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Some election reminiscences

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A csynic once remarked that politics in Sri Lanka is ‘Poly tricks’ or ‘Podi tricks’, adding that half of the reputation of a politician was ruined by lies and the other half by the truth.

It was also his view that the gift of the gab and the toothy smile did not make one a politician. Nor does being obscure, inept, ill-educated, clueless, nonentities, verbosity.

Honesty, consistency, ability, hanydwork and commitment appear to be things of the past.

As usual various promises which could never be kept are made at elections.

The world’s first politician is said to have been Christopher Colombus. For, he did not know where he was going and also did not know where he had been. All that, he did at people’s expense.

Prior to 1947, the mode of voting was very simple. Each candidate was allotted a colour and the voting was by dropping the ballot paper into the ballot box bearing the candidate’s colour, The colours much in demand were yellow and red. Yellow, because it evoked a responsive chord amongst a great majority of the voters who were Buddhists. Red was favoured by the leftist parties. In Ruhuna, the Lion of Ruhuna, the late D.M. Rajapaksa, chose the colour brown, the colour of the soil and the staple diet of the poor, kurakkan (finger millet).

From 1947 a voter had to mark the ballot paper with a Cross (x) opposite the symbol of a candidates and drop it into a common ballot box.

In this constituency, the majority of the voters were semi-rustic humble people. And this candidate went from house-to-house canvassing. “I am contesting this seat and my symbol is the lamp. I hope you are voting for me,” he said.

“Of course Mahattaya, need you ask us that? We are certainly voting for you.” “When you get the ballot paper, please make a cross opposite my symbol.”

At the next house too, he introduced himself. “Why the devil should we vote for you? And what have you done for us? We are going to vote for the clock,” they rudely told him.

“Well, that is your privilege. Then in the square opposite my symbol (lamp), in the ballot paper, mark a cross to show that you reject me.”

In 1931, the Anuradhapura seat in the State Council comprised the entire North Central Province. Today, the NCP has been broken up into 10 seats, as the population has increased ten-fold, thanks to the colonisation schemes of the late Father of the Nation, D.S Senanayake. In 1931, one of the contestants for the Anuradhapura Seat was an Englishman named H.R. Freeman, a retired Government Agent who preferred to live with his beloved peasants of the Vanni. Freeman’s election campaign was a novel and even casual one. He did not ever ask a voter directly for his vote. He would walk into a village, and sit on a rock or a tree stump by the road, and when the adoring peasants surrounded him, as they always did, he would tell them in a very matter-of- fact manner, “‘When you get that piece of white paper and put it inside the BLUE box, I go to the Council.” And the villagers would immediately raise their hands to Heaven and cry “Sadhu! Sadhu! Sadhu!” “And if you put the paper into the RED box,” Freeman would continue, “I go to England.” “Apoi, hamuduruwane,” the villagers would wail, “Don’t do that! We will put the paper into your blue box!” The mini-meeting being over, Freeman would pick up his umbrella, and go on to the next ‘meeting’.

In the 1931 General Election to the Ceylon State Council, the Dumbara Seat was contested by the late A. Ratnayake (later President of the Senate), and the late M. B. W. Mediwaka, and their election campaigns were something that peace loving people would like to see today. They appeared on a common platform. How nice if we could revive this sporting and gentlemanly practice today.

During the General Election in 1989, Ranjan Wijayawardena, one of the UNP candidates for the Matara District, arrived at the Matara Textile Industries Centre premises with some of his supporters to hold an unscheduled election meeting. Just then, Mahinda Wijesekera, an SLFP candidate, also arrived at the same venue to have a meeting of his own. The two rival candidates conferred, and decided to have a joint meeting. Wijesekera was the first to speak and outlining and explaining the policies of the SLFP, he appealed to all those who were not going to vote for his party or him, to vote for Ranjan Wijewardena. Ranjan in turn, after explaining the policies of his party, exhorted those who were not voting for him, to vote for Mahinda Wijesekera. At the end of the meeting, the huge crowd that was present gave the two rival candidates a standing ovation for the sportsmanship they had displayed. Incidentally, both candidates were returned to Parliament from the Matara District.

At this time the election fever was hotting up. with even candidates from the same party fighting for the preferencial votes, on which depended their being elected to Parliament. It was in this atmosphere that an election meeting was held at the Mahajana Pola at Galewala in Matale. A candidate was speaking, when he saw a rival candidate from another party coming towards the Pola, about to turn back, on seeing the meeting of the rival group in progress. The speaker stopped speaking and hailed his rival over the loudspeaker. “I say, Mr…, don’t go! Come up here and join me!” The invitation was accepted, and the candidate who was speaking, introduced his rival to the crowd, adding that there would be so many who would not vote for him (the speaker), and appealed to them to vote for his rival. The rival candidate, when he was asked to speak, replied in the same vein, adding that his rival candidate was a very honest man just the sort of man needed in politics.”

Dr. S. A. Wickramasinghe, the leader of the Communist Party was on his feet, addressing one of his own election meetings, when a man came up to him and whispered something urgently in his ear. Dr. Wickramasinghe stopped his speech abruptly and rushed off the stage and into a waiting car. The message was from his rival candidate, Sarath Wijesinghe, saying that Wijesinghe’s only daughter was seriously ill. After attending to the patient, Dr. Wickremasinghe returned and continued his speech, but not a word did he say about where he had gone, and why. He could have made a tremendous political capital out of it, but, the gentleman that he was, he did not.

 

Many years ago, and a certain MP noted for his quick temper and impulsive ways sought re-election. One day, while he was going round the electorate, canvassing, a supporter of his rival was rather rude to the MP.

 

The MP gave the man back in kind, and as the verbal exchange became heated, the MP drew back his fist and let his constituent have it on the jaw. Three of the man’s teeth were broken and he immediately went to the police station and made an entry against the MP. The parliamentarian was charged with grievous hurt, and the- case was postponed. Supporters, and especially speakers at the election meetings of the rival candidate, were strictly warned by their party hierarchy not to refer in any way to the incident as the matter was ‘sub judice’. But one irrepressible speaker was not to be put off so easily. Speaking at one of the MP’s rival’s meetings, this man said, “Sahodarawaruni it is nice to be loved by one’s wife. But my wife is overdoing her solicitousness for me. Every time I address a meeting and go home, she promptly grabs me and counts my teeth to see if any are missing!”

Talking of belligerent MPs, there was this not too popular chap who was nominated by his party to a certain seat. On the nomination day, as he returned home from the Kachcheri after handing in his papers, there were the usual wayside receptions and garlands. He was garlanded no less than nine times. The candidate reached his house, and leaping out of his car, grabbed his chief political catcher by the arm, and dragged him inside. Soon the people who had gathered at his house heard a loud altercation and the sound of a few slaps. They rushed into the house to see what the matter was, only to hear the would-be MP shout, Yakko, I gave you money for TEN garlands, and I got only nine!”

In one election, the doughty LSSPer Robert Gunawardena, was challenged by a prominent Buddhist coming from a very famous family which had been in the forefront of the battle for the emancipation of Buddhists and Buddhism from the restrictions placed on them by the British Raj. In his manifesto, this information of his famous family and that fact that he went to Dambadiva (the historical name for India) twice a year on pilgrimage were mentioned as qualifications. At one of his own election meetings, Robert Gunawardena, held up his opponent’s manifesto and said with withering scorn, “Sahodarawaruni, if going to Dambadiva twice a year is a qualification, then my barber is more qualified than this candidate, for that fellow goes to Dambadiva FOUR times a year!” (What Robert did not mention was that his barber was an Indian).

“In the general election of 1965 an SLFP Minister seeking re-election, had got off the stage after his speech, at one of his own election meetings, and surrounded by his cheering supporters, was making his way to his car to go to another meeting. He opened the door of his vehicle, but before he could get in, the huge crowd, surged forward, and the Minister’s hand got wedged in the door.

“Atha Atha!” (hand, hand!), yelled the politico, wincing in pain.

JAYAWEWA!” shouted the crowd, thinking he was referring to the SLFP symbol.

“Na, na, magey atha!” screamed the politico.

“Jayawewa!” roared the crowd….

Led by Somaweera Chandrasiri, the Poet of the Revolution, ‘hitivana kavi’ (impromptu verses) played an integral part at election meetings. Once when Ariyawansa Pathiraja, the famous Sinhala poet, was addressing an election meeting at Kotte, someone whispered to him that people from the enemy camp were recording his speech. Pathiraja immediately stopped his speech, and broke out into an impromptu verse:

 

Jathiya wanasala mage mulu rata holla

Newathath awuth apage chandaya illa

Tape karanawalu mun ayinak alla

Patigatha wenna honda hoowak daapalla

(“They’ve ruined our nation and shaken our country to its foundations. And now, once again they [impertinently] ask for our votes. Apparently they are furtively recording [my speech]. Let’s sound a big hoot they can tape.”) And the crowd responded with a mighty hoot!

About thirty years ago, a prominent local Marxist leader was addressing a public meeting, his theme being the equitable distribution of wealth. As he spoke, a young man in the crowd yelled out, “Everybody knows you are a very rich capitalist, Sahodaraya, so why don’t you set an example by distributing YOUR wealth among the people?”

The Marxist leader put his hand into his pocket, and taking out a ten-cent coin, tossed it to the young man. “I am worth about ten lakhs,” said the Marxist. “The population of this country is about ten million, and if my wealth is distributed among them, each person will get exactly ten cents! And now that you have got your share of my wealth, Sahodaraya allow me to go on with my speech!”

During one of those regular S. de S. Jayasinghe – Colvin R de Silva bouts for the Dehiwala-Galkissa Seat at one General Election, S de S. Jayasinghe speaking at one of his own election meetings said confidently, “I am winning this election, nonawaruni mahathwaruni! For my name begins with ‘Jaya’; Jaya for victory!” Speaking at one of his meeting a few days later,’ Dr. Colvin R. de Silva said, “I am told that my opponent Mr. Jayasinghe is bragging that he is going to be victorious, because his name begins with ‘Jaya’. Yes, Sahodara Sahodariyani! because his name begins with ‘jaya’ he may seem to win at the beginning, but come election day and I shall be the winner, for MY name ENDS with WIN.



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Rebuilding Sri Lanka Through Inclusive Governance

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Management Committee of the 'Rebuilding Sri Lanka' Fund Appointed with Representatives from the Public and Private Sectors - PMD

In the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah, the government has moved swiftly to establish a Presidential Task Force for Rebuilding Sri Lanka with a core committee to assess requirements, set priorities, allocate resources and raise and disburse funds. Public reaction, however, has focused on the committee’s problematic composition. All eleven committee members are men, and all non-government seats are held by business personalities with no known expertise in complex national development projects, disaster management and addressing the needs of vulnerable populations. They belong to the top echelon of Sri Lanka’s private sector which has been making extraordinary profits. The government has been urged by civil society groups to reconsider the role and purpose of this task force and reconstitute it to be more representative of the country and its multiple  needs.

 The group of high-powered businessmen initially appointed might greatly help mobilise funds from corporates and international donors, but this group may be ill equipped to determine priorities and oversee disbursement and spending. It would be necessary to separate fundraising, fund oversight and spending prioritisation, given the different capabilities and considerations required for each. International experience in post disaster recovery shows that inclusive and representative structures are more likely to produce outcomes that are equitable, efficient and publicly accepted. Civil society, for instance, brings knowledge rooted in communities, experience in working with vulnerable groups and a capacity to question assumptions that may otherwise go unchallenged.

 A positive and important development is that the government has been responsive to these criticisms and has invited at least one civil society representative to join the Rebuilding Sri Lanka committee. This decision deserves to be taken seriously and responded to positively by civil society which needs to call for more representation rather than a single representative.  Such a demand would reflect an understanding that rebuilding after a national disaster cannot be undertaken by the state and the business community alone. The inclusion of civil society will strengthen transparency and public confidence, particularly at a moment when trust in institutions remains fragile. While one appointment does not in itself ensure inclusive governance, it opens the door to a more participatory approach that needs to be expanded and institutionalised.

Costly Exclusions

 Going  down the road of history, the absence of inclusion in government policymaking has cost the country dearly. The exclusion of others, not of one’s own community or political party, started at the very dawn of Independence in 1948. The Father of the Nation, D S Senanayake, led his government to exclude the Malaiyaha Tamil community by depriving them of their citizenship rights. Eight years later, in 1956, the Oxford educated S W R D Bandaranaike effectively excluded the Tamil speaking people from the government by making Sinhala the sole official language. These early decisions normalised exclusion as a tool of governance rather than accommodation and paved the way for seven decades of political conflict and three decades of internal war.

Exclusion has also taken place virulently on a political party basis. Both of Sri Lanka’s post Independence constitutions were decided on by the government alone. The opposition political parties voted against the new constitutions of 1972 and 1977 because they had been excluded from participating in their design. The proposals they had made were not accepted. The basic law of the country was never forged by consensus. This legacy continues to shape adversarial politics and institutional fragility. The exclusion of other communities and political parties from decision making has led to frequent reversals of government policy. Whether in education or economic regulation or foreign policy, what one government has done the successor government has undone.

 Sri Lanka’s poor performance in securing the foreign investment necessary for rapid economic growth can be attributed to this factor in the main. Policy instability is not simply an economic problem but a political one rooted in narrow ownership of power. In 2022, when the people went on to the streets to protest against the government and caused it to fall, they demanded system change in which their primary focus was corruption, which had reached very high levels both literally and figuratively. The focus on corruption, as being done by the government at present, has two beneficial impacts for the government. The first is that it ensures that a minimum of resources will be wasted so that the maximum may be used for the people’s welfare.

Second Benefit

 The second benefit is that by focusing on the crime of corruption, the government can disable many leaders in the opposition. The more opposition leaders who are behind bars on charges of corruption, the less competition the government faces. Yet these gains do not substitute for the deeper requirement of inclusive governance. The present government seems to have identified corruption as the problem it will emphasise. However, reducing or eliminating corruption by itself is not going to lead to rapid economic development. Corruption is not the sole reason for the absence of economic growth. The most important factor in rapid economic growth is to have government policies that are not reversed every time a new government comes to power.

 For Sri Lanka to make the transition to self-sustaining and rapid economic development, it is necessary that the economic policies followed today are not reversed tomorrow. The best way to ensure continuity of policy is to be inclusive in governance. Instead of excluding those in the opposition, the mainstream opposition in particular needs to be included. In terms of system change, the government has scored high with regard to corruption. There is a general feeling that corruption in the country is much reduced compared to the past. However, with regard to inclusion the government needs to demonstrate more commitment. This was evident in the initial choice of cabinet ministers, who were nearly all men from the majority ethnic community. Important committees it formed, including the Presidential Task Force for a Clean Sri Lanka and the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force, also failed at first to reflect the diversity of the country.

 In a multi ethnic and multi religious society like Sri Lanka, inclusivity is not merely symbolic. It is essential for addressing diverse perspectives and fostering mutual understanding. It is important to have members of the Tamil, Muslim and other minority communities, and women who are 52 percent of the population, appointed to important decision making bodies, especially those tasked with national recovery. Without such representation, the risk is that the very communities most affected by the crisis will remain unheard, and old grievances will be reproduced in new forms. The invitation extended to civil society to participate in the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force is an important beginning. Whether it becomes a turning point will depend on whether the government chooses to make inclusion a principle of governance rather than treat it as a show of concession made under pressure.

by Jehan Perera

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Reservoir operation and flooding

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Floods caused by Cyclone Ditwah

Former Director General of Irrigation, G.T. Dharmasena, in an article, titled “Revival of Innovative systems for reservoir operation and flood forecasting” in The Island of 17 December, 2025, starts out by stating:

“Most reservoirs in Sri Lanka are agriculture and hydropower dominated. Reservoir operators are often unwilling to acknowledge the flood detention capability of major reservoirs during the onset of monsoons. Deviating from the traditional priority for food production and hydropower development, it is time to reorient the operational approach of major reservoirs operators under extreme events, where flood control becomes a vital function. While admitting that total elimination of flood impacts is not technically feasible, the impacts can be reduced by efficient operation of reservoirs and effective early warning systems”.

Addressing the question often raised by the public as to “Why is flooding more prominent downstream of reservoirs compared to the period before they were built,” Mr. Dharmasena cites the following instances: “For instance, why do (sic) Magama in Tissamaharama face floods threats after the construction of the massive Kirindi Oya reservoir? Similarly, why does Ambalantota flood after the construction of Udawalawe Reservoir? Furthermore, why is Molkawa, in the Kalutara District area, getting flooded so often after the construction of Kukule reservoir”?

“These situations exist in several other river basins, too. Engineers must, therefore, be mindful of the need to strictly control the operation of the reservoir gates by their field staff. (Since) “The actual field situation can sometimes deviate significantly from the theoretical technology… it is necessary to examine whether gate operators are strictly adhering to the operational guidelines, as gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”.

COMMENT

For Mr. Dharmasena to bring to the attention of the public that “gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”, is being disingenuous, after accepting flooding as a way of life for ALL major reservoirs for decades and not doing much about it. As far as the public is concerned, their expectation is that the Institution responsible for Reservoir Management should, not only develop the necessary guidelines to address flooding but also ensure that they are strictly administered by those responsible, without leaving it to the arbitrary discretion of field staff. This exercise should be reviewed annually after each monsoon, if lives are to be saved and livelihoods are to be sustained.

IMPACT of GATE OPERATION on FLOODING

According to Mr. Dhamasena, “Major reservoir spillways are designed for very high return periods… If the spillway gates are opened fully when reservoir is at full capacity, this can produce an artificial flood of a very large magnitude… Therefore, reservoir operators must be mindful in this regard to avoid any artificial flood creation” (Ibid). Continuing, he states: “In reality reservoir spillways are often designed for the sole safety of the reservoir structure, often compromising the safety of the downstream population. This design concept was promoted by foreign agencies in recent times to safeguard their investment for dams. Consequently, the discharge capacities of these spill gates significantly exceed the natural carrying capacity of river(s) downstream” (Ibid).

COMMENT

The design concept where priority is given to the “sole safety of the structure” that causes the discharge capacity of spill gates to “significantly exceed” the carrying capacity of the river is not limited to foreign agencies. Such concepts are also adopted by local designers as well, judging from the fact that flooding is accepted as an inevitable feature of reservoirs. Since design concepts in their current form lack concern for serious destructive consequences downstream and, therefore, unacceptable, it is imperative that the Government mandates that current design criteria are revisited as a critical part of the restoration programme.

CONNECTIVITY BETWEEN GATE OPENINGS and SAFETY MEASURES

It is only after the devastation of historic proportions left behind by Cyclone Ditwah that the Public is aware that major reservoirs are designed with spill gate openings to protect the safety of the structure without factoring in the consequences downstream, such as the safety of the population is an unacceptable proposition. The Institution or Institutions associated with the design have a responsibility not only to inform but also work together with Institutions such as Disaster Management and any others responsible for the consequences downstream, so that they could prepare for what is to follow.

Without working in isolation and without limiting it only to, informing related Institutions, the need is for Institutions that design reservoirs to work as a team with Forecasting and Disaster Management and develop operational frameworks that should be institutionalised and approved by the Cabinet of Ministers. The need is to recognize that without connectivity between spill gate openings and safety measures downstream, catastrophes downstream are bound to recur.

Therefore, the mandate for dam designers and those responsible for disaster management and forecasting should be for them to jointly establish guidelines relating to what safety measures are to be adopted for varying degrees of spill gate openings. For instance, the carrying capacity of the river should relate with a specific openinig of the spill gate. Another specific opening is required when the population should be compelled to move to high ground. The process should continue until the spill gate opening is such that it warrants the population to be evacuated. This relationship could also be established by relating the spill gate openings to the width of the river downstream.

The measures recommended above should be backed up by the judicious use of the land within the flood plain of reservoirs for “DRY DAMS” with sufficient capacity to intercept part of the spill gate discharge from which excess water could be released within the carrying capacity of the river. By relating the capacity of the DRY DAM to the spill gate opening, a degree of safety could be established. However, since the practice of demarcating flood plains is not taken seriously by the Institution concerned, the Government should introduce a Bill that such demarcations are made mandatory as part of State Land in the design and operation of reservoirs. Adopting such a practice would not only contribute significantly to control flooding, but also save lives by not permitting settlement but permitting agricultural activities only within these zones. Furthermore, the creation of an intermediate zone to contain excess flood waters would not tax the safety measures to the extent it would in the absence of such a safety net.

CONCLUSION

Perhaps, the towns of Kotmale and Gampola suffered severe flooding and loss of life because the opening of spill gates to release the unprecedented volumes of water from Cyclone Ditwah, was warranted by the need to ensure the safety of Kotmale and Upper Kotmale Dams.

This and other similar disasters bring into focus the connectivity that exists between forecasting, operation of spill gates, flooding and disaster management. Therefore, it is imperative that the government introduce the much-needed legislative and executive measures to ensure that the agencies associated with these disciplines develop a common operational framework to mitigate flooding and its destructive consequences. A critical feature of such a framework should be the demarcation of the flood plain, and decree that land within the flood plain is a zone set aside for DRY DAMS, planted with trees and free of human settlements, other than for agricultural purposes. In addition, the mandate of such a framework should establish for each river basin the relationship between the degree to which spill gates are opened with levels of flooding and appropriate safety measures.

The government should insist that associated Agencies identify and conduct a pilot project to ascertain the efficacy of the recommendations cited above and if need be, modify it accordingly, so that downstream physical features that are unique to each river basin are taken into account and made an integral feature of reservoir design. Even if such restrictions downstream limit the capacities to store spill gate discharges, it has to be appreciated that providing such facilities within the flood plain to any degree would mitigate the destructive consequences of the flooding.

By Neville Ladduwahetty

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Listening to the Language of Shells

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The ocean rarely raises its voice. Instead, it leaves behind signs — subtle, intricate and enduring — for those willing to observe closely. Along Sri Lanka’s shores, these signs often appear in the form of seashells: spiralled, ridged, polished by waves, carrying within them the quiet history of marine life. For Marine Naturalist Dr. Malik Fernando, these shells are not souvenirs of the sea but storytellers, bearing witness to ecological change, resilience and loss.

“Seashells are among the most eloquent narrators of the ocean’s condition,” Dr. Fernando told The Island. “They are biological archives. If you know how to read them, they reveal the story of our seas, past and present.”

A long-standing marine conservationist and a member of the Marine Subcommittee of the Wildlife & Nature Protection Society (WNPS), Dr. Fernando has dedicated much of his life to understanding and protecting Sri Lanka’s marine ecosystems. While charismatic megafauna often dominate conservation discourse, he has consistently drawn attention to less celebrated but equally vital marine organisms — particularly molluscs, whose shells are integral to coastal and reef ecosystems.

“Shells are often admired for their beauty, but rarely for their function,” he said. “They are homes, shields and structural components of marine habitats. When shell-bearing organisms decline, it destabilises entire food webs.”

Sri Lanka’s geographical identity as an island nation, Dr. Fernando says, is paradoxically underrepresented in national conservation priorities. “We speak passionately about forests and wildlife on land, but our relationship with the ocean remains largely extractive,” he noted. “We fish, mine sand, build along the coast and pollute, yet fail to pause and ask how much the sea can endure.”

Through his work with the WNPS Marine Subcommittee, Dr. Fernando has been at the forefront of advocating for science-led marine policy and integrated coastal management. He stressed that fragmented governance and weak enforcement continue to undermine marine protection efforts. “The ocean does not recognise administrative boundaries,” he said. “But unfortunately, our policies often do.”

He believes that one of the greatest challenges facing marine conservation in Sri Lanka is invisibility. “What happens underwater is out of sight, and therefore out of mind,” he said. “Coral bleaching, mollusc depletion, habitat destruction — these crises unfold silently. By the time the impacts reach the shore, it is often too late.”

Seashells, in this context, become messengers. Changes in shell thickness, size and abundance, Dr. Fernando explained, can signal shifts in ocean chemistry, rising temperatures and increasing acidity — all linked to climate change. “Ocean acidification weakens shells,” he said. “It is a chemical reality with biological consequences. When shells grow thinner, organisms become more vulnerable, and ecosystems less stable.”

Climate change, he warned, is no longer a distant threat but an active force reshaping Sri Lanka’s marine environment. “We are already witnessing altered breeding cycles, migration patterns and species distribution,” he said. “Marine life is responding rapidly. The question is whether humans will respond wisely.”

Despite the gravity of these challenges, Dr. Fernando remains an advocate of hope rooted in knowledge. He believes public awareness and education are essential to reversing marine degradation. “You cannot expect people to protect what they do not understand,” he said. “Marine literacy must begin early — in schools, communities and through public storytelling.”

It is this belief that has driven his involvement in initiatives that use visual narratives to communicate marine science to broader audiences. According to Dr. Fernando, imagery, art and heritage-based storytelling can evoke emotional connections that data alone cannot. “A well-composed image of a shell can inspire curiosity,” he said. “Curiosity leads to respect, and respect to protection.”

Shells, he added, also hold cultural and historical significance in Sri Lanka, having been used for ornamentation, ritual objects and trade for centuries. “They connect nature and culture,” he said. “By celebrating shells, we are also honouring coastal communities whose lives have long been intertwined with the sea.”

However, Dr. Fernando cautioned against romanticising the ocean without acknowledging responsibility. “Celebration must go hand in hand with conservation,” he said. “Otherwise, we risk turning heritage into exploitation.”

He was particularly critical of unregulated shell collection and commercialisation. “What seems harmless — picking up shells — can have cumulative impacts,” he said. “When multiplied across thousands of visitors, it becomes extraction.”

As Sri Lanka continues to promote coastal tourism, Dr. Fernando emphasised the need for sustainability frameworks that prioritise ecosystem health. “Tourism must not come at the cost of the very environments it depends on,” he said. “Marine conservation is not anti-development; it is pro-future.”

Dr. Malik Fernando

Reflecting on his decades-long engagement with the sea, Dr. Fernando described marine conservation as both a scientific pursuit and a moral obligation. “The ocean has given us food, livelihoods, climate regulation and beauty,” he said. “Protecting it is not an act of charity; it is an act of responsibility.”

He called for stronger collaboration between scientists, policymakers, civil society and the private sector. “No single entity can safeguard the ocean alone,” he said. “Conservation requires collective stewardship.”

Yet, amid concern, Dr. Fernando expressed cautious optimism. “Sri Lanka still has immense marine wealth,” he said. “Our reefs, seagrass beds and coastal waters are resilient, if given a chance.”

Standing at the edge of the sea, shells scattered along the sand, one is reminded that the ocean does not shout its warnings. It leaves behind clues — delicate, enduring, easily overlooked. For Dr. Malik Fernando, those clues demand attention.

“The sea is constantly communicating,” he said. “In shells, in currents, in changing patterns of life. The real question is whether we, as a society, are finally prepared to listen — and to act before silence replaces the story.”

 

By Ifham Nizam

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