Opinion
Saying NO to authoritarian governance
We, the undersigned individuals from academia, the professions, the corporate sector, the clergy, and civil society organisations, join all those citizens and groups in condemning the abduction, arrest, detention without due process, and other acts of abusive Presidential and State authority, committed against persons who participated in the Aragalaya Peoples’ Movement. We condemn the acts of violence that occurred during this time. However, we reject the narrative that the Aragalaya was responsible for the violence, and that it has been transformed into a “fascist,” “anarchist,” “terrorist,” group, that has destroyed State and private property, and is determined to destabilise our country. We also reject the constant and dangerous media messages reinforcing this state rhetoric, and aimed at discrediting the movement. Various peaceful struggles of the people, as in the recent past in the North and the East, have been discredited in a similar manner with similar rationales. A country which has been reduced to a failed state, cannot afford any longer to tolerate this false and arrogant disregard of the voice of the People by the government.
The short history of the Aragalaya movement is part of our national history, and we must reject the efforts of the President, the current Pohottuwa government with its ever present Rajapaksa family, and even some sections of the media, to represent the Aragalaya as a fascist, terrorist, movement and distort that reality.
The Aragalaya Movement has attempted to hold the Pohottuwa government in office, responsible for the country’s bankruptcy and the denial of basic needs of the People, in an unprecedented context of economic and political instability and chaos. Our Constitution in its Preamble assures to all of us “freedom … and fundamental rights as “the intangible heritage that guarantees the dignity and wellbeing of succeeding generations of the People”. The “freely elected Representatives of the People” in pursuance of that mandate are required to “humbly acknowledge (their) obligations to the People.” These foundational values are incorporated in the specific Articles 3 and 4 of the Constitution, and have been interpreted many times in our Supreme Court.
Sovereignty is therefore in the “People,” and Parliament and the Executive must exercise their powers in a manner that ensures that Sovereignty can be “exercised and enjoyed” by the People (Article 4). Fundamental rights must be “respected, secured and advanced” by both these organs of government (Article 4(d) and CANNOT be restricted except when it is legal, proportionate and reasonable, in the manner defined in Article 15.
The Aragalaya and its objectives of challenging bad governance, therefore, conforms to the demands and vision of the Constitution on the responsibilities of Parliament and the Executive in governance. The phrase “lost mandate” used in the Aragalaya, refers to the loss of the Pohottuwa President’s and government’s right to exercise their powers of governance, as the legislature and executive on behalf of the Sovereign People. A government forfeits its mandate to govern by gross mismanagement, abuse of power and corruption, and by destroying social cohesion through its anti-minority rhetoric. We must remember that the Aragalaya movement also established a lost connectivity in this country between individuals and communities of different races and religions. This was a powerful statement of a unity of purpose and vision, and togetherness between majority and minority communities, in a country which had experienced the trauma of ethnic and religious conflict.
It is because the People related to this idea of the lost mandate, and a common national identity that the Aragalaya was able to mobilize broad based support, especially among the youth of this country. We as citizens must recognize that we have a right to struggle for transformative change in governance. The right to freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of speech and information, freedom of protest are legitimate forms of democratic dissent and part of this right. The history of countries shows it is the exercise of the right of dissent and the claiming of rights by broad based People’s movements, that helps achieve political transformation including institutional reforms. We must therefore challenge President Wickremesinghe and the government’s attempts to say that there is a difference between an aragalaya (struggle) and a ‘kerella’ (rebellion).
We call upon our fellow citizens to understand and reflect on these realities. They should not be misled by this false and devious narrative. It is critically important, at this time of national crisis, to reject the authoritarian governance of President Wickremesinghe and the Pohottuwa government, in the name of law and order. We must remember that the takeover of the President’s House and state buildings on 9th July by the Aragalaya movement was peaceful, and not accompanied by violence to persons or property. The looting and destruction of property in these buildings that occurred later, after the protesters left the premises, was because the government and law enforcement authorities made no effort to be present at those locations, and prevent such lawlessness. In retrospect it seems as if this was deliberate, and intended to discredit the Aragalaya movement.
We must remind ourselves that it was the Aragalaya protesters who handed over to the Police cash amounting to millions of rupees found in President’s House. Any shortfall in the amount handed over by the protesters must surely be explained by the Police, who had custody of this cash for three weeks. The Aragalaya activists gathered near Parliament, but did not attempt to storm the Parliament building. They stated publicly that they would not gather near Parliament during and before the proceedings connected with the election of the new President. When the President states that the Aragalaya movement was meant to overthrow and undermine the institution of Parliament by force, he is denying these realities. Contrast the events of 2018, when Parliamentarians perpetrated acts of violence and destroyed property and denigrated the office of the Speaker of the House, within the Chamber of Parliament. This was with complete impunity. Shockingly, Minister Bandula Gunewardene of the Pohottuwa government, even said in Parliament recently that impunity was a part of Parliamentary privilege. This highlights that the narrative about extra Constitutional and anarchist efforts to capture governance is flawed.
It is also ironical that the Aragalaya is now being accused of unlawfully entering State property and looting artifacts and damaging state property, when the enormous financial loss caused to the country by corruption and gross mismanagement of national resources by politicians and public officials of this government, and in the Bond scam during the Yahapalanaya government, have not been prosecuted in any legal proceedings. No one has up to now been held accountable, despite the appointment of many Commissions, and frequent investigations.
The President’s new discourse outlined in his policy statements to Parliament and the nation, suggests that the State is going to make institutional arrangements to sponsor the Aragalaya with hotlines, a high-powered committee and administrative arrangements. This is surely a peculiar interpretation of the abiding values embedded in the right of protest and dissent of the People. Amazingly, these plans and policies of the President have been combined with the declaration of a State of Emergency accompanied by draconian Gazette regulations. These measures have empowered the armed forces and the police to suppress dissent, and violate the constitutionally guaranteed fundamental rights of citizens. The President’s constant adulation of the military, his frequent visits and interactions with the armed forces, send a chilling message of militarism in governance. These actions are supported by a reckless, irresponsible, and sometimes corrupt constituency of Pohottuwa Parliamentarians, who helped to elect President Wickremasinghe to office, and are still members of this government.Given these appalling realities, we as citizens ask the President and the Opposition Parties to address the following important matters.
For the President:
1. Recognise that in our Constitution Article 4, the Executive President holds office as the person “ELECTED BY THE PEOPLE.” The Constitution provides for a transfer of power to a President ELECTED BY MEMBERS OF PARLIAMENT due to a vacancy in the Presidency. This should not be interpreted to mean that a President who takes office, after a discredited ex-President has vacated the post, can claim to hold office for the balance term of that ex-President, and his government. The loss of legitimacy of the predecessor President and government surely affects the idea of continuity. President Wickremesinghe should, therefore, in keeping with foundational democratic values, not seek to hold office for the full BALANCE TERM of the former President.
2. Clarify what he means by the mandate given to him to “introduce systemic change in governance on behalf of the silent majority.” All we see is that he has engaged in various measures which entrench dictatorial governance. Even more dangerously, he is justifying authoritarianism in governance on the myth of threats to national security. He is also framing the need for national unity and an all-party consensus at this time, as the essential need for cooperation from the opposition parties, with the discredited Pohottuwa government.
This is in fact encouraging the public and these parties to disregard the flagrant corruption and abuse of power that caused this dreadful man-made disaster in our country, and the very rationale for Gotabaya Rajapaksa being forced to run away. We are encouraged to forget why all his family members were forced out of office. After all, it was the Aragalaya initiative that helped the nation to recognise the responsibilities and accountability of the Rajapaksa led Pohottuwa government for abysmal governance and abuse of power.
3. We call upon him to act on the clearly articulated demands of the Aragalaya. Their concept of systemic change is a corruption free government that is not engaged in reckless abuse of powers. They want an abolition of the Executive Presidency, and strong institutions that respect the rights and needs of the People. Therefore, fulfilling his oath of office, the President must WITHDRAW THE STATE OF EMERGENCY which has NO RATIONALE OR JUSTIFICATION WHATSOEVER at this time. He must respect, protect and implement the fundamental rights of the People, including the right to protest and dissent. Such action must be accompanied by the release of all those participants in the Aragalaya held in custody under orders of arrest and detention, and restoration of their right to freedom of movement and overseas travel.
4. Recognising himself as an INTERIM PRESIDENT he must act under the Constitutional provisions and hold a General Election as soon as he is empowered to dissolve Parliament. This will enable the country to decide on the next government. In the interim period, he should implement the general demand in the country today for a government representative of all parties, without reinstating the discredited Pohottuwa government. He clearly made a promise to the nation on the 13th of July that he would resign as PM and only hold office till an all-party interim government was appointed. The huge trust deficit that he acknowledged then must be recognised now by President Wickremesinghe, if he is to lead an all-party interim government.
5. President Wickremesinghe should not waste time on ad hoc Constitutional reforms such as the 22nd Amendment. Even the much publicized 19th Amendment had serious problems achieving a balance of powers between President and Prime Minister. It had many other shortcomings, as evidenced in the constitutional crisis of 2018. The President should immediately take steps to ensure the abolition of the Executive Presidency before Parliamentary elections are held. The 21st Amendment that went before the courts, addressed this critical demand for constitutional reform and an early abolition of the Executive Presidency. This can be enacted without delay with a time frame for transfer of power.
For the Opposition Parties:
Respond to the current situation in the interests of the nation, but not in such a manner as to ensure the continuation of the Pohottuwa Cabinet and government. We expect them to also respect and advance the fundamental rights of the People. They must take a stand on repealing the Emergency and in particular in supporting an interim All-Party government, that does not seek to deny or restrict the right of dissent and protest of the People. This must be their contribution to helping the All-Party Interim government this country needs at this time. Co-operation with a discredited government is not a solution to the current economic and political crisis, though it is advocated by some religious leaders and some media.
In conclusion, if President Ranil Wickremesinghe takes the above course of action, he will be recognized by the country as a person who lived up to his declared commitment to a system of Parliamentary democracy, and respect for the Rule of Law, in such a system. He should not acquire the mantle of “strong man” leadership and authoritarian governance, that yoke of corrupt and selfish Rajapaksa family rule of decades, that has burdened this country and almost destroyed it. If he does so, he will not lead Sri Lanka to an era of economic recovery, and political stability (including resolution of national question), but rather throw us all into an abyss of continuing unaccountable and undemocratic governance.
1. Prof. Arjuna Aluwihare, Emeritus Professor of Surgery, University of Peradeniya 2. Prof. Savitri Goonesekere – Emeritus Professor of Law, former Vice Chancellor, University of Colombo 3. Prof. Harendra de Silva – Emeritus Professor of Paediatrics, University of Colombo
4. Prof. Jayadeva Uyangoda –Emeritus Professor , University of Colombo
5. Prof. Priyan Dias -Emeritus Professor, University of Moratuwa
6. Prof. Deepika Udagama – University of Peradeniya
7. Prof. Arjuna Parakrama – University of Peradeniya ,
8. Prof. Gameela Samarasinghe – University of Colombo
9. Prof. Camena Guneratne –Open University of Sri Lanka
10. Prof. Sasanka Perera – Department of Sociology, South Asian University
11. Bishop Duleep de Chickera
12. Bishop Kumara Illangasinghe
13. Dr.G.Usvatte-aratchi – Economist, UN Secretariat in New York City, formerly Chairman, PAFFREL and Chairman, Law and Society Trust
14. Dr. Ranil Abayasekara – Senior Lecturer (retired), University of Peradeniya
15. Dr. Ranjini Obeyesekere- Retired Prof. Princeton University, USA
16. Ameer Faaiz – Attorney at Law
17. Rev. Dr. Jayasiri Peiris
18. Dr. Sakuntala Kadirgamar – Executive Director, Law and Society Trust
19. Dr. Mario Gomez- Director, International Centre for Ethnic Studies
20. Dr. Chulani Kodikara- Researcher
21. Dr. D. C. Ambalavanar – Visiting Lecturer in Surgery, University of Jaffna
22. Dr. A C Visvalingam – former President, Citizens Movement for Good Governance
23. Rev. Andrew Devadason – Clergy, Anglican Church, Diocese of Colombo
24. Rajan Asirwathan – Former Precedent Partner and Country Head K PMG and former Chairman, Bank of Ceylon
25. Chandra Jayaratne – former Chairman, Ceylon Chamber of Commerce
26. Aneesa Firthous – Human Rights Activist
27. Aruna Shantha Nonis – Convenor, Janodaanya (Upward Breathing of People )
28. Dr. Farah Mihlar -Senior Lecturer, University of Exeter
29. Shiekh M.B.M.Firthous – Chairman, Bismi Institute
30. Ashila Niroshine Dandeniya- Executive Director, Stand Up Movement Lanka
31. Bisliya Bhutto – Former Member of Puttalam Pradeshiya Sabha
32. Buhary Mohamed- Human Rights Activist
33. Herman Kumara- National Convener, NAFSO
34. Christopher Dias
35. Deekshya Illangasinghe – Activist
36. Fr Nandana
37. Visakha Tillekeratne – Consultant, Food and Nutrition,
38. Geetha Lakmini Fernando .-Executive Director, Shramabhimani Kendraye
39. Juwairiya Mohideen- Women’s Rights Activist
40. Hemamali Perera- Attorney at Law, Human Rights Activist,
41. Jansila Majeed – Women Rights Activist
42. K. J. Brito Fernando – President, Families of the Disappeared
43. Marisa de Silva
44. Rev. Niroshan de Mel – Vicar of St. Michael and All Angels Church, Colombo 3
45. K.Nihal Ahamed -Social and Environment Activist, Katugastota
46. Shreen Saroor -Human Rights Activist
47. Krishanti Dharmaraj – Human Rights Advocate
48. Fr. Sarath Iddamalgoda
49. Mahaluxmy Kurushanthan – Women’s Rights Activist
50. Soraya M Deen – Attorney-at-Law
51. Mahishaa Balraj -Attorney-at-Law
52. Rev. Andrew Devadason- Anglican Church, Diocese of Colombo
53. Marian Pradeepa Sudarshani Coonghe – Administrative Secretary, Janawaboda Kendraya
54. Minoli de Soysa -Editor and writer
55. Mohamed Fairooz, – Journalist
56. Ranitha Gnanarajah -Attorney at Law
57. P. Jeyatheepa -Counsellor.
58. Fr. Adikarage Don Bennette Chrysanthus Mellawa- Director, Caritas Anuradhapura
59. S.C.C.Elankovan – Lawyer and Development Consultant
60. Janakie Abeywardane- Development Researcher
61. Mahbooba Rifaideen – Attorney at Law
62. P.M. Mujeebur Rahman – Journalist
63. Jayani Abeysekara- Human Rights Activist
64. Vanie Simon -Women’s Rights Activist
65. P.N.Singham – Activist
66. Fr. Rohan Silva – Director, Centre for Society and Religion
67. Sheila Richards – Civil Society Activist
68. Ramani Muttettuwegama,-Attorney at Law
69. Thiru Kandiah- Retired Academic
70. Yohesan Casiechetty – Attorney-at-Law and former Headmaster, St. Thomas’ Preparatory School, Kollupitiya
71. Ruwan Laknath Jayakody -Writer
72. S. Sumithra – Human rights Activist
73. Saman Kapila Wijesuriya -Co-Convenor Global Alliance for Justice for Easter Sunday Victims
74. P. Muthulingam- Executive Director, Institute of Social Development
75. Sandun Thudugala – Director Programmes and Operations, Law and Society Trust
76. Sirany Thevakumar – Community Activist
77. Rev. Rosairo SJ -. Chaplin Home for the Elders,
78. Sr. Deepa Fernando – Holy Family Congregation
79. Suren D. Perera – Attorney at Law,
80. Upendra Gunesekere – Human Rights activist
81. Safana Gul Begum -Attorney at Law
82. Vincent Bulathsinghala – Attorney at Law ,
83. Y.M Nawarathna – Human Rights Activist
Opinion
War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II
Broader Strategic Consequences
One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.
Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.
The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.
A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system
The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.
The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.
The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.
Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.
Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.
However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.
Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon
History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.
European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.
by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)
Opinion
University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way
130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key
Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.
Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility
Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.
Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses
The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.
Partnerships That Protect Quality
Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.
Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy
Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.
Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom
Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.
Making the Most of What We Have
Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.
A Call to Action
Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.
“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”
Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna
by Dr. Arosh Bandula
Opinion
Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security
As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.
Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.
In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.
Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.
When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?
The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.
The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.
Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.
Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.
In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.
At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.
A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:
· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
·
· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
·
· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.
The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.
There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.
As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.
Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.
The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.
In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.
Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.
by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)
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