National Value
The dual use of tablets for both education and income generation carries significant strategic value for Sri Lanka. It helps prevent long-term dependency by enabling families to rebuild livelihoods, creates structured earning pathways for youth, and transforms disaster relief interventions into resilience-building investments. This approach supports a human resource management–driven recovery model rather than a welfare-dependent one. It aligns directly with the outcomes sought by the Ministry of Education, the Ministry of Labour and HRM reform initiatives, and broader national productivity and competitiveness goals.
Policy Positioning under the Vivonta / PPA Framework
Within the Vivonta/Proprietary Planters Alliance national response framework, it is recommended that these devices be formally positioned as “Learning + Livelihood Tablets.” This designation reflects their dual public value and supports a structured governance approach. Devices should be configured with dual profiles—Student and Worker—supplemented by basic digital job readiness modules, clear ethical guidance on online work, and safeguards against exploitation, particularly for vulnerable populations.
Performance Indicators
From a monitoring perspective, the expected reach of such an intervention is high, encompassing students, youth, and displaced adults. The anticipated impact is very high, as it directly enables the transition from education to income generation. Confidence in the approach is high due to extensive global precedent, while the required effort remains moderate, centering primarily on training, coordination, and platform curation rather than capital-intensive investment.
We respectfully invite the Open University of Sri Lanka, Derana, Sirasa, Rupavahini, DP Education, and Janith Wickramasinghe, National Online Job Coach, to join hands under a single national banner—
“Lighting the Dreams of Sri Lanka’s Emerging Leaders.”
by Lalin I De Silva, FIPM (SL) ✍️
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