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Trump in trouble, Boris bolts, Bunga Bunga era ends, King Ranil reigns

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by Rajan Philips

In America, a former President is facing serious federal criminal charges and is banking on a presidential re-election campaign to overcome his legal troubles. Both are unprecedented – both the arraignment of and the re-election effort by a former president, and true to form Donald Trump stands shameless in his lonely infamy. In the UK, a former Prime Minister has quit parliament to escape further scrutiny of and sanctions for his abhorrent behaviour, while wishfully keeping the door open to return as PM even much later. Former Prime Ministers returning to power is not unprecedented in the British parliamentary system, but no predecessor of Boris Johnson has defiled the high office in the way only he could have, and no successor would likely be able to plumb the same despicable depths. There is also no return path to Downing Street for Boris Johnson

Meanwhile in Italy the Bunga Bunga era in the country’s politics and culture came to an end last week with the death of its four-time former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. It was Berlusconi who heralded the rise of perverse populism in western countries and was both a harbinger of and a prototype hybrid between the malignance of Donald Trump and the buffoonery of Boris Johnson. Trump in the US, Johnson in UK and the late Berlusconi in Italy provide a contemporary global backdrop to the unfolding of the Ranil Wickremesinghe presidency in Sri Lanka. While Trump is in trouble, Boris has bolted, and Berlusconi lies in wait for his grand requiem, Ranil Wickremesinghe is quietly morphing into King Ranil of Sri Lanka. He went for the coronation of King Charles, but King Ranil needs no crown to being far more powerful than King Charles.

Caretaker President

Ranil Wickremesinghe became President as a caretaker President, to take care of the economy. I have called him a parliamentary President, and given Sri Lanka’s longest constitutional spell as a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system, it is also appropriate to call him caretaker President. We have had caretaker prime ministers before, and they are so called to highlight their provisional status between the dissolution of an old parliament and the election of a new parliament. In the case of our caretaker President, he is taking care that no elections are held that may disturb his caretaker reign. Which elections will be held and when are entirely a matter of his presidential choosing. He has also extended the scope and tentacles of his caretaker role to go beyond the economy and reach every nook and cranny of the political terrain.

What seems central to King Ranil’s reign is what is being mistakenly called a ‘legal reform’, but actually a scheme to pass a spate of not merely bad but outrightly insidious laws. The list of these insidious laws, still bills, is now common knowledge, and they include – in ABCD order – Anti-Terrorism Bill, Anti-Corruption Bill, Broadcasting Regulatory Commission Bill, the Central Bank Bill, and other (Damn) bills for one or more labour laws. Every one of them is being criticized and condemned by those who are known champions of the “rule of law,” but not the King’s version of “rule by law.” But their concerns are likely to go nowhere because King Ranil has control over a majority parliament comprising all Rajapaksa MPs who are beholden to the King. They may squirm here and there, but throw a few cabinet posts and the Rajapaksa animal kingdom will faithfully follow King Ranil.

During the time of the United Front Government, the then Minister of Justice Felix Dias suddenly found forensic inspiration and directed his officials to review the possibility of doing away with the time honoured writ practice of habeas corpus. The Anglican Minister of Justice was apparently getting tired of the nation’s colonial vestiges. The alarmed officials ran to the Prime Minister, Mrs. Bandaranaike, who threw up her hands and said something to the effect, “What can I do? Go and see Colvin.” They went to Colvin, who threw up his arms and growled, “Leave it with me.” And that was the end of it. No one talked about habeas corpus again, except in courts.

Now, there is no Mrs. B to show the wisdom of leaving it to the experts, and there is no Colvin R. de Silva to bear down on impulsive and/or idiotic ministers. The King calls all the shots and by insider revelations (not that any is needed), there are plenty of idiots in the SLPP and the Cabinet to follow him like sheep. The King’s Minister of Justice is not as clever as Felix, but he seems all ready to enjoy the perks of office, but is not at all ready to take responsibility for all the drafting drivels that are circulated as bills. He laughs them off as mere “drafts,” or worse, “proposals.” The Supreme Court is routinely called upon to edit and correct the poorly drafted but insidiously intended bills. Well-meaning lawyers and commentators are crying foul from the sidelines, but nothing different happens. King Ranil pretends to stay above the fray, but sees to it that whatever he wills is done.

Global Comparisons

What is there in common between King Ranil, on the one hand, and the perverse populists like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson and the late Silvio Berlusconi? To the trio, you may want to add the likes of India’s Narendra Modi, Brazil’s ex Jair Bolsonaro, Turkey’s Erdogan and Russia’s Vladimir Putin, as members of a global club of populist autocrats. Modi is better and worse than the rest of them in his own and different ways. But that is for another day. For now, what is there in common between Ranil Wickremesinghe and the global figures I am referencing? The answer is nothing. It is the differences that are interesting.

At a personal and ethical level, Ranil Wickremesinghe has nothing in common with them. Every one of them, with the doubtful exception Modi, is unethical. They are all scoundrels in more ways than one. It is the same with political corruption, and again Modi is only a doubtful exception. Modi’s and the BJP’s connections to upstart billionaire Gautam Shantilal Adani are universally known and so are allegations of cronyism. The Advani group has been accused of stock market manipulation, and the accusations have not only shrunk the Advani family fortunes, but they have also besmirched Modi’s reputation.

As for Mr. Wickremesinghe, while he is personally honest and may not be a direct beneficiary of political corruption, he is not at all insulated from political corruption. On the contrary, he not merely allows but might even encourage political corruption by those around him. For this, he has had to pay a heavy political price at every turn, but does not seem to have learnt anything from the experience. The 2002 peace process was a direct victim of political corruption, and the mother of all corrupt deals came with the January 2015 Central Bank Bond Scam that proved to be the grave digger that buried the whole yahapalanaya project.

But there has been no show of remorse or recalibration of political action. As I argued some time ago, there is no point in achieving national reconciliation (arbitrarily arresting Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, the grandson of GG Ponnambalam, is a sure way of botching it) or economic prosperity, while allowing the stables of corruption to continue and without doing anything to apprehend the perpetrators of too many “emblematic” murders.

To get back to the comparator group, Trump, Johnson, Berlusconi and Bolsonaro have no serious political genealogy or commitment to any serious agenda. Their involvement in politics is mainly to satisfy their gigantic egos and serve whatever interests they have that might benefit from state resources. Erdogan and Modi are different. Both have entrenched political agendas predicated on religious fundamentalism and driven by market philosophies. Erdogan’s goal is to transform Kemal Ataturk’s secular Turkey into a religious state, while Modi’s mission is to upend the Nehruvian secularism and make India a Hindutva state where Muslims will not have a significant place. Putin is an outlier and a queer mixture of Tsarist nostalgia and Bolshevik apparatus, although his primary linkage to Bolshevism is mostly biological in that his grandfather was Lenin’s cook. While his foray into Ukraine has terribly backfired, he has been consequentially successful in isolating the West from much of the Global South.

King Ranil’s Political Makeup

Intellectually and politically, Mr. Wickremesinghe has no feel for the Global South. Practically, he wants to curry favour with every country, north or south, and every leader who matter and who might be at odds with one another. That is unavoidable given Sri Lanka’s debt load and economic precarity. The President certainly does not subscribe to the traditional UNP philosophy (under DS at first, and under JR 30 years later) of “Anglo mania and India phobia,” as NM Perera called it at the outset; but what is key to the President becoming King is his domestic philosophy.

His political philosophy, if we might call it so, is mostly family moss gathered over a lifetime. It is not a set of political ideas that are the result of self-reflection and peer-contestation in a political party or organization, and ultimately vetted and validated in praxis. The fact that the UNP has mostly been a one-man band ever since Ranil Wickremesinghe became its leader is one of the main reasons for his current makeup. He is both the cause and the consequence of the corrosion of the UNP.

The UNP and UNP cabinets were not always like this, certainly not under DS Senanayake or under Dudley Senanayake. Even JRJ’s cabinet was a formidable one, but cabinet government (as Jennings explained it) was undone by the presidential system and the rivalries it invariably created among presidentially aspiring ministers. That set the tone for every presidential cabinet that came thereafter. Although it was set up to ensure political stability and facilitate efficiency, the presidential system has produced only chronic instability and dysfunctional chaos.

For all this, Mr. Wickremesinghe has never been a popular politician and has always been a serial loser in elections. In terms of political popularity and electoral success he is nowhere near the rest of the global comparators that I am referencing in this article. Trump won once and lost the second time, but he has solidly behind him an agitated mob of 30 to 50 million Americans. No other American leader in history has had such a loyal and rabid support among the people. Johnson won massively in 2019, and was forced to quit, but he has pockets of support throughout England.

Berlusconi has divided Italy in death just as he had in life.

In a somewhat tongue-in-cheek funeral eulogy at the Duomo, Milan’s Archbishop Mario Delpini spoke of Berlusconi as a notoriety seeking personality who had admirers and detractors, “those who applaud him and those who detest him.” They were both there, supporting and shouting at Berlusconi’s funeral. Erdogan and Modi have had consistently impressive electoral success. Bolsonaro surprised everyone with a strong showing in a close defeat to Lula da Silva in Brazil’s October 2022 presidential election. Putin needs no election, but Wickremesinghe cannot avoid them indefinitely.

Even so, and there is no other way to make this point, none of the other comparators have been able to muster the power and the facility to pass laws, impose regulations, and deploy security forces to thwart protesters, the way Ranil Wickremesinghe is enabling himself to do in Sri Lanka. It is this power and facility that he is unobtrusively exercising that is making me call him King Ranil. Add to them his periodical pronouncements that selectively ridicule opponents and assert the use of state power only in the way that he deems right. Donald Trump could not have passed legislation the way King Ranil is passing them. Boris Johnson won a historic majority in the 2019 election, but now he is gone. Ranil Wickremesinghe lost everything in the 2020 election, but now he is able to do anything and everything that no Sri Lankan President before him has been able to do.

None of the comparator leaders could have delayed or deflected elections the way only King Ranil seems able to do. Putin has power at home but he has powerful forces against him abroad. King Ranil has power at home and influential support abroad, almost of all of which he benefits from because of the economic plight of the Sri Lankan People. Narendra Modi is a powerful Prime Minister but he is constantly circumscribed by State governments that have clout and they are led by non-BJP regional parties. In Sri Lanka, the President, now King Ranil, can play with provincial elections to boost his political position, and he can run the provinces through Governors whom he handpicks.

Only Tayyip Erdogan has been actually able to expand his power base at the state level and within government. He was first elected as Prime Minister and then turned himself into President, similar to, but much later than, what JRJ did in Sri Lanka. Erdogan is not leaving any time soon, but JRJ retired after one and a half terms, half unelected and one elected but only after politically handcuffing Mrs. Bandaranaike. To his credit JRJ retired from office, power and politics, the only Sri Lankan leader to voluntarily forsake power and leave office. By a quirk of circumstances, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become President and seems to be bent on continuing from where JRJ has left. Everyone who came and went in between are not part of the real history of Sri Lanka, a subject about which no Sri Lankan can know more than what the King knows. That is the word according to the King.

In fairness to President Wickremesinghe, my caricaturing him as King should not be taken to mean that he really he means to be a King. Rather, his actions and the ease with which he seems to be getting everything he wants done, objectively make those actions seem to be those of a King. In politics, it is not the subjective intentions of political leaders that matter, but the objective results that flow from their actions. It might be quite the case that President Wickremesinghe thinks that his actions and the laws and regulations that he wants passed will be justified by the economic turnaround that he is anticipating and his forecast of economic prosperity by 2048.

The dreadful prospect, however, is that the economic recovery may not be as swift and as far reaching as the President is expecting, and that the consequences of his political actions may result in bad governments becoming routine and entrenched. Ranil Wickremesinghe could easily avoid all of this by focusing on the economy and not rushing ahead with quite unnecessary legal and political changes that are causing worries not only among his critics but also among those who want him to succeed on the economic front.



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Agnotology, ethnicity, and New Year resolutions

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by Geewananda Gunawardana

It is encouraging that the piece on agnotology and ethnicity (The Island December 4, 2024) elicited an erudite discourse (‘Ethnicity and genetics – A non-racial academic response’ and ‘Ethnicity – a synonym for confusion,’ The Island December 11 and 16, 2024, respectively) concluding that ethnic divisions have no biological basis. However, we cannot overlook the fact that humans have an evolutionary tendency to belong to a group, clan, or cult for survival purposes; we are social animals. Not having fangs, claws, venom, or any other protective anatomy, tribalism is the way humans have chosen to defend themselves. Unfortunately, the same evolutionary force makes us blind to the hazards of this habit. Throughout human history, this vulnerability has been exploited by story tellers of all stripes and spots to bring us under their fold and fatten themselves. We Sri Lankans tend to fall for such stories at an alarming rate with grave consequences. That is the focus of agnotology: the investigation of our weakness in believing stories, or the resulting culturally induced ignorance, and its effects on our society. It goes beyond ethnic relations.

One thing must be made clear, there is no point in continuing endless academic discourse and hoping for problems to go away. What is necessary is to find ways to reduce and finally eradicate culturally induced ignorance, or the habit of adhering to baseless, false stories that are harmful or counterproductive, and put them into action.

It is a fact that unlearning is much harder than learning. Therefore, it is best if we can stop learning such baseless, fake stories in the first place. The unpleasant truth is that it can be too late for some segments of society as such stories are deeply engraved in their minds. They will reject the facts, and we have no choice but to look beyond their objections. Therefore, the best remedy is to stop our children from learning culturally inherited myths, beliefs, and practices that disrupt harmony, waste valuable resources, and stop us from joining the 21st century. We must tell them the truth that they are poems, myths, and beliefs, etc., and they should not be accepted as undisputable truths. We must train the younger generation to think critically and have the skill to separate facts from fiction, instead of being blind followers. If the Buddha could say that about his teaching, why cannot we say the same about fabricated stories with hidden agendas?

It is inevitable that there will be a deafening outcry that such actions will ruin our proud culture and heritage. There is absolutely no need to let that happen; we can continue culturally and religiously important activities intelligently if we knew their true meaning and that we are not manipulated by some storyteller for their benefit. We must give our children the facts and train them to make sensible decisions rather than blindly following rituals. Even Buddhism teaches us that following rituals blindly is a barrier to liberation.

We have paid dearly for inflaming ethnic division. Let us not forget that the civil strife had cost the nation more than twice the current debt. Should we continue to spread questionable theories that try to prove one is superior to the other or one arrived before the other and has a larger claim to the land? Is it necessary to impress children by glorifying the battle between Dutugamunu and Elara that happened two thousand three hundred years ago? Or, is it more important to convince them that divided we will continue to wallow in misery?

Let us not forget that whether it is the iron age or the 21st century, the root cause of these evils is the elite that manipulate these stories to their benefit. We managed to sideline the old elite, the establishment, or the aristocracy, but there is a new elite trying to raise its ugly head: the so-called academic elite. Please do not jump to conclusions. There is no need to explain again when elite becomes a dirty word but let us be clear that there is an honourably learned community that provides a valuable service to the country. We value them. It is the fake academics that we must be weary of. Let us admit that it is the cream of the cream that enters our public universities. Whether they exhibit additional letters before or after their names or not, we must bear in mind that they are the smartest lot the country has produced. Whether the country reaps the investment made in them or not is a different issue.

Those who could not get in are not necessarily inferior, it is just that the others did better; and if they can afford it, they continue their education in private institutions here or abroad. Unfortunately, this is where elitism raises its ugly head; we want meritocracy for good reasons, but did everyone get an equal opportunity to collect such merits? We have a habit of giving more weight to foreign degrees, a residue of elite veneration, without verifying the quality of the granting institution or the veracity of their claims. It is no secret that it is possible to buy a degree in some countries. Even worse, I know firsthand an individual who worked as a checkout clerk at a pharmacy chain abroad and paraded as a doctor back at home! However, in this internet age, there is no need to be ignorant, to be gullible and believe their stories; few questions and a quick search of the web can verify their claims, and stop the emergence of a new elite, the bad kind. Let us ask not what letters they have added to their names but ask what they have done or can do to solve problems (my apologies to JFK).

We shamelessly propagate many stories that originated in the iron age without ever questioning their relevance to the 21st century. The ugliest of them is the caste system. We must question the value, or the purpose of following a social stratification system started by nomadic farmers from the central Eurasian Steppes to safeguard their feudal system four thousand years ago. Once again, it was their elite that deceived the humble peasants and took advantage. Imagine starting a similar system by treating descendants of computer programmers differently from those of civil engineers, for example. Force them to have different naming systems, prevent intermarriages, live in segregated enclaves, and assume one is above the other. It is a disgrace that we keep this system and go to the extent of forming separate voting blocks.

Another antiquated practice we hang onto is astrology, which started in Mesopotamia. They used the cyclic movement of celestial bodies as a calendar to plan their agricultural activities. Their geocentric models of the cosmos did not allow them to realise that the seasonal changes are the result of the tilt in earth’s rotational axis and varying distance to the sun. This ignorance made them elevate seasonal changes to acts of divinity. It is true that the gravitational force of the moon causes tides, but how can nuclear furnaces that are light years away impact human lives on earth? Science has yet to discover any such forces or find any evidence that astrological predictions have any basis. There are billions of people who lead healthy successful lives in this world without ever following astrology. Instead of astrology, let us teach the children astronomy, so that they will understand that climate change is not a hoax.

The Age of Reason along with scientific revolution started in the 17th century helped humanity get rid of baseless beliefs and myths that were used by the elite to retain power. Unfortunately, we seem to have missed that revolution and are still trapped in the past. That is no accident either: the elite had done their part to limit our access to knowledge. The underlying reasons that resulted in the widespread tuition business that sells knowledge are good examples. The disparity in the quality of public schools between urban and rural areas is another; do the elite send their children to rural schools? According to one report, over eight hundred rural schools had been closed permanently by 2023. The school dropout rate due to poverty is estimated to be about 30 to 35 percent. Is there any doubt that quality education is only for the elite?

Not only that many practices we engage in have no real value, but they also funnel our precious resources to nefarious activities. Unfortunately, these stories are so deeply engraved in our collective psyche that we do not have the will to challenge them. That is the power of storytelling, and its role in shaping our destiny. This is particularly ironic for one important reason. The goal of the ‘Age of Reason’ and the ancient tradition that most Sri Lankans venerate, protect, and give their lives to preserve have the same goal: understanding the natural world and humanity’s place in it through reason: knowing reality. Unfortunately, instead of following that guidance, we have shrouded that timeless truth we inherited with practices based on beliefs, myths, and mysticism. We have legitimized many primitive practices such as rituals centered on appeasing deities, demons, ghosts, clairvoyant reading, and other numerous spirits bringing them under the umbrella of that venerated tradition and blinding ourselves to truth.

We fail to see that communicable diseases are caused by germs and not by angry spirits, and the absurdity of appeasing higher powers for cures instead of using proven medications. The facts of a simple biological event such as reaching puberty are often buried under rituals; the associated taboos impact females from participation in education and in the work force and, at times, risk their health. The period poverty is discussed in high circles, but does it help the needy? These practices teach our children to leave their destinies at the mercy of mystic superpowers instead of taking control of their lives themselves. There lies the biggest obstacle to prosperity. These are all difficult subjects to deal with, but we must initiate a dialogue on the information gap at a minimum if we must move the country forward.

There are many more practices and beliefs that hamper our progress. Hopefully, we will have the courage and wisdom to have that discussion, someday. Until then, we can do one thing at home: let us tell our children the truth. If our practices have artistic, cultural, and economic values, let us tell them so without wrapping them in mysticism. Let us teach them poems for their literary value but not as historical facts. Let them know that history is written by the victors and often gives the writer’s perspective. Let us teach them the value of rational thinking and help them join the 21st century along with the rest of the world. Let us have no doubt that a prosperous country can be built only on fact-based information that is objective, and not on opinions, beliefs, or assumptions inherited from the dark ages. Let elimination of such culturally acquired ignorance be our new year resolution.

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Cast out 2024 with its evils, and welcome promising 2025

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“The bad news is time flies. The good news is you’re the pilot.”

Cassandra quotes below a poet she never could enjoy – Alfred Lord Tennyson (1809 – 1892). He was 1st Baron Tennyson and Poet Laureate during much of Queen Victoria’s reign. To her he sounds pompous but his Ring Out Wild Bells is a simple poem and she found it apt at this time. Two stanzas of the poem go thus:

Ring out the want, the care, the sin, / the faithless coldness of the times;

Ring out, ring out my mournful rhymes/But ring the fuller minstrel in.

Ring out false pride in place and blood, /The civic slander and the spite;

Ring in the love of truth and right, /Ring in the common love of good

.I am certain you reader will guess the implied meaning Cass has in mind when quoting these lines. Yes and a loud YES; Sri Lanka is ringing out the bad, ugly, mean, corrupt, pompous pride and bloated egos of those who ruled us. The majority of us have hope in our hearts and look forward to an all-round improvement in how the country is governed. We also are sure the new people at the head of government and state are very different from those Big Wigs of this year before October and down the years, who so drastically dragged the country down to the very depths of deprivation and bankruptcy.

Tennyson rings out the want, the care, the sin; the faithless coldness of the times.

Yes, the times of waiting days in queues for essentials is over. Some may remind Cass it was Ranil W, who did away with queues by taking the right economic decisions. Yes, partly, but during his time as Prez he could have done much more to ease the lot of not only the poorer segment of Sri Lanka’s population but all who suffered. And this while 90 odd persons were advising him and running around in luxury cars while we suffered deprivation.

There certainly was ‘faithless coldness’ during times past when decisions were taken to please the very small minority of the rich at the expense of the rest of Sri Lankans. Coldness we associate with Prez Gotabaya and ‘false pride in place and blood’ during the years Mahinda R was Prez with his favoured persons doing just as they please, not caring one jot for those they made to suffer. Cold unconcern. Coldness is attributed to Ranil W. Comes to mind Keheliya Rambukwella and Lohan Ratwatte, the former importing medical drugs that were ineffective or lethal; the latter strutting in prisons at night with a thigh exposing woman friend. The list of crimes is very long.

Tennyson calls for a ringing in of love of truth and right and common love. AKD, Harini, Vijitha Herath and others of the NPP are ringing in truth and honesty; right government ensuring people’s rights; and intending to end the evils of corruption, nepotism, favouritism and family bandyism of concern only for the wellbeing of families.

A sense of empathy and concern for the country and its people by those in power is definitely in the air, which was never present, except as far back as when DS Senanayake, Dudley Senanayake and John Kotelawala were in power. Kotelawela showed concern in his own brusque way. They were not self-centered and we do not expect our new leaders to be this, even to the slightest degree.

Cassandra’s summation on the state of the country and people’s perceptions is optimistic. The country will sure improve and Ministers in the Cabinet will work to improve the country and its people, not themselves. When honesty, commitment and selflessness are apparent in political leaders, lesser ones too will follow. Thus, we could expect bureaucrats who serve the country with honesty and dedication.

Accidents and apparent incompetence

We are glad the Police have taken due note of the far too many road accidents and have started preliminary findings to arrive at the root of the serious trouble. As the Editor of this newspaper commented in his editorial on this subject, common causes of road accidents are incompetent drivers; road unworthy vehicles; buses plying competitively for fares; and drivers and bus conductors addicted to drugs or intoxicating drinks and being at the wheel under either influence. Also, their being over-worked with far too long spells driving. All these can be remedied. Strict supervision of drivers and vehicles; bus owners being law abiding; the Police taking preventive and punishing action; and punishment meted being severe.

Cassandra experienced the crass incompetence and, perhaps, the debilitating influence of drugs on a driver of a motorbike. She was informed by a friend that a parcel was being delivered to her by one of the delivery services now having good business during this season of gift giving. The delivery man was to be expected around 8.30 pm, the friend said. Cass waited till 9.30, her equanimity fast disappearing and her ire rising. She phoned her friend who contacted either the delivery service or the courier. She was promised he would be at her door in 20 minutes. The clock hands showed 10.30 pm. The driver contacted her. She gave him detailed directions to her home, which even an idiot could follow.

No delivery. She phoned the delivery man, thrice. Each time she heard the motorcyclist ask people directions to Cass’ abode and they gave very accurate directions. But the man could not follow them. She called him. He was just a couple of yards away but at a cross roads, which he should never have been in. Directions were given – simple, easy to follow and unambiguous. No man, no parcel. She sent her domestic to the end of the lane leading to her place. Man finally appears at 11.45. Cass was beyond throwing a tantrum and closer to a stroke or heart seizure.

She was sure, though inexperienced in dealing with druggies, that this driver was under the influence of a drug which dulled his senses to near zero. Her Man Friday tells her that young men are recruited from places far distant from Colombo and do not know its roads and streets. No excuse at all. Glaring faults of employers are non-caring and greed for profit at any cost. Fault of employees: sheer incompetence and immorality in being under the influence of drugs or drink while on the job.

This anecdote is to highlight possible-to-be-remedied faults of businesses. Even government offices had don’t-care-less employees. That will change, and sure must already have changed. Thankfully, Prez AKD gave govt employees a strong pep talk: do your job or you will be made to quit.

Cass ends this Friday’s optimistic Cry with wishing each of her readers a very happy New Year with much less burdens to bear and life improving with hope and anticipation. Gratitude to those who govern us can be given again, replacing the disdain and dislike, hate too, felt earlier. A New Year to the country we love so much of increasing prosperity, equal rights to all and peace!

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Navigating the Dragon’s Den: Sri Lanka’s strategic balancing act ahead of President AKD’s visit to China

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by Professor Chanaka Jayawardhena

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is scheduled to embark on a state visit to China early next year, following his recent diplomatic success in India. As Sri Lanka rebuilds from the ashes of an economic meltdown, this visit will serve as a pivotal moment, shaping not just bilateral relations but also the island’s broader economic and geopolitical trajectory. While the allure of Chinese investments may offer short-term relief, the stakes are high: the decisions made during this visit could either cement Sri Lanka’s recovery or deepen its vulnerabilities.

The Economic Promise: Opportunity at the Doorstep

China’s economic might is undeniable. As the world’s second-largest economy and a leading investor in developing nations, China has demonstrated a remarkable ability to deploy vast sums of capital into infrastructure projects and industrial ventures. For Sri Lanka, a nation grappling with limited fiscal space, Chinese investment could unlock opportunities in critical sectors such as energy, transport, and manufacturing.

The Hambantota Port stands as a testament to the scope of Chinese involvement in Sri Lanka. Despite initial controversies, the port has emerged as a strategic hub, offering potential for revenue generation and job creation. However, the same cannot be said for the Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport, often dubbed the “world’s emptiest airport.” While envisioned as a key logistical and passenger hub, the airport has yet to realise its potential, serving as a reminder that infrastructure investments must align with realistic demand projections and comprehensive planning. Addressing this gap should be a priority during discussions with Chinese counterparts, ensuring that such projects contribute meaningfully to Sri Lanka’s economic landscape.

Additionally, enhanced trade relations with China offer significant upside. As Sri Lanka seeks to diversify its export portfolio, targeting China’s vast consumer base could invigorate key industries such as apparel, seafood, and tea. Establishing favourable trade agreements during this visit could pave the way for sustainable economic growth, moving beyond aid and debt reliance.

The Geopolitical Tightrope

The geopolitical stakes for Sri Lanka are both immense and intricate, requiring delicate balancing between its key regional partner, India, and the opportunities presented by China. India remains Sri Lanka’s closest neighbour and has historically shared deep cultural, economic, and security ties with the island nation. India’s contributions during Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, including emergency financial aid, are a testament to its enduring commitment. However, India also views any expansion of Chinese influence in Sri Lanka with heightened concern, perceiving it as a potential security threat within its sphere of influence in the Indian Ocean region.

President Dissanayake must walk a fine line during his visit to China, ensuring that the agreements forged do not alienate India or exacerbate regional tensions. While pursuing Chinese investments, Sri Lanka must communicate its intentions transparently to India, emphasising that its engagement with China is rooted in economic pragmatism rather than any geopolitical alignment. Joint initiatives with India, such as collaborations in regional trade and maritime security, can serve as confidence-building measures to assuage Indian apprehensions.

China, on the other hand, presents unparalleled economic opportunities. Investments in infrastructure, manufacturing, and renewable energy could provide Sri Lanka with a much-needed economic boost. However, Sri Lanka’s leadership must remain vigilant to avoid the pitfalls of overdependence on China, as evidenced by the debt crises faced by other nations engaged in the Belt and Road Initiative. The priority must be projects that not only bolster the local economy but also preserve national sovereignty.

To emulate the success of nations like Vietnam, Sri Lanka can adopt a “bamboo foreign policy”—firmly rooted in its national interests yet flexible in adapting to the complexities of great power politics. Vietnam’s ability to maintain economic ties with China while cultivating strategic partnerships with the United States, Japan, and ASEAN countries offers a valuable model. Sri Lanka, too, must engage other global players, ensuring a diversified set of partnerships that prevent over-reliance on any single nation.

Moreover, Sri Lanka’s policymakers must focus on ensuring that the benefits of Chinese investments accrue to Sri Lanka itself, rather than serving external strategic interests. This includes rigorous scrutiny of project proposals, transparent procurement processes, and an unwavering commitment to prioritising projects that yield tangible economic returns for the Sri Lankan people.

The challenge lies in balancing these dynamics while maintaining Sri Lanka’s sovereignty. A comprehensive, long-term vision that places Sri Lanka’s national interests at the forefront is essential. Investments should align with the country’s development goals, fostering economic resilience and reducing external vulnerabilities. Ultimately, the success of this balancing act will determine whether Sri Lanka can emerge as a stable and independent player in the region or remain a pawn in the larger geopolitical chessboard.

Potential Pitfalls: Lessons from the Region

Sri Lanka’s impending engagement with China is fraught with risks, many of which have been experienced by other nations. Laos, for instance, has faced severe debt distress due to over-reliance on Chinese loans for infrastructure projects under the BRI. Similarly, Zambia’s excessive borrowing from China has resulted in contentious renegotiations and fears of asset seizures. These examples underscore the importance of scrutinising loan terms and prioritising projects that deliver tangible economic returns.

Another potential pitfall is the erosion of sovereignty. Nations that over depend on Chinese investments often find themselves compromising on key policy decisions, whether in trade, security, or governance. Sri Lanka’s leadership must ensure that economic agreements do not come at the expense of national autonomy.

Moreover, transparency is critical. Corruption in procurement processes and project implementation has plagued many BRI initiatives, undermining public trust and long-term viability. President Dissanayake’s government, which has earned public confidence for its anti-corruption stance, must maintain rigorous oversight over any agreements signed during this visit.

Charting a Vision for the Future

While the immediate focus of President Dissanayake’s visit will likely centre on securing economic investments, the government must adopt a comprehensive vision that extends beyond short-term gains. This vision should encompass three key pillars:

=Economic Sustainability:

Sri Lanka must prioritise investments that align with its long-term development goals. This includes focusing on renewable energy projects that reduce reliance on fossil fuels, thereby lowering energy costs and improving environmental outcomes. Digital infrastructure development, such as expanding broadband access, can drive innovation and attract high-value industries, while skill development initiatives can prepare Sri Lanka’s workforce for the demands of a modern economy. By diversifying its economic base, Sri Lanka can reduce its vulnerability to global economic shocks and ensure sustainable growth.

=Geopolitical Balance:

As Sri Lanka engages with China, it must simultaneously deepen partnerships with other nations, including India, our immediate neighbours in the SAARC region and the rest of both the western world along with the global south. Strengthening ties with India, its closest neighbour, ensures regional security and cooperation, while partnerships with any country with the means can provide access to alternative sources of investment and technology. A multilateral approach will mitigate the risks of over-dependence on any single nation and enhance Sri Lanka’s global standing. By actively participating in regional forums and initiatives, Sri Lanka can position itself as a bridge between competing powers, leveraging its strategic location to attract diverse opportunities.

=Social Cohesion:

The benefits of Chinese investments must be equitably distributed to avoid exacerbating social inequalities. Infrastructure projects should include components that directly impact local communities, such as job creation and skill development programmes.

Transparent planning and community engagement are essential to ensure that large-scale projects do not displace vulnerable populations or create environmental degradation. By fostering inclusivity and addressing the needs of all segments of society, the government can build public trust and strengthen social stability, which is vital for long-term development.

A Positive Path Forward

President Dissanayake’s forthcoming visit to China represents both a challenge and an opportunity. By adopting a cautious yet ambitious approach, Sri Lanka can harness the economic potential of Chinese investments while safeguarding its sovereignty and geopolitical balance. The lessons from countries like Vietnam, Laos, and Zambia serve as valuable guideposts, highlighting both the promise and perils of engagement with global powers.

Sri Lanka’s recovery journey is far from over, but the foundations for a brighter future are being laid. The government’s ability to navigate this complex landscape with transparency, vision, and pragmatism will determine whether the nation can emerge stronger, more resilient, and truly independent. As the president steps into the dragon’s den, the world will be watching—and so will the people of Sri Lanka.

(Views expressed in this article are personal.)

(The writer is Professor of (Chair) of Marketing, University of Surrey, UK. Linkedin: https://uk.linkedin.com/in/marketingchanaka, Email: Chanaka.j@gmail.com

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