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Some incomprehensible lapses in Easter Attack Commission Report

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By Kalyananda Tiranagama

(Continued from yesterday)

Links of Zahran group with Muslim Politicians in the country

The country expected the PCoI to inquire into and find out the links the Zahran group had with Muslim political leaders like Rishard Bathiudeen, Azaad Salley, Hisbullah and Rauf Hakeem, whose conduct was subject to much discussion through the media and recommend how to deal with them. However, the PCoI has failed to make any definite findings and recommendations against any one of them.

In Chapter 22 of the Report titled Contributory Factors dealing with the activities of individuals resulting in aiding and abetting or causing racial and religious disturbances, the role of individual persons has been discussed and findings and recommendations made: i. Rishad Bathiiudeen; ii. his brother Riaj Bathiudeen; iii. Mohommadu Shibly Farouk; iv. Hisbullah; v. Abdul Razik; vi. Galagodaththe Ganasara Thera.

Out of all the persons whose activities are discussed, Galagodaththe Ganasara Thero was identified as the person who is mainly responsible and most severely to be dealt with. No such recommendation is made against any of the Muslim leaders.

i. Rishad Bathiudeen

There were lot of suspicious circumstances suggesting the involvement of Rishard Bathiuddeen with Zahran and other extremist Muslim groups. Not only among the general public of the country, but also among political circles there was much suspicion about Rishard’s involvement, about his contribution to the extremist forces. That is why several political leaders and Buddhist priests made complaints to the CID against him. That is why the Opposition Members of Parliament brought a no-confidence motion in Parliament against him for his removal from the Cabinet. Following the commencement of the fast unto death by Rathana Thero demanding his arrest, due to the resignation of all Muslim Ministers belonging to different political parties from the Cabinet with a view to protecting him, no-confidence motion could not be proceeded with.

The following are some of the allegations made against Rishard in the no-confidence motion on which he had been questioned by the Parliamentary Select Committee: i. Having links with Zahran’s terrorist group; ii. The treasurer of his Party Alaudeen is a terrorist involved in the attacks; iii. His links with Mohomed Ibrahim, the father of two suicide bombers; iv. He knew the suicide bomber, having attended his wedding; v. His support to Ibrahim’s import export business activities; vi. The Industrial Development Board under his Ministry issuing unusually high amount of scrap metal used for making explosives to Colossus (Pvt) Ltd belonging to the suicide bomber Inshaf at a discount not given to others; vii. The two suicide bombers Inshaf and Ilham, sons of Mohomed Ibrahim, being the major source of financial support for Zahran; viii. A Pradesiya Sabha Member of his Party, one of his Coordinating Secretaries, arrested at Mannar with some detonators; ix. A house belonging to his sister at Wattala leased out to suicide bombers x. Repeatedly making inquiries about a terrorist arrested at Dehiwala from the DIG, Army Commander and the State Minister of Defence Ruwan Wijewardane xi. Visiting the arrested terrorist’s house at Dehiwala; xii, Ignoring the information given by Turkish Embassy about 50 trained terrorists present in Sri Lanka; xiii. Terrorists using vehicles belonging to Sathosa under his Ministry for their transport.

The Report does not mention anything about inquiries conducted on most of these allegations. It mentions only about two matters: i. Inquiries made from Army Commander about Ihsan Meinudeen – a terrorist suspect, arrested by the Army ; For that the COI has recommended the AG to consider instituting criminal action under any suitable PC provision. No criminal action can be instituted for making inquiries about a person in custody, though the COI has recommended.

ii. Chairman of the Industrial Development Board under Rishard had issued unusually high amount of scrap metal to Colossus (Pvt) Ltd belonging to the suicide bomber Inshaf, who is related to Bathiudeen, at a discount not given to others causing a loss of Rs. 4.6 million to the State. Inshaf and Ilham were the major financiers of Zahran – P. 334 Zahran has given Rs. 500,000 received from Ilham to wife of Mufeez to obtain bail for suspects in the Mawanella incident. The only recommendation is that this matter to be referred to the Bribery and Corruption Commission.

 It is strange that the COI did not probe whether this resulted in facilitating terrorist attacks with financial support and material that can be used for the preparation of explosives used in the Easter Attack;

 

ii. Riaj Bathiudeen

Riaj is a brother of Minister Rishard Bathiuddeen; He is a member of the Minister’s staff; He had close contacts with Inshaf, one of the biggest funders of Zahran; His connection with sale of scrap metal and in irregularities committed therein. – P. 335 The COI recommends that these matters to be referred to the Police to conduct necessary investigations.

 Malcolm Cardinal Ranjith has stated that the April attacks were carried out by those who wanted to strengthen their political power.

 Are not these suspicious circumstances sufficient in identifying the real culprits responsible for the Easter attack?

 

iii. M. Mohammadu Shibly Farouk

Shibly Farouk is a Member of the Eastern Provincial Council elected from the Batticaloa District in 2012 and functioned until 2017. He got to know Zahran and Rilwan around 2015 and had a close association with Zahran and his group. Shibly helped Zahran to get loudspeaker permits from the Police for his meetings. Farouk had visited the hospital with Rauff Hakeem to see Rilwan after he received injuries. Zahran and the NTJ received the political patronage of Farouk at least till March 2017. No finding or recommendation against Farouk.

 

Azath Sally

The Report mentions about Sally’s involvement in the investigations into the Mawanella incident as well as the release of two suspects Nafrith and Navith arrested at Wanathawilluwa. – P. 118 Nafrith and Navith are brothers-in-law of Mufeez, the suspect arrested at Wanathawilluwa with explosives and a note written in English with instructions on making bombs; Salley admitted his involvement in making representations for the release of the two suspects Nafrith and Navith.

Salley had contacted Thassim Moulavi, a cousin of Abdul Latheef, father of Jameel Mohomed who died at the Tropical Inn, Dehiwala and inquired about Mawanella incident. With information received from Maulawi Salley had immediately called IGP Pujitha Jayasundara and Defence Secretary, Hemasiri Fernando and requested for a meeting, which was granted. Salley informed that Moulavi would surrender the two brothers, the main suspects in the Mawanella incident during the day, but that did not take place. These interventions had the effect of hampering independent police investigations. – P. 122 – 123. It was to Mufeez’s wife that Zaharan had sent Rs. 500,000 received from Ilham for obtaining bail for Mawanella suspects.

All these show that Sally had close links with the main suspects involved in the Mawanella and Wanathawilluwa incidents and that he tried to get them released. However no inquiries / no investigations conducted by the COI on Salley’s connections with terrorists and no recommendation made against Sally. The only recommendation made is the introduction of a penal offence criminalising any intervention by a Member of Parliament, Provincial Council or local authority into police investigations and about terrorist suspects in custody or detention. – P. 124. Though Sally is in custody at present, that is not on any recommendation made by the COI.

 

iv. M.L.A.M. Hisbullah

Hisbullah has played a prominent role in the Arabization of Kattankuddy. In his view Wahhabis manner of practicing Islam is the proper way. At times he has spoken of violent extremist actions. Among his associates are people like Adam Lebbe Mohammadu Mumthaz, Thowheed follower and supporter of the IS ideology and Dr. Zakir Naik, extremist preacher and owner of Peace TV, who is banned in India and Bangladesh. The COI finds that the acions of Hisbullah facilitated the spread of extremism within Kattankuddy. – P. 342-343

However no penal action recommended against Hisbullah.

 

v. Abdul Razik

Abdul Razik was the Secretary of Sri Lanka Thowheed Jamaath since 2005; In May 2014 he equated triple gem of Buddhists to three gem stones and went on to say that Lord Buddha consumed human flesh. An Action was filed by Police in M. C. Colombo case B7467/1/14 in respect of this statement, but no charges filed yet even after seven years, File was sent to AG three years back. In 2017 in a speech at Dehiwala he stated that IS is Islam; He openly speaks against Buddhism being given the foremost place in the Constitution; He was instrumental in converting Sara to Islam. He chose Hasthun to marry Sara and provided Mahr; Led a demonstration in Colombo advocating implementation of Sharia law. Only recommendation: AG to consider expeditiously whether criminal charges can be filed against him. – P. 429

 But the COI has not recommended any criminal action against him under the ICCPR Act as against Gnanasara Thero.

 

vi. Galagodaaththe Gnanasara Thera

Findings and recommendations against Gnanasara Thera: Bodu Bala Sena to be proscribed as its actions are a threat to religious harmony. His utterances and actions contributed in part to radicalisation of Muslim youth. AG to consider instituting criminal action against him under the ICCPR Act for his speeches made at Aluthgama in June 1914 and on Feb. 17, 2013 at Maharagama.

 When charged under the ICCPR Act he cannot get bail and is liable to be punished with a heavy jail sentence.

– S. 3 (3) A person found guilty of committing an offence under this Act, shall on conviction by the High Court, be punished with rigorous imprisonment for a term not exceeding ten years.

– An offence under this Act shall be non-bailable, and no person suspected or accused of such an offence shall be enlarged on bail, except by the High Court in exceptional Circumstances.

 No recommendation is made against any other person to be indicted under the ICCPR Act. One cannot understand why only Gnanasara Thera was selected to be dealt with under this harsh provision of law.

 

Incomplete Findings and Lack of Recommendations on some material issues

 

As shown below it appears from the Report that the Commission has not been able to conduct full inquiry and make due recommendations on several matters which are of vital and practical importance.

 

1. Persons having links with dangerous foreign terrorists

Yusuf al-Qardawi – is a devoted member of Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt, committed to the doctrine of suicide bombing- P.52, a person banned from entering the UK in 2008 and France in 2012 – p. 53; Egyptian Embassy in Colombo has issued a press release on 15. 06. 2020 identifying al-Qardawi as a fountainhead of the banned terrorist Muslim Brotherhood, fanning religious hatred and promoting a cult of violence. He is a person stripped of Egyptian citizenship and sentenced to life imprisonment by Egyptian Court. – p. 54

 

The COI has received a photograph of al-Qardawi taken on 28. 04. 2013 along with three Sri Lankans – Inamullah; Naimullah, former Member of Central Provincial Council and N.M. Ameen, President of the Muslim Council of Sri Lanka.

 No findings made against them due to time constraints, but recommends that an investigation be conducted into their association with al-Qardawi. P. 54

 

2. Officially Promoting Terrorism through Education

Quotes from Yusuf al-Qardawi are contained in Islam Tamil Civilization Teachers Guide Grade 12 at P. 79; Islam Sinhala Teachers Guide Grade 13 at P. 44, 63, 109 and 123; Books written by him are recommended for further reading in Islam Sinhala Teachers Guide Grade 12 at p. 72. – p. 54

 

Islam Sinhala / Tamil Teachers Guide Grade 12 / 13 contained recommended reading material written by several extremists – Abul Ala Maududi; Qyyim Al Jawziyya; Mohommed al-Ghazali, a member of the Muslim Brotherhood; Rachi al-Ghannaouchi, of the Muslim Brotherhood – a terrorist organization banned in Egypt;

 

Their teachings – Islam cannot be fulfilled without the power of govt and that govt. and Islam are twin brothers; their objective is not only the religion but the land and the governing power. – P. 54 – 57

 The COI has not inquired about the persons responsible for introducing these terrorist material into Teachers Guides and the impact of these material on the teachers and children;

 It has only recommended removal of these material from the books.

 One cannot understand why no recommendation has been made for the removal of these persons who introduced this terrorist material into Teachers Guides from their positions and legal action to be taken against them for promoting terrorism.

 

3. Promoting Wahhabisam through SLBC

The COI heard evidence of Wahhabist programmes being aired over the Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation over a period of time. A person who spoke against the IS and Wahhabism was later not given any air time. It was one Ahamed Munuwar who has done that at the instance of Sri Lanka Jamath Islami; Munuwar’s son is married to the sister of Jameel, the terrorist who caused the explosion at Tropical Inn, Dehiwala.

 The Report states that No findings made against Munuwar due to time constraints, but recommends that an investigation be conducted into his activities in the SLBC. – P. 58

 

4. Sri Lankan Diplomats concealing vital information of preparations of IS operatives for terrorist attacks

On 10. 08. 2018 Pakistan authorities have shared with the SL High Commission in Islamabad vital information of a Sri Lankan IS operative in SL who is an active member of IS online networks and was planning / in the process of preparing explosive devices from easily available chemicals. Jihad material retrieved from the suspect included material relating to preparation of bombs. Some pictures of the suspect were also handed over. This communication does not appear to have reached the SL Defence authorities – P. 76

 Pakistan Govt had provided this information in August 2018, long time before the attack and after the disclosures made by Minister of Justice Wijedasa Rajapakse in November 1916 in Parliament about 32 Sri Lankans who had links with IS terrorists in Syria.

 If this information was conveyed to the Defence Authorities in Sri Lanka they could have taken preventive steps and this failure to convey this vital information to defence authorities may have contributed to Easter Attacks.

 Who are these High Commission Officials who withheld this information from SL Govt? Are they still in the SL foreign service? Why did not they convey this information to the Govt? Are they persons having links with IS terrorists or Wahhabist groups in Sri Lanka? All these need to be probed.

 The COI has not conducted any inquiry as to this failure of the High Commission officials.

 It has only recommended that an investigation be conducted into this omission. – P. 154



Features

Democracy faces tougher challenges as political Right beefs-up presence

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An anti-Hamas people’s protest in the Gaza. (BBC)

It is becoming increasingly evident that the democracy-authoritarianism division would be a major polarity in international politics going forward. It shouldn’t come as a surprise if quite a few major states of both East and West gain increasing inspiration from the ‘world’s mightiest democracy’ under President Donald Trump from now on and flout the core principles of democratic governance with impunity.

It is the political Right that would gain most might in this evolving new scheme of things. Whether it be the US itself, France, Israel or Turkey, to name just a few countries in the news, it is plain to see that the Right is unleashing its power with hardly a thought for the harm being done to key democratic institutions and norms.

In fact, Donald Trump and his Republican hard liners led from the front, so to speak, in this process of unleashing the power of the Right in contemporary times. It remains a very vital piece of history that the Right in the US savaged democracy’s most valued institutions on January 6, 2021, when it ran amok with the tacit backing of Trump in the US Capitol.

What was being challenged by the mob most was the ‘will of the people’ which was manifest in the latter’s choice of Joe Biden as US President at the time. To date Trump does not accept that popular verdict and insists that the election in question was a flawed one. He does so in the face of enlightened pronouncements to the contrary.

The US Right’s protégé state, Israel, is well on course to doing grave harm to its democratic institutions, with the country’s judiciary being undermined most. To cite two recent examples to support this viewpoint, the Israeli parliament passed a law to empower the country’s election officials to appoint judges, while Prime Minister Netanyahu has installed the new head of the country’s prime security agency, disregarding in the process a Supreme Court decision to retain the former head.

Such decisions were made by the Netanyahu regime in the face of mounting protests by the people. While nothing new may be said if one takes the view that Israel’s democratic credentials have always left much to be desired, the downgrading of a democratic country’s judiciary is something to be sorely regretted by democratic opinion worldwide. After all, in most states, it is the judiciary that ends up serving the best interests of the people.

Meanwhile in France, the indications are that far Right leader Marine Le Pen would not be backing down in the face of a judicial verdict that pronounces her guilty of corruption that may prevent her from running for President in 2027. She is the most popular politician in France currently and it should not come as a surprise if she rallies further popular support for herself in street protests. Among other things, this will be proof of the growing popular appeal of the political Right. Considering that France has been a foremost democracy, this is not good news for democratic opinion.

However, some heart could be taken from current developments in the Gaza and Turkey where the people are challenging their respective dominant governing forces in street protests largely peacefully. In the Gaza anti-Hamas protests have broken out demanding of the group to step down from power, while in Turkey, President Erdogan’s decades-long iron-fist rule is being challenged by pro-democracy popular forces over the incarceration of his foremost political rival.

Right now, the Turkish state is in the process of quashing this revolt through a show of brute force. Essentially, in both situations the popular demand is for democracy and accountable governance and such aims are generally anathema in the ears of the political Right whose forte is repressive, dictatorial rule.

The onus is on the thriving democracies of the world to ensure that the Right anywhere is prevented from coming to power in the name of the core principles and values of democracy. Right now, it is the European Union that could fit into this role best and democratic opinion is obliged to rally behind the organization. Needless to say, peaceful and democratic methods should be deployed in this historic undertaking.

Although the UN is yet to play an effective role in the current international situation, stepped up efforts by it to speed up democratic development everywhere could yield some dividends. Empowerment of people is the goal to be basically achieved.

Interestingly, the Trump administration could be seen as being in league with the Putin regime in Russia at present. This is on account of the glaringly Right wing direction that the US is taking under Trump. In fact, the global balance of political forces has taken an ironic shift with the hitherto number one democracy collaborating with the Putin regime in the latter’s foreign policy pursuits that possess the potential of plunging Europe into another regional war.

President Trump promised to bring peace to the Ukraine within a day of returning to power but he currently is at risk of cutting a sorry figure on the world stage because Putin is far from collaborating with his plans regarding Ukraine. Putin is promising the US nothing and Ukraine is unlikely to step down from the position it has always held that its sovereignty, which has been harmed by the Putin regime, is not negotiable.

In fact, the China-Russia alliance could witness a firming-up in the days ahead. Speculation is intense that the US is contemplating a military strike on Iran, but it would face strong opposition from China and Russia in the event of such an adventurist course of action. This is on account of the possibility of China and Russia continuing to be firm in their position that Western designs in the Gulf region should be defeated. On the other hand, Iran could be expected to hit back strongly in a military confrontation with the US.

Considering that organizations such as the EU could be expected to be at cross-purposes with the US on the Ukraine and connected questions, the current world situation could not be seen as a replication of the conventional East-West polarity. The East, that is mainly China and Russia, is remaining united but not so the West. The latter has broadly fragmented into a democratic states versus authoritarian states bipolarity which could render the international situation increasingly unstable and volatile.

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Chikungunya Fever in Children

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Chikungunya fever, a viral disease transmitted by mosquitoes, poses a significant health concern, particularly for children. It has been around in Sri Lanka sporadically, but there are reports of an increasing occurrence of it in more recent times. While often associated with debilitating joint pain in adults, its manifestations in children can present unique challenges. Understanding the nuances of this disease is crucial for effective management and prevention.

Chikungunya fever is caused by the chikungunya virus (CHIKV), an alphavirus transmitted to humans through the bites of infected Aedes aegypti and Aedes albopictus mosquitoes. These are the same mosquitoes that transmit dengue and Zika viruses, highlighting the overlapping risks in many areas of the world. It is entirely possible for chikungunya and dengue to co-circulate in the same area, leading to co-infections in individuals.

When a mosquito bites a person infected with CHIKV, it ingests the virus. After a period of growth and multiplication of the virus within the mosquito, the virus can be transmitted to another person through subsequent bites. Therefore, the mosquito acts as a vector or an intermediate transmitting agent that spreads the disease, but not as a reservoir of the disease. The spread of chikungunya is influenced by environmental factors that support mosquito breeding, such as stagnant water and warm climates. Urbanization and poor sanitation can exacerbate the problem by creating breeding grounds for these mosquitoes.

The clinical presentation of chikungunya in children can vary, ranging from mild to severe. While some infected children may even be asymptomatic and be normal for all intents and purposes, others can experience a range of symptoms, including a sudden onset of high fever, a common initial symptom. Pain in the joints of the body, while being a hallmark of chikungunya in adults, may be less pronounced in children. However, they can still experience significant discomfort and this must be kept in mind during processes of diagnosis and treatment. It is also important to remember that joint pains can present in various forms, as well as in different locations of the body. There is no characteristic pattern or sites of involvement of joints. Muscle aches and pains can accompany the fever and joint pain as well. A headache, too, could occur at any stage of the disease. Other symptoms may include nausea, vomiting, and fatigue as well.

A reddish elevated rash, referred to in medical jargon as a maculopapular rash, is frequently observed in children, sometimes more so than in adults. While chikungunya is known to cause such a rash, there is a specific characteristic related to nasal discoloration that is worth noting. It is called the “Chik sign” or “Brownie nose” and refers to an increased darkening of the skin, particularly on the nose. This discolouration just appears and is not associated with pain or itching. It can occur during or after the fever, and it can be a helpful clinical sign, especially in areas with limited diagnostic resources. While a generalised rash is a common symptom of chikungunya, a distinctive darkening of the skin on the nose is a particular characteristic that has been observed.

In some rare instances, particularly in infants and very young children, chikungunya can lead to neurological complications, such as involvement of the brain, known as encephalitis. This is associated with a change in the level of alertness, drowsiness, convulsions and weakness of limbs. Equally rarely, some studies indicate that children can experience bleeding tendencies and haemorrhagic manifestations more often than adults.

Diagnosis is typically made through evaluating the patient’s symptoms and medical history, as well as by special blood tests that can detect the presence of CHIKV antibodies (IgM and IgG) or the virus itself through PCR testing.

There is no specific antiviral treatment for chikungunya. Treatment focuses on relieving symptoms and allowing the body to recover on its own. Adequate rest is essential for recovery, and maintaining hydration is crucial, especially in children with fever. Paracetamol in the correct dosage can be used to reduce fever and pain. It is important to avoid aspirin, as it can increase the risk of a further complication known as Reye’s syndrome in children. In severe cases, hospitalisation and supportive care may be necessary.

While most children recover from chikungunya without any major issues, some may experience long-term sequelae. Joint pain can persist for months or even years in some individuals, impacting their quality of life. In rare cases, chikungunya can lead to chronic arthritis. Children that have suffered from neurological complications can have long term effects.

The ultimate outcome or prognosis for chikungunya in children is generally favourable. Most children recover fully within a few days or a couple of weeks. However, the duration and severity of symptoms can vary quite significantly.

Prevention is key to controlling the spread of chikungunya. Mosquito control is of paramount importance. These include eliminating stagnant water sources where mosquitoes breed, using mosquito repellents, wearing long-sleeved clothing and pants, using mosquito nets, especially for young children and installing protective screens on windows and doors. While a chikungunya vaccine is available, its current use is mainly for adults, especially those traveling to at risk areas. More research is being conducted for child vaccinations.

Chikungunya outbreaks can strain healthcare systems and have significant economic consequences. Public health initiatives aimed at mosquito control and disease surveillance are crucial for preventing and managing outbreaks.

Key considerations for children are that some of them, especially infants and young children, are more vulnerable to severe chikungunya complications and early diagnosis and supportive care are essential for minimising the risk of long-term sequelae. Preventing mosquito bites is the most effective way to protect children from chikungunya. By understanding the causation, clinical features, treatment, and prevention of chikungunya, parents, caregivers, and healthcare professionals can work together to protect children from this illness that could sometimes be quite debilitating.

Dr B. J. C. Perera 

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)

Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health and Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal

Founder President, Sri Lanka College of Paediatricians – 1996-97)

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The Great and Little Traditions and Sri Lankan Historiography

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Prof. Obeyesekere

Power, Culture, and Historical Memory:

(Continued from yesterday)

Newton Gunasinghe, a pioneering Sri Lankan sociologist and Marxist scholar, made significant contributions to the study of culture and class in Sri Lanka by incorporating the concepts of great and little traditions within an innovative Marxist framework. His theoretical synthesis offered historians a fresh perspective for evaluating the diversity of past narratives.

At the same time, Michel Foucault’s philosophical intervention significantly influenced the study of historical knowledge. In particular, two of his key concepts have had a profound impact on the discipline of history:

1. The relationship between knowledge and power – Knowledge is not merely an objective truth but a manifestation of the power structures of its time.

2. The necessity of considering the ‘other’ in any conceptual construction – Every idea or framework takes shape in relation to its opposite, highlighting the duality inherent in all intellectual constructs.

These concepts challenged historians to rethink their approaches, prompting them to explore the dynamic interplay between knowledge, power, and culture. The existence of Little Tradition prompted historians to pay attention to ‘other’ histories.

The resurgence of ethnic identities and conflicts has brought renewed attention to the dichotomy of culture, steering the discourse in a new direction. The ethnic resurgence raises three key issues. First, the way non-dominant cultures interpret the past often differs from the narratives produced by dominant cultures, prompting the question: What is historical truth? Second, it underscores the importance of studying the histories of cultural identities through their own perspectives. Finally, and most importantly, it invites reflection on the relationship between ‘Little Traditions’ and the ‘Great Tradition’—how do these ‘other’ histories connect to broader historical narratives?

When the heuristic construct of the cultural dichotomy is applied to historical inquiry, its analytical scope expands far beyond the boundaries of social anthropology. In turn, it broadens the horizons of historical research, producing three main effects:

1. It introduces a new dimension to historical inquiry by bringing marginalised histories to the forefront. In doing so, it directs the attention of professional historians to areas that have traditionally remained outside their scope.

2. It encourages historians to seek new categories of historical sources and adopt more innovative approaches to classifying historical evidence.

3. It compels historians to examine the margins in order to gain a deeper understanding of the center.

The rise of a new theoretical school known as Subaltern Studies in the 1980s provided a significant impetus to the study of history from the perspective of marginalised and oppressed groups—those who have traditionally been excluded from dominant historical narratives and are not linked to power and authority. This movement sought to challenge the Eurocentric and elitist frameworks that had long shaped the study of history, particularly in the context of colonial and postcolonial societies. The writings of historians such as Ranajit Guha and Eric Stokes played a pioneering role in opening up this intellectual path. Guha, in particular, critiqued the way history had been written from the perspective of elites—whether colonial rulers or indigenous upper classes—arguing that such narratives ignored the agency and voices of subaltern groups, such as peasants, laborers, and tribal communities.

Building upon this foundation, several postcolonial scholars further developed the critical examination of power, knowledge, and representation. In her seminal essay Can the Subaltern Speak?, Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak questioned whether marginalized voices—especially those of subaltern women—could truly be represented within dominant intellectual and cultural frameworks, or whether they were inevitably silenced by hegemonic. Another major theorist in this field, Homi Bhabha, also focused on the relationship between knowledge and social power relations. His analysis of identity formation under colonialism revealed the complexities of power dynamics and how they persist in postcolonial societies.

Together, these scholars significantly reshaped historical and cultural studies by emphasising the voices and experiences of those previously ignored in dominant narratives. Their work continues to influence contemporary debates on history, identity, and the politics of knowledge production.

The Sri Lankan historiography from very beginning consists of two distinct yet interrelated traditions: the Great Tradition and the Little Traditions. These traditions reflect different perspectives, sources, and modes of historical transmission that have influenced the way Sri Lanka’s past has been recorded and understood. The Great Tradition refers to the formal, written historiography primarily associated with elite, religious, and state-sponsored chronicles. The origins of the Great Tradition of historiography directly linked to the introduction of Buddhism to the island by a mission sent by Emperor Asoka of the Maurya dynasty of India in the third century B.C. The most significant sources in this tradition include the Mahāvaṃsa, Dīpavaṃsa, Cūḷavaṃsa, and other Buddhist chronicles that were written in Pali and Sanskrit. These works, often compiled by Buddhist monks, emphasise the island’s connection to Buddhism, the role of kingship, and the concept of Sri Lanka as a sacred land linked to the Buddha’s teachings. The Great Tradition was influenced by royal patronage and aimed to legitimise rulers by presenting them as protectors of Buddhism and the Sinhala people.

In contrast, the Little Tradition represents oral histories, folk narratives, and local accounts that were passed down through generations in vernacular languages such as Sinhala and Tamil. These traditions include village folklore, ballads, temple stories, and regional histories that were not necessarily written down but played a crucial role in shaping collective memory. While the Great Tradition often portrays a centralised, Sinhala-Buddhist perspective, the Little Tradition captures the diverse experiences of various communities, including Tamils, Muslims.

What about the history of those who are either unrepresented or only marginally represented in the Great Tradition? They, too, have their own interpretations of the past, independent of dominant narratives. Migration from the four corners of the world did not cease after the 3rd century BC—so what about the cultural traditions that emerged from these movements? Can we reduce these collective memories solely to the Sokari Nadagams?

The Great Traditions often celebrate the history of the ruling or majority ethnic group. However, Little Traditions play a crucial role in preserving the historical memory and distinct identities of marginalised communities, such as the Vedda and Rodiya peoples. Beyond caste history, Little Traditions also reflect the provincial histories and historical memories of peripheral communities. Examples include the Wanni Rajawaliya and the Kurunegala Visthraya. The historical narratives presented in these sources do not always align with those of the Great Tradition.

The growth of caste histories is a key example of Little Historical Traditions. Jana Wansaya remains an important source in this context. After the 12th century, many non-Goigama castes in Sri Lanka preserved their own oral historical traditions, which were later documented in written form. These caste-based histories are significant because they provide a localised, community-centered perspective on historical developments. Unlike the dominant narratives found in the Great Tradition, they capture the social, economic, and cultural transformations experienced by different caste groups. For instance, the Karava, Salagama, and Durava castes have distinct historical narratives that have been passed down through generations.

Ananda S. Kulasuriya traced this historical tradition back to the formal establishment of Buddhism, noting that it continued even after the decline of the Polonnaruwa Kingdom. He identified these records as “minor chronicles” and classified them into three categories: histories of the Sangha and Sasana, religious writings of historical interest, and secular historical works. According to him, the first category includes the Pujavaliya, the Katikavatas, the Nikaya Sangrahaya, and the Sangha Sarana. The second category comprises the Thupavamsa, Bodhi Vamsa, Anagatha Vamsa, Dalada Sirita, and Dhatu Vamsa, along with the two Sinhalese versions of the Pali Hatthavanagalla Vihara Vamsa, namely the Ehu Attanagalu Vamsa and the Saddharma Ratnakaraya. The third category consists of works that focus more on secular events than religious developments, primarily the Rajavaliya. Additionally, this category includes the Raja Ratnakaraya and several minor works such as the Sulu Rajavaliya, Vanni Rajavaliya, Alakesvara Yuddhaya, Sri Lanka Kadaim Pota, Kurunegala Vistaraya, Buddharajavaliya, Bamba Uppattiya, Sulu Pujavaliya, Matale Kadaim Pota, Kula Nitiya, and Janavamsaya (Kulasuriya, 1978:5). Except for a few mentioned in the third category, all other works are products of the Great Historical tradition.

Over the last few decades, Gananath Obeyesekera has traversed the four corners of Sri Lanka, recovering works of the Little Historical Traditions and making them accessible for historical inquiry, offering a new lens through which to reread Sri Lankan history. Obeyesekera’s efforts to recover the Little Historical Traditions remind us that history is never monolithic; rather, it is a contested space where power, culture, and memory continuously shape our understanding of the past. By bringing the Little Historical Traditions into the fold of Sri Lankan historiography, Obeyesekera challenges us to move beyond dominant narratives and embrace a more pluralistic understanding of the past. The recovery of these traditions is not just an act of historical inquiry but a reminder that power shapes what we remember—and what we forget. Sri Lankan history, like all histories, is a dialogue between great and little traditions and it is to engage both of them. His latest work, The Doomed King: A Requiem for Sri Vikrama Rajasinghe, is a true testament to his re-reading of Sri Lankan history.

BY GAMINI KEERAWELLA

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