Features
The Ides of March approaches in Geneva!
by Kumar David
As the next session of the United Nations Human Rights Council will run from February 22 to March 23 in Geneva – the dreaded Ides of March (March 15) beckons. The Ides, the 74th day in the Roman calendar, is set apart for settling debts. Will the regime in Colombo settle the debt it has evaded for a decade? It will not, it cannot! It is bound hand and foot to saffron robe and native pride. Nobody knows as yet what contrivance the military-stuffed Gotabaya regime (Executive) and the allied Mahinda government (Parliament and Cabinet) will try in a survival bid; and it is possible tension between the two wings of state may surfaces. To believe domestic and international reports Lanka’s reckoning in Geneva will be grim. The home scene is a failing economy, an out of control pandemic, back and forth confusion about the East Container Terminal and the rupee in free-fall as debt default looms.
UN Human Rights Commissioner Michelle Bachelet in a damning annual report says: “I urge the international community to listen to the determined, courageous, persistent calls of victims and their families for justice, and heed the early warning signs of more violations to come. Given the demonstrated inability and unwillingness of the Government to advance accountability at the national level, it is time for international action to ensure justice for international crimes. States should pursue investigations and prosecution in their national courts – under accepted principles of extraterritorial or universal jurisdiction – of international crimes committed by all parties in Sri Lanka. States can consider targeted sanctions, such as asset freezes and travel bans against credibly alleged perpetrators of grave human rights violations and abuses. The failure to do so carries with it the seeds of repeated patterns of human rights violations and potential conflict in the future.”
Former Socialist President of Chile: 2006-2010 and 2014-2018
But I am cynical. The regime will not mind a condemnatory resolution so long as many countries vote against the resolution. With Chinese and Russian patronage, Lanka’s regime is assured of that. What would jolt the regime is sanctions, but that won’t happen. The world will be entertained to verbal theatrics, a petit drama, and at worst a rap on the knuckles. Sinhala-Buddhism, Lanka’s most feared force will not permit stepping back from the ‘glorious war victory’ motto, nor permit disapproval of ‘our heroic military’. Any government that dares to abandon this hagiography will be wrecked. Regime
mouthpiece Pathfinder Foundation predicts: “Lanka will be defiant in the face a condemnatory vote in the Council. If the resolution is adopted, most likely it will ignore it and pitch bilateral ‘economic tents’ with countries that vote in its favour.” This is code for China though paradoxically the US, EU and India account for 71% of our exports!
Public opinion in the West and India will not buy the regime’s myths and Beijing will toy with Colombo with strategic motives. The country is bankrupt; payment of an annual average $ 4 billion to service a $60 billion foreign debt is unsustainable except by incurring additional and increasing debt to service current debt. Covid has impoverished Lanka which was tottering in any case. From about 3,000 cases four months ago the number covid cases have reached 60,000 and increasing at about 700 a day – mercifully the death toll is below 300. Every one of these fears will have to be interwoven into the ploy the regime opts for in Geneva on the Ides of March. From this perspective the government is on its knees and but for the sustenance of its Chinese paymaster would be grovelling. There are signs that portions of the Gotabaya cabal are crumbling. Foreign Secretary Colombage spoke to the Island (Feb 2) approvingly of a “Consensual Resolution” as opposed to a Joint Resolution. Oh crikey, Lanka’s courts will soon be flummoxed by the need to make a distinction between joint sex and consensual sex!
The impecunious and the paymaster
The Rajapaksa regime formally withdrew from a commitment to the Yahapalanaya cosponsored UNHRC resolutions 30/1, 34/1 & 40/1 on Accountability and Reconciliation. To distract attention, in the wake of Easter Sunday attacks and the covid pandemic, it unashamedly propagated anti-Muslim canards raising anxieties in human rights circles. Frustrated, the Human Rights Commissioner issued the damning report that I just quoted, urging all countries to take action including punitive measures, invocation of international jurisdiction, referral to the International Criminal Court (ICC), sanctions against targeted individuals, asset freezes and travel bans.
This obligated disorderly Tamil leaders to come together requesting the UNHRC to refer Accountability concerns back to UN General Assembly and asking the Security Council to explore other avenues including referral to the ICC and inquire into genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. In a sign of the times the moderate TNA, radical Wigenswaran and militant Gajendrakumar managed a joint statement not very different from Commissioner Bachelet’s rebukes. In light of this the Global Tamil Forum (GTF) and the Canadian Tamil Congress (CTC) hosted a webinar on Jan 23 facilitating dialogue amongst Tamil representatives of the North-East, Upcountry and Muslims, to initiate a search for a common programme around which all of them and, this is important, progressive Sinhalese, can rally.
The withering rebuke from Commissioner Bachelet heightened expectation in these communities and the diaspora of a tough resolution and swift international action. They are now muscling capacity to get together experts with experience in international institutions and lobbying to extract the most out of the UNHRC. The next steps are challenging and replete with possibilities, difficulties and limitations. Domestic and diaspora clusters reckon coordinated advocacy by Tamils, Muslims and progressive Sinhalese can push global powers to compel Lanka’s authoritarian Executive to implement policies of Accountability and Reconciliation. As I said before, personally however, I am pessimistic of the outcome and cynical about the regime.
The question is how tough should Geneva get to be helpful for Sri Lankan democracy? A simple rap on the knuckles will be counterproductive and gentle sermons achieve nothing on accountability, reconciliation or democratisation. For a decade the UNHRC played the softly-softly game and achieved nothing. The regime is indebted to its power base of testosterone fired monks, hell-bent nationalists, grumpy generals, killer corporals, and hardline (vice?) admirals of an eleven tug boat navy (who preen in the glory of Zheng He and Horatio Nelson). To survive it must hold firm to this base. I still conjecture that as persons neither Mahinda nor Goha are racists, but those to whom they are indebted to remain in power call the shots. Another wildcard is how the Burmese coup may play out in the debate on Lanka. China will be gratified by the ouster of namby-pamby Aung San and the return of a dictatorship which will nestle in its pocket. The US, India and Japan will calculate the odds between driving the regimes in Naypyidaw and Colombo deeper into a Chinese cuddle versus crushing them with a tougher strategic equation. The gut nature of the Biden-Team is intrinsic hostility to gorillas, Burmese or other, and endorsement of Commissioner Bachelet’s fusillade on Sri Lankan governments past and present, but calculations of global power-play will be more significant.
Global human rights movements must play hardball and bring both these regimes to their knees. With the popularity of the regimes crumbling they are half way down already. Human rights movements must get tough or back-off and stop pretending they have any mileage in correcting violations in countries possessed by the demons of die-hard racism or hard-core religious extremism. As in the past, mere censure in Geneva will be exploited by Lanka’s regime to stoke Sinhala-Buddhist extremism, its survival bedrock. Just when the Gotha Presidency mucked the independence of institutions designed to check executive power and assist the rule of law, a constitutional amendment gave the president a JR-esque status.
Retired khaki types some implicated in human rights concerns have been put in key positions1}. Two dozen military folk have been elevated to ministry secretaries and corporate bosses. Some of them are extreme Sinhala nationalists. Gota has appointed military jackboots to direct covid control in all districts. Surveillance and harassment of civil society activists by intelligence agencies, oversight of NGOs, restrictions on foreign funding and harassment, is on the rise.
One of Gota’s Commissions recommend impunity for state sponsored murders of journalists, students and political opponents. Another was commissioned on Jan 31 to finger politicians and ‘disloyal’ former public servants who could lose their civic rights. In the interim Harin Fernando has been promised a canine funeral! It is not the job of the UNHRC to pull Lanka out of this self-made hell-hole though any assistance in melioration is welcome. Nandasena Gotabaya may have made up his mind to impose a one-party regime on one of Asia’s oldest democracies and that should concern the UNHRC.
Features
Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya
A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.
His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.
Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.
It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.
One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”
“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.
“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”
The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.
“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”
Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.
Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.
“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”
According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.
More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.
Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.
“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.
“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”
The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.
“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.
“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”
Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.
“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”
As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.
The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.
By Ifham Nizam ✍️
Features
Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement
At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.
Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.
Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.
While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.
In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.
Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.
To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.
Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.
“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.
Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.
Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked. Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.
While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.
Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.
Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.
by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️
Features
Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’
Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.
The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’
It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.
Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.
The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.
This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.
While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.
It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.
As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .
Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.
However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.
Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.
However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.
Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.
If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.
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