Opinion
Using SORTITION to prevent electing of same crooks to parliament

By Chandre Dharmawardana
chandre.dharma@yahoo.ca
The terrorism of the LTTE ended in May 2009, and most Sri Lankans looked forward to a dawn of peace, reconciliation and progress. Even Poongkothai Chandrahasan, the granddaughter of SJV Chelvanayagam could state that ‘what touched me the most that day was that these were poor people with no agenda ~ wearing their feelings on their sleeves~. Every single person I spoke to said to me, “The war is over, we are so happy”. They were not celebrating the defeat of the Tamils. They were celebrating the fact that now there would be peace in Sri Lanka’ (The Island, 23rd August 2009, http://archive.island.lk/2009/08/23/news15.html).
The dilemma faced by SL
Unfortunately, instead of peace, prosperity and reconciliation, a corrupt oligarchy made up of politicians from the two main parties of the period, namely the UNP, the SLFP, the JVP, their associated business tycoons and NGO bosses have evolved into a cabal of the rich who have hogged the power of parliament among themselves. The party names “UNP, SLFP, JVP” etc., have morphed into other forms, while the leaders concerned have changed adherence to the parties or made alliances with the ease of changing cutlery at a sumptuous banquet.
Periods of civil strife are also periods when corrupt cutthroats thrive, with illegal arms and money in the hands of those on both sides of the conflict who made a career out of the war.
Mahinda Rajapaksa’s SLFP and its allies defeated terrorism and were given a strong mandate by an electorate tired of war to “go forward” in 2010. Unfortunately, as in most cases of “rapid reconstruction” in the wake of a war, the gangrene of corruption of a long war also continued hand in hand. Expensive infrastructure projects, highways and symbolic show pieces that earned lucrative commissions to those in power and to their hangers-on got priority over hard-nosed development projects.
Although the country called itself a “democratic socialist” republic, an essentially libertarian Ayn Randian-type political philosophy coupled with neoliberal economic policies reigned supreme with the Rajapaksa-led governments as well as governments led by the UNP-Sirisena-led SLFP etc., even if this reality was not always articulated clearly. Thus, while public transport, education, public health and alternative-energy projects were neglected, import of luxury goods, highways for wealthy commuters, private hospitals, fossil fuels and organic food for the elite were encouraged by the libertarians. These expensive projects were funded by loans even in the international money market, as long as such monies were available. Public borrowing itself was converted into various types of bond scams.
Ironically enough, both right-wing Rothbardian-type economics as well as extreme left-wing “progressive” economics agreed on printing money with no restrictions, to maintain a false standard of living beyond means.
Not surprisingly, the country had to come to a screeching halt when it became insolvent. Only the rich oligarchs had the means to continue to function as before, and unambiguously assume the levers of political power. Consequently, Ranil Wickremesinghe, the scion of the Sri Lankan libertarians is now in the saddle. Political turmoil is temporarily abated as the power of the political machinery is also in the hands of the same elites who control the economy. While this may be “good for the market” and possibly for the economy in a narrow sense the word “good”, it hides a highly unstable situation where a large majority of the population has become impoverished and desperate. A highly nationalistic army stands by with many of its major figures bought into the elite sector while the common soldiers remain part and parcel of the impoverished peasantry.
The dilemma faced by the country is to defuse this untenable situation by re-distributing political power so that a sustainable economy that ensures at least the basic needs of every one is achieved. The economy of a very small country is completely subject to the vicissitudes of international markets within completely open libertarian policies. Such policies may be very advantages for powerful countries bent on expanding their markets or acquiring sources of raw materials, but not for poor nations.
The key to having some capacity for controlling one’s destiny is to have an economy that is relatively independent of external market forces. Economists have not yet recognized that energy availability (and not class conflict, nor the “freedom” of the market) is the motive force of socio-economic evolution – a fact first enunciated by Ludwig Boltzmann in an address to the German Mathematical society. Boltzmann was an outstanding theoretical physicist of the 19th century. Energy availability can be converted into agricultural and industrial productivity, leading to prosperity and well-being. However, none of the political parties that currently exist in Sri Lanka, sunk in corruption, wheeler-dealing, blinded in ideology, communalism etc., and having scant regard for democratic values or the welfare of its citizens is likely to present a political program that will help the country. In any case, no one trusts them.
In fact, the existing political parties will field the same pack of rogues as candidates for any forthcoming election. The people themselves have little faith in elections, or in politicians, with confidence in public institutions now at a very low ebb. So, apparently, there is no point in having elections!
A solution to dilemma
The need to go beyond the model of elections to ensure democracy has been recognised since the times of Athenian city states. The democracies in ancient Athens chose only ten percent of their officials by election, selecting the rest by sortition—a lottery, which randomly selected citizens to serve as legislators, jurors, magistrates and administrators. Aristotle argued that sortition is the best method of ensuring a democracy, while elected officials become part of oligarchies where the wealthy and powerful manipulate the election process.
Since competence and honesty are characteristics that are randomly and statistically distributed in a society, selecting a set of members of parliament by lottery would provide a representative, fresh “sample” of the voting population. They are not beholden to “party organisers” nor have they come to power using wealth, stealth and thuggery needed to run for office now a days.
Many societies down the ages have experimented with sortition. The councilors of the Italian republic of Genoa during the early renaissance were selected by lottery. Montaigne and Tom Paine had written in favour of using sortition to strengthen democracy. More recently Burnheim in Australia had proposed what he called “demarchy” where random selection of legislators is used. Callenbach and Phillips proposed a Citizens’ Legislature in the US. Sortiton was advocated by the main candidates of the recent presidential election in France in 2017 and used at some levels of electioneering during the first round of the presidential vote. The topic has become mainstream and scholarly works are easily found, though neglected by Sri Lankan writers.
In the case of Sri Lanka, it would be appropriate to select, say half the legislature by sortation. Of course, every one selected by lottery may not want to become a politician even for one term of office. Hence one may choose, say 400 candidates by lottery and a further selection of those who wish to serve can be made. The sortition-selected MPs should have the same entitlements and salary as for an elected MP. If they already hold a job in government, they have would leave the job for one term of office, and revert to their previous livelihoods, or contest as members of a political party. That is, they will be replaced by a new set of MPs selected by sortition.
All this requires constitutional amendments. A country that could amend the constitution even to accommodate influential individuals can surely amend it for the sake of public good? Unfortunately, the sortation model has not yet received the attention of political and constitutional writers of Sri Lanka, although it holds the key to the current impasse.
Opinion
Gnana Moonesinghe- an appreciation

It was just over one month ago that Gnana Moonesinghe departed from this world after having lived a very fruitful life on this earth. It was indeed a privilege that Mallika and I came to know Gnana after we moved into Havelock City. During that short period, we became very close friends, along with another mutual friend of ours, Dr. Disampathy Subesinghe, who, too, was living in the same Tower after having come from the United Kingdom. Unfortunately, Dr. Subesinghe pre-deceased Gnana.
Gnana was a graduate of the University of Ceylon, Peradeniya having been at Peradeniya during the halcyon days of that University.
She tied the nuptial knot with Mangala Moonesinghe who was a very respected politician and who served as our High Commissioner in London and New Delhi. She was an exceptional hostess while being the wife of the High Commissioner. It was a very interesting coincidence that our second son, Anuke, had won a trip to New Delhi having won an All-Island essay competition about India while still a schoolboy. The team had met the High Commissioner and Gnana when they attended a reception hosted at the High Commission, where Gnana had been an exceptional hostess to the young boys.
Gnana was a member of many organisations and played an important role in all of them. In addition to these activities, she contributed to newspapers on varied subjects, especially relating to good governance and reconciliation. She was a keen player of scrabble and rummy with her friends and of course entertaining them to a meal if played at her home.
It was while in New Delhi that Gnana wrote and published a book titled “Thus have I heard…”in the year 2009 and she presented a copy to me). This book gives lucid descriptions of the Buddhist teachings of the Buddha and the places of interest in India with historical descriptions of what transpired in each place.
Gnana had brought up a very good daughter Avanthi and a son Sanath. She doted on her grandchildren and in turn they loved her. It was Avanthi and her husband, Murtaza who looked after Gnana during the last stages of her life.
We will miss Gana’s hospitality, soft spoken conversations, and the love that she used to emanate towards her friends.
HM NISSANKA WARAKAULLE
Opinion
Manifestos, promises and failures

The current government’s spectacular electoral success, was in essence a clear rejection of the chaos, incompetence and corruption, that were hallmarks of the traditional parties that have exercised dominant electoral power since Independence in 1948.
The remarkably successful Aragalaya was an emphatic rejection of the ‘old’ parties and hopes of a refreshingly enlightened “System Change”. This was the unspoken reliance on the NPP, (a lightly disguised JVP).
The unsavoury history of the unimaginable and intolerable violence of the JVP, matched by an equally cruel retaliation by Government forces, thankfully faded out around the last decade of the 20th century, is still a feared eventuality, in the memories of those who experienced the nightmare. Maybe, most of the currently active youth, had not even been born at the time. But the fear lingers. It is not unusual that the current NPP leadership, is none too eager to remember that period of history, nor to market this ancestry.
The shift into oblivion of the LSSP, is perhaps a signal that the era of sloganeering and “catch phrases of Marxist verbiage” as electoral currency, is now past.
One hopes that a home-grown model, based on the rugged strengths of rural society, is much more marketable, and representative of the Swabasha nourished, youth leadership. The leader in this transformation, AKD stamps his class with remarkably effective oratorical skills. The ready recall of incidents and instances, to follow logical trends of thought, and the ease with which he changes style and substance, to suit his varied audiences, is simply brilliant. This, with not a note (or prompt) in support, nor an hour to craft his fresh delivery to a new audience. The massive crowds that attended the pre-election rallies, seem to have morphed significantly into votes. The 150-odd seats secured, would have surprised even the most committed supporters. However, can they “walk the talk” of electoral rhetoric?
It also seems that even the few of the Old Guard, possibly crippled by left wing ideology, have taken on a new stance, with emphasis on existing local reality.
The hopes of a majority, enthused by the change of attitudes, professionalism and integrity of the new dispensation, will endure and thrive. The early signs are positive, but this leopard may well change its spots.
The claim that the promised changes, especially of seizure of the proceeds of crime and lawful punishment of fraudsters, is demonstrably slow. There must however be much discomfort among these rogues, that the handcuffs to adorn their wrists, may not be too far away. The President assures the people that the seeming delay, was to allow irrefutable and water-tight evidence to be assembled for successful prosecution, and to eliminate the all too frequent instances where the accused are acquitted and released.
It is increasingly evident that the roots of criminality run deep and far, and even the institutions designed to aid in successful probes, can be compromised by massive enticements, which would be easily accommodated, within the sheer size of the sums involved.
The trails may be clear to the optimistic, but the craftiness of seasoned rogues ensures that although the truth will eventually prevail, it may be a very deep dig. If the lack of “legal provision” is a real impediment, the present parliamentary majority should facilitate speedy correction. However, in many instances, it seems apparent that it is not the lack of laws, but the tardiness in acting where sufficient laws already exist is the problem.
To return to the matter of lying or otherwise distorting reality, there seems to be a kind of permissible and generous threshold, beneath which unreal extravagance can be concealed. If conscience overrides mere legality, and zero tolerance of fraud prevails, there will be public aversion towards any departures from common decency and rectitude.
Credit will be its reward, for the “Clean Sri Lanka” initiative if it goes beyond mere elimination of environmental pollutants and encompasses restoration of moral and ethical standards as well.
But, are we not presently guilty of a shallow pretense of religiosity, when our Constitution urges (or permits), the creation of Ministries of Buddhism and those charged with the “protection” of Christian, Muslim or Hindu affairs? This is hypocrisy of a high order especially in a country, wedded to concepts of equality, compassion and fairness in a pluralistic community. It is infinitely easier to preserve unity in a mixed populace, than to repair a fractured one. As one of our political leaders asserted, in a different context, “We have scrambled the egg and invite any to try “unscrambling it”.
As the late D. M. Jayaratne, as PM, as well as Minister of Buddha Sasana, saw no qualms about declaring that “Only idiots would believe Election manifestos, when their intent was merely to deceive voters into voting for them”. One has to trust that this still prevails. We remain undaunted, in a country that prides itself in a religiosity cemented within a constitution which permits such divisive content.
Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda
Opinion
Learning from global models to address flooding and water shortage in Sri Lanka

by Sudharman Siripala
Sri Lanka is grappling with the increasing threat of climate change, which has led to unpredictable weather patterns. The country faces a dangerous combination of flooding in some regions and water shortages in others, a situation exacerbated by shifting rainfall patterns. Rivers originating in the Central Hills, such as the Mahaweli, Kalu, and Kelani, flow through much of the country, but these water sources are not being distributed evenly. Districts like Monaragala and Hambantota, located in the dry zone, are experiencing severe water shortages. To address this challenge, experts suggest the development of an interconnected river system to harness excess water during floods and redirect it to drier areas, ensuring a year-round water supply for agriculture and daily use.
Global Case Studies in River Management
Several countries facing similar water-related challenges have implemented successful water management systems that Sri Lanka could adapt to its unique circumstances:
The Netherlands – Room for the River Programme
The Netherlands, a country prone to flooding, widened its rivers and relocated dikes to create floodplains. This approach allows rivers to overflow without damaging urban areas, while preserving water flow and natural habitats. Sri Lanka could apply this concept by designating specific riverbank areas for temporary flood storage.
China – South-North Water Transfer Project
China’s massive project channels excess water from the flood-prone Yangtze River to drier northern regions. This system of canals and reservoirs could inspire Sri Lanka to divert water from rivers in the Central Hills to drier areas in the south and east.
Bangladesh – River Interlinking Projects
Bangladesh has implemented river interlinking projects to redistribute water from flood-prone rivers, such as the Brahmaputra, to drier regions. Sri Lanka could link its major rivers like the Mahaweli and Kelani to smaller rivers in water-scarce districts to balance water distribution.
India – National River Linking Project
India’s National River Linking Project connects major rivers to manage both floods and droughts. Sri Lanka could use similar strategies, connecting rivers around the 500-foot contour line in the Central Hills to help distribute water more effectively.
United States – Mississippi River and Tributaries Project
The Mississippi River system combines levees, floodways, and diversion channels to manage flooding. Sri Lanka could adopt similar flood-control measures in vulnerable river basins such as the Kelani and Kalu.
Japan – Underground Reservoirs and Flood Channels
Japan’s G-Cans Project in Tokyo channels excess water into underground reservoirs to prevent urban flooding. A similar underground system could be implemented in Colombo and other flood-prone cities in Sri Lanka.
Singapore – Marina Barrage
Singapore’s Marina Barrage serves as both a flood control measure and a water supply resource. Sri Lanka could develop similar systems to control flooding in urban areas and ensure water availability during dry spells.
Thailand – Chao Phraya River Basin Management
Thailand uses diversion channels in the Chao Phraya River Basin to prevent flooding in Bangkok and direct water to agricultural areas. Sri Lanka could replicate this by creating diversion channels to supply water to its agricultural zones.
Actionable Solutions for Sri Lanka
Develop an Interconnected River System
Establish water diversion channels along the 300-500 meter contour lines of the Central Hills to capture excess rainfall during floods and redirect it to drier areas.
Build Reservoirs and Storage Tanks
Construct reservoirs to store diverted water, ensuring a steady supply for agriculture and domestic use. Sri Lanka has around 14,000 ancient tanks out of 30,000 that could be revitalized for this purpose.
Improve Urban Flood Defenses
Drawing inspiration from Japan and Singapore, build underground reservoirs and flood channels in cities like Colombo to mitigate urban flooding.
Strengthen Watershed Management
Restore natural floodplains and create wetlands to absorb excess rainwater, as seen in the Netherlands, helping to reduce flood risks.
Encourage Public-Private Partnerships
Foster collaboration between the public and private sectors to fund large-scale water management infrastructure, leveraging models from China and the United States.
Leverage Technology
Utilise modern forecasting and real-time water management systems, similar to those in Bangladesh and Thailand, to monitor water levels and manage river flows dynamically.
International Collaboration
Form partnerships with countries that have successfully implemented flood control and water management systems to share expertise and technology.
Sri Lanka’s dual challenges of flooding and water scarcity, compounded by climate change, require immediate action. By developing an interconnected river system and learning from successful global water management models, Sri Lanka can mitigate the effects of floods while ensuring a sustainable water supply for agriculture and daily life. It is crucial for the country to act now, as these solutions have the potential to transform Sri Lanka’s water management system for the better.
Sudharman Siripala Managing Director of Geoinformatics Group and a Registered Licensed Surveyor, specializes in geo-spatial applications. He also serves as a freelance value chain consultant for Vivonta Green Tech Consultants (www.vivonta.lk)
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