The Dawn of a New Era

By Anura Gunasekera

About 20 years ago, I used the same title, in a writing dealing with Mahinda Rajapaksa’s triumphant ascent to power, published in an issue of the Sunday Island. In that I expressed my deep apprehensions of a Rajapaksa dispensation. As the years unfolded, the grim realities of years of misrule, with the younger Rajapaksa outdoing the elder brother in criminality, corruption and incompetence, exceeded the worst fears of my imagination. In between, not to be forgotten, there was also the crushingly disappointing “yahapalanya” farce, perpetrated by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe collaboration.

But I am an eternal optimist. At an year short of eighty, there cannot be either space or time for pessimism, despite decades of despair, disappointment and disillusionment, over the country’s political trajectory since 1956 when, as a ten year old, I was made acutely aware by adult discussions around me, and the screaming headlines of newspapers then, of the magnitude and the implications of SWRD Bandaranaike’s election victory.

The 1956 election victory of the “Pancha Maha Balavegaya”, was the so-called ushering in of the “Era of the common man”, engineered by a cynical aristocrat -as uncommon as they come – who leveraged the clear gulf between the anglophilic, feudalistic UNP regime of a decade, and the aspirations and frustrations of the majority, largely rural, Sinhala-Buddhist polity. That this social and political revolution also heralded the marginalization of the minority groups within the polity, institutionalized through subsequent legislation, is now a matter of history. There is no space in this writing for a discussion of the tragic consequences.

In the recent demolition of all opposing parties by the NPP-JVP, led by the charismatic Anura Kumara Dissasnayake (AKD) , I see the “Era of the common man”, ushered in by an uncommon man of genuinely common origin. Despite the repetitive use of the word “common”, the latter is a statement made with great respect, and hope, that the overpowering political and social transformation commencing on September 21 and culminating on November 14, realistically signals the “Dawn of a New Era”; that it will usher in national ethnic and religious consensus, corruption-free governance, the re-establishment of the rule of law, a more equitable re-distribution of wealth, a state education system specially geared to meet the needs of development, a state medical service in which drugs are designed not to kill but to cure, and the empowerment of the long-neglected agricultural sector. These are but a few from the long list of critical national needs, for a “richer nation and a beautiful life”, which the NPP-JVP election manifesto has promised.

AKD’s victory in the presidential election and the NPP-JVP victory in the subsequent general election, have been analyzed in all possible ways. The statistics of the victory are mind-boggling but not incomprehensible. 1.1 million voters who went to the presidential election in September, boycotted the general election in November. Sajith Premadasa’s (SP) SJB lost 3.4 million votes and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s (RW) NDF lost 1.7 million votes ( 78% and 75% respectively) within the space of six weeks, whilst AKD’s 42% increased to 61 % for his party.

Despite critics and defeated opponents trivializing AKD as a minority president, on that showing alone the NPP-JVP was still assured of a simple majority at the general election. However, it may not have obtained the two-thirds majority at the general election, almost unimaginable within a proportional representation system, if not for mass voter abstention. But the obsession with the statistics of that victory is to ignore the qualitative aspects, reflected by the aspirations of the people.

The SJB and the NDF fielded tainted candidates with long histories of alleged corruption, most of them from the Rajapaksa dispensation. Neither Sajith nor Ranil understood that ordinary people wanted a clean political culture, accountability by the legislature, the elimination of impunity for the privileged and the ruling elite, the answerability for abuse of privileges and a host of allied issues.

Sajith persisted in delivering verbose analyses of AKD’s alleged bungling of the IMF programme, and the non-delivery of the assurances given to the nation in his manifesto. RW, despite an ignominious relegation to third place in the presidential race, resorted to belittlingnAKD as a “minority president”, accompanied by sick, insensitive jokes, unacceptable even from a schoolboy. Neither had a compelling vision or programme which could attract the polity, as an alternative to a more decent, fulfilling life within a clean administration, which was the essence of AKD’s philosophy.

As a direct outcome of the election loss, the door has been firmly shut in RW’s face, despite his pathetic subsequent attempts at regaining political relevance. As for the SJB, if it is to regain any kind of political traction, it would need to seriously reconsider leadership options. Waiting for the present government to falter, or fail, is not an option. Sajith, a serial loser within a short span of time, is more ineffective than his elder clone, and perhaps one-time mentor, Ranil.

The latter, over a couple of decades, presided over the gradual disintegration and disappearance of the UNP, once dominant in local politics. Under Sajith the SJB is certain to suffer the same fate, but much, much, quicker. The party, if it is to survive, needs to unceremoniously jettison a man who has proved, quickly and convincingly, to be an incompetent leader. Hopefully, by the time this is published, the mechanism for his eviction would have been set in motion.

The outstanding, and most refreshing feature in the NPP-JVP election result is its performance in the North. For the first time since Independence in 1948, the northern polity rejected traditional, ethnic politicians, and responded to a leader of a different ethnicity from the South.

One reason for the NPP-JVP success in the North is that AKD, from the very outset, fought a campaign based on equality for all races and religions, with national needs at the forefront, but totally free from ethnically divisive sentiments, customarily the primary weapons in the campaign armory of politicians of all ethnicities. The other is that despite decades of insular political representation, minority leaders have achieved very little on behalf of the polity they represented. People in all parts of the country share the same socio-economic problems, but those in the North, the victims of a brutal war, fought across the very lands they lived on, have deeper grievances awaiting resolution.

AKD had already demonstrated good faith by the people of the North, by opening the Palaly-Atchchuvely road, after 34 years. In his campaign speech in Jaffna on November 10, he gave the assurance that Tamil political prisoners held in jails in the South, would be released. This drew a quick and detailed response from former minister of justice, Wijedasa Rajapakse, who stated that the use of the term, “political prisoners”, would compromise Sri Lanka’s position in Geneva, in regard to related issues.

President AKD also promised to release formerly privately owned land, now held by the military. Reportedly, around 70,000 acres have already been released, although there is no clarity on the exact extent still held by the forces. There is also the accusation that acquired land has been leveled, and pre-existing boundaries and markers, such as trees, rocks and buildings, obliterated, thus making identification and restoration to original owners, impractical. Land, especially to a citizenry, for centuries heavily reliant on cultivation as a means of sustenance, is fundamental to existence. Therefore, this is a primary concern for immediate government attention.

Another need is for Tamils in the North to be given the total freedom to commemorate their dead, whether they be civilians, or LTTE activists and combatants. To the kith and kin of those who died in battle against the largely Sinhala-Buddhist forces, the dead are not terrorists who waged war against an elected government, but, simply, fathers and mothers, brothers and sisters, sons and daughters, and husbands and wives, still remembered with love by the living. Their right to grieve is indisputable. If the Sinhalese of the South are permitted to commemorate JVP activists, eliminated largely through extra-judicial means by state-sponsored forces, the Tamils of the North have an equal right to publicly mourn the LTTE dead.

An important issue the government must be aware of, is that establishing accord between the Tamil North, and the Sinhala South, will be resisted by extremist politicians on both sides, to whom racial and religious divisions have always been the means of inciting public sentiment, and securing and maintaining political power. In recent decades, the Rajapakse clan, especially Mahinda and Gotabhaya, elevated racially divisive rhetoric to an art form, tirelessly inventing enemies, from which only the family could deliver the Sinhala-Buddhist nation. A succession of racist politicians have drummed in to the minds of the Sinhalese, that a concession to the Tamil North, is a threat to the Sinhala-Buddhist South.

In fact, already, there have been thinly veiled references by known extremists, suggesting that the NPP-JVP election victory win in the North, could be the result of a secret pact with one or more of the minority parties. For politicians and parties with no vision to offer the citizen, it is inconceivable that voters would respond to decent, sincere propositions with no strings attached.

The people have given the NPP-JVP an overwhelming mandate, much more than the strong government that AKD requested during his campaign. The election result does not reflect a nation-wide ideological shift on the part of the voter, although the government, by delivering on its promises, can certainly stimulate one. If a government, with its roots in left-oriented, Marxist doctrine, becomes the engine of deliverance, to a nation in deep want in every aspect of its existence, then the whole nation will automatically turn Left.

The nation now waits, impatiently, for the NPP-JVP to deliver. Failure may result in an eruption and the release of darker forces, in the face of which the “Aragalaya” would pale in to insignificance.