Features
Take-over of Sterling Company Estates

by Leelananda de Silva
From the time of independence, there has been agitation against sterling company estates. There were complaints that they were a colonial imposition, and that they were not well managed. The plantation owners themselves had begun to lose interest in some of their properties, as the profits could not be sent abroad, due to exchange control restrictions.
The estates were being managed by agency houses, and Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, the Minister of Plantation Industry, had set up a Commission on Agency Houses and Brokering Firms. This Commission had reported, but had not recommended the takeover of sterling company estates. It had recommended the control of agency houses.
Prior to that, in 1971, the Seers mission which looked into land reform issues, had proposed land reforms, but had exempted the sterling companies, as they felt that they were too important for Sri Lankan exports, to be disrupted in any way. In the meantime, there had been land reforms, to take over private land holdings of Sri Lankans, allowing only 50 acres per family.
This was the background to a sudden decision taken by the Cabinet to take over sterling companies in 1974. One Wednesday, H.A.de.S (Gunasekera) was summoned to the cabinet meeting by the Prime Minister, and he phoned me from the cabinet office and asked me what I think are the implications of a takeover of sterling companies. I had a discussion with him on the phone. He asked me to prepare a short note to be given to the Prime Minister.
Anyway, the Cabinet went ahead and made the decision to take over sterling company estates. There was no cabinet paper on this subject. It was a totally political decision. A week or two later, the Cabinet decided to take over the rupee companies, which had been left alone by the earlier decision.
The Prime Minister decided that the whole matter of the takeover of sterling companies and rupee companies should be dealt with by the Planning Ministry at this stage.
The Cabinet was not in a hurry to settle the issue of compensation relating to rupee companies. But they were eager to settle issues of compensation for the sterling companies. They were aware of the implications of this subject for Sri Lanka- British relations. From now on I was fully involved in handling this issue, along with H.A.de.S.
The Cabinet decided to appoint a committee to negotiate with the British on the matter of compensation, and H.A.de.S was appointed its chairman, and I was a member and secretary of the committee. Others in the committee included the exchange controller, a representative of the attorney general’s department (Elanga Wikramanayake), the chief valuer and one or two others.
There were many actions prior to the final settlement of compensation for sterling company estates. The British government had to be informed. The Prime Minister was visiting the UK and was meeting the British Prime Minister, Harold Wilson. He told her that the British government was neutral on the question of the takeover of estates, but that if estates were taken over, fair, equitable and prompt compensation should be paid to these companies.
The Prime minister appreciated this and promised early compensation. British aid to Sri Lanka at the time was about four million pounds annually, and this was an important consideration. At this time, there was a suggestion that Sri Lanka should obtain a credit line from the British government so that compensation could be paid promptly.
We had informed the local sterling company interests and the British High Cmmission to this effect. At this time, Hector Kobbekaduwa, the Minister of Agriculture, was visiting the UK to attend a meeting of the Commonwealth Ministers of Food Production, in London. Mahinda Silva, Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture and I accompanied the Minister to London. Judith Hart was the Minister for Overseas Development and she was responsible for British aid. She was also chairing the Meeting of Commonwealth Ministers and we saw her daily.
We sought a separate meeting with her at her ministry to discuss the subject of compensation for sterling companies. We went to her office to meet her and was greeted by her private secretary, Tony Banks (later a Member of Parliament and Minister of State). Tony Banks was a left wing radical with a great facility for words, for which he became famous in the House of Commons later. He told us that rather than ask for credit lines, we could consider delaying compensation payments, or not paying at all. It was clear that his views were not that of the government, as Judith Hart told us more or less the same thing that Harold Wilson had told the Prime Minister.
We had to decide on the modalities of compensation payment negotiations. H.A.de.S and I informed the Prime Minister and the Cabinet that the best way to proceed was to negotiate with the British owners as one group, instead of negotiating with individual companies. There were some objections to this approach, as it was felt that we could get a better deal by negotiating with estate companies individually.
There were about 125 companies, owning over 150,000 acres, who were willing to be represented as a group. There were few others who were not part of this group. The Prime Minister felt that we must show a degree of goodwill towards the British and allow them to negotiate as a group. We informed Alec Ward, the acting British High Commissioner in Colombo and Trevor Moy who was Chairman of George Steuarts, who was negotiating for the British companies of this decision and they were pleased.
Alec Ward and Trevor Moy were my counterparts in all the discussions I had, many of them in private during this period. H.A.de.S allowed me to handle these details. In all these discussions between the government and the British, we worked through the British High Commission in Colombo and I cannot remember ever contacting our High Commissioner in London for any assistance.
There was one other important decision made by the Cabinet during this period, and that is regarding the level of compensation. Prior to that decision, we had to do a lot of home work in the Ministry of Planning. Fortunately for us, at that time, there was Derek Robinson, a Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford, and an expert on statistics (Derek was later to be chairman of the Social Science Research Council of the UK) assisting the ministry through a UN project on the question of labour wages on the estates.
We requested Derek to suspend his work and do some research into the share prices of sterling company estates on the London Stock Exchange. He was to come up with a figure of about £20 sterling per acre. This was a very low figure, as prices of estates were being kept artificially low, due to exchange controls in Sri Lanka.
There were also two other instances of recent estate transaction on the London Stock Market. Pelmadulla Holdings, with about 15.000 acres, had been sold to Middle East investors at about £20 per acre. Grand Central Estates, with about 20,000 acres in Sri Lanka had been bought by a Sri Lankan entrepreneur (Upali Wiyawardane) for about the same price on the London stock exchange.
There were also a few transactions by the State Plantations Corporation, which was under the Ministry of Plantation Industry of which the Minister was Dr. Colvin R. de Silva. Four or five estates had been bought at about £60 per acre. Based on all this information, the Cabinet decided that the British should be offered £45 per acre as compensation. This was the price which was recommended by the Planning Ministry.
Compensation was to be paid over a period of time which would be negotiated. This figure of £45 was known, outside the Cabinet, only to H.A.de.S and to me. The other members of the committee were not told of this figure or that there was a decision of the Cabinet on the level of compensation. Those days, this kind of secrecy did work.
Alec Ward and Trevor Moy informed H.A.de.S and me that they would like their delegation for compensation talks to be led by Sir Michael Walker, former British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka who was now living in retirement in England. We agreed to this and their delegation consisted of Sir Michael Walker, Alec Ward, Trevor Moy and two or three others. We met a few times at the Planning Ministry in H.A.de. S’s room on the eighth floor of the Central Bank building, over three days. It was very amicable. H.A.de. S was a superb negotiator and he did it with a great sense of humour and respect for the other side.
At this point, let me record an engaging story. Eric Lubbock, former British parliamentarian and Liberal M P for Orpington now reincarnated as Lord Avebury, a member of the British House of Lords was in Colombo, on holiday. I had met him briefly through a friend and I got to know his views about the sterling companies. I then alerted a Lake House journalist, through Mervin de Silva, the Ministry Director of Information, on this matter.
Lord Avebury’s view, very colourfully expressed, was that the estate owners should not be given any compensation whatever. One or two days before the British delegation met us for compensation talks, there was a news item in the local newspapers that Lord Avebury had suggested that the British had exploited the Sri Lankans for long enough and that they should not pay any compensation for the estates.
After the preliminary greetings, the compensation talks started with an opening statement by Sir Michael Walker. He said that he was at his London club a few days before, where he met Sir Percival Griffiths, authority and historian of Indian tea and he had asked for his views regarding the value of tea estates. Sir Percival had suggested £300 per acre.
H.A.de.S, following on Sir Michael, brought to his notice, the remarks of Lord Avebury, and as H.A.de.S said, a noble lord in the British upper house. H.A.de.S asked whose views we should take seriously- Sir Percival’s who was a relative nonentity in Britain or Lord Avebury’s. This was the only time during the negotiations that I saw Sir Michael losing his temper, calling Avebury a maverick and a chap who is not taken seriously in his own country.
Anyway this set the tone for the negotiations on the price. A couple of hours later, Sir Michael had come down to f 100 an acre. After two days regarding prices, modes of payment, time periods and so on, the main issue came to a head. H.A.de.S offered a final £42 per acre. Sir Michael stuck to £45. At this point, Alec Ward came round to me and suggested that we offer 50 pence more, that is £42.50 and that we can finalize the deal.
I told H.A.de.S what Alec had told me and we decided to make that offer, which ended the negotiations regarding the price level. That 50 pence was worth £75 000 in total, but the price was well within what the Cabinet had decided to offer. Then there were the negotiations on the methods of payment. It was decided that payment will be made over a period of four years. The price offered was to remain fixed in terms of sterling, and not in rupees in the event of devaluation. Hector Kobbekaduwa, the Minister made a statement to Parliament, about the decisions of the compensation committee, which I drafted, with a schedule of sterling company estates.
The takeover of sterling company estates was taking place within the overall framework of land reform. Mrs. Bandaranaike was anxious that her coalition partner, the LSSP, was kept away from the management of these properties. Hence, when the rupee companies were taken over at about the same time, the legislation for that purpose was described as Land Reform Act No. 2 ((1 assisted Nalin Abeysekara, the assistant legal draftsman, in drafting this legislation).
The original Land Reform Act was the responsibility of the Ministry of Agriculture and sterling and rupee companies were also to be the responsibility of that Ministry at this stage. It is my impression that the LSSP was not in favour of the takeover of either rupee or sterling companies. If the LSSP had wanted these estates to be taken over, they could have easily made use of the opportunity of the Agency Houses Commission to make recommendations on those lines. That was not done.
Later on, I was involved in the distribution of the estates between the two corporations- the State Plantations Corporation (SPC) and the Janavasama (JEDB). The SPC was with the Ministry of Plantation industries and the Janawasama was with the Ministry of Agriculture. By the time the properties were to be assigned to the two corporations, the political coalition had broken down and the two ministers were both from the same party.
There was not much acrimony about the division of assets as a result. K.H.J Wijeyadasa from the Ministry of Agriculture was the other official engaged in the decisions to divide the assets. Wije was an old friend of mine from university days, and a public servant of great integrity. What happened then was political, but it turned out to be rational.
The Minister of Agriculture was from Kandy, and the up country plantations, went to the Janavasama. The Minister of Plantation Industries, Ratnasiri Wickramanayake, was from the low country and most of the low country estates went to the SPC. This meant that most of the tea estates were with Janavasama, and most of the rubber and coconut properties went to the SPC. This was a logical outcome in terms of efficient plantation management.
One other related matter that I wish to record was my membership of the Committee on Land Ceilings, which was appointed by the Cabinet. It was chaired by R.T. Ratnatunga, former Settlement Officer and its membership included the Chief Valuer, W.M. Tilakaratna, Deputy Governor of the Central Bank, R.K.W. (Raja) Goonesekara, Principal of the Law College and several others.
This committee was established prior to the legislation on land reform. We met three or four times and we had some papers prepared by the Ministry of Planning, examining the implications of alternative land ceiling limits. I discussed this subject of land ceilings with the Prime Minister and my impression was that while she might have favoured a higher limit, she had no clear directions to offer me. The two main alternatives being discussed at the time was 25 acres and 50 acres for a family. There were two or three on the committee who wanted the lower limit and I went along with the higher one, as I felt that would be more fair and more feasible to manage as a viable economic unit. The majority of the committee opted for the higher limit of 50 acres, which ultimately became the policy of the government.
(Excerpted from the author’s memoirs)
Features
Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.
It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.
In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.
What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.
The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.
Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.
Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.
However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.
Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.
The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.
Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.
Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.
President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.
In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.
Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.
Features
Chikungunya Fever in Children

Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.
Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.
When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.
The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.
A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.
In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.
Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.
There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.
While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.
The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.
Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.
Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.
Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.
Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)
Features
The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:
(Continued from yesterday)
Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.
At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:
1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.
2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.
These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.
The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?
When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:
1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.
2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.
3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.
The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.
Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.
Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.
The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.
In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.
What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?
The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.
The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.
Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.
Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.
BY GAMINI KEERAWELLA
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