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PRESIDENT’S NEED TO BUILD TRUST AT ALL LEVELS TO GET REFORMS THROUGH

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President Ranil Wickremesinghe

by Jehan Perera

The need to cope with the immediate realities of economic collapse and the resulting political protests have occupied the center stage of political interest for the past two years.  But now President Ranil Wickremesinghe has brought the ethnic problem and reconciliation process back to the center stage of national politics, where it should be.  The unresolved ethnic conflict continues to exert a baleful influence on the country’s efforts to respond to the economic and political crises.  The belief that the ethnic conflict ended on the battlefields of Mullaitivu with the elimination of the LTTE leadership has long proved to be unfounded.  The weakening of internal and overt Tamil resistance to domination by the centralised state has been accompanied by a strengthening of external interventions.

 At its last session, the UN Human Rights Commissioner declared that whatever evidence they were gathering on human rights violations in Sri Lanka would be made available to any country that wished to use them for prosecution on the basis of universal jurisdiction.  The negative image of a country that is constantly at the forefront of UN-level discussions on human rights violations will surely be an impediment to the country in gaining foreign investments. These regular confrontations have taken the form of the tightening of strictures against the Sri Lankan state at every passing session of the UN Human Rights Council.  The government’s efforts to attract foreign investments into the country would receive a boost if there is success in the national reconciliation process.

 Last week President Wickremesinghe invited all parties in parliament to discuss the implementation of the 13th Amendment and the evolution of a political solution. This invitation was accepted by most of the political parties.  Speaking at the all party conference the President highlighted that a decision on this matter should involve input from all relevant parties. He said that neither he nor the previous seven Executive Presidents had the authority to pass new laws to address existing problems and the power to do so solely rested with parliament.  However, the political parties that did attend expressed sentiments which reflect the mistrust that pervades the entire political system.  There is a belief that political self-interest and power-hunger underlie the actions of political actors on all sides.  The government’s conduct has done little to dispel this mistrust.

POSTPONE ELECTIONS 

The opposition’s arguments at the all party conference in favour of giving priority to provincial elections gets validity on two counts.  First is that any reform of the provincial councils to be implemented there needs to be elected provincial councils. Second is the questionable nature of the mandate that the present government possesses.  The mass protests during the period of the Aragalaya which forced the resignation of the then president, prime minister and cabinet of ministers would, in a better functioning democracy, have necessitated a fresh election to be held to re-validate the mandate that the government had once enjoyed.  Instead those in parliament elected a new president as per the constitution.  The new president had both the political acumen and will power to crack down on the protest movement using the security forces at the government’s disposal, but the question of mandate continues to remain.

The basic feature of a democratic polity is the conduct of regular elections at which the people elect their representatives.  Sri Lanka has become a flawed democracy in this regard.  Elections to the second and third tiers of government have been suspended with provincial elections not being held for over four years and local government authority elections now five months overdue.  At the all party conference most of the political parties present called for provincial council elections to be held prior to enhancing their power as proposed by the president.  The provincial councils need to be in existence for them to be empowered.  Those elected to provincial councils would have greater legitimacy, and knowledge, to point out inadequacies in the power sharing arrangements.

With this background, it is reasonable for people of goodwill to see the need to conduct elections being the priority requirement at this time.  The president’s response at the all party conference to the call for provincial elections to be held was to terminate the meeting. Whether this was due to his rejection of this option or to reconsider his position and that of the government on this matter will become clearer in the days to come. From a democratic perspective there can be no justification for the postponement of elections which is an erosion of democratic norms simply based on the government’s calculations that it is unlikely to perform well at an electoral contest.  Deputy leader of President Wickremesinghe’s party, Ruwan Wijewardene has stated that 2024 will be the year of elections and expressed confidence that by then members of the opposition will be joining hands with the president.

 START NOW

 In this scenario, the government may wish to postpone elections for as long as possible, which would extend at least up to September 2024 when presidential elections fall due. However, this postponement of elections to suit the time table of the president would constitute an erosion of democracy.  Sri Lanka is no stranger to such election manoeuvers which have been to the detriment of the country.  One such occasion was in 1975 when the then government used the fact of a new constitution that it brought forth to give itself an additional two years in power.  When it went to the polls it lost resoundingly.  Another occasion was when the government held a referendum to extend the term of parliament rather than hold general elections when they fell due.  The anti-Tamil pogrom of Black July 1983 which followed soon thereafter set the stage for the three decade long internal war that was to follow.

Whatever President Wickremesinghe’s vision of the future might be, he needs to give priority to the democratic process.  This calls for local government and provincial council elections to be held sooner rather than later.  The value and credibility of the president’s contribution does not lie in whether or not the government wins those elections, but in the integrity of the decisions he makes.  Consistency in his adherence to democratic norms would engender the trust of the polity in him and his assurances. The president has started the process of economic reforms needed to set the country on the right track.  Now he appears to want to do the same with regard to the ethnic conflict which has plagued the country from the very dawn of its independence.  The president has a full year until the presidential elections fall due in September 2024 to achieve these twin goals.

In the course of his public pronouncements over the past six months President Wickremesinghe has clearly spealt out the need to implement the 13th Amendment in the manner specified in the constitution.  He needs to do what the seven presidents who came before him failed to do, which is to implement the constitutional provisions relating to the devolution of powers to the provinces, including police and land powers.  The process of full implementation can be started with an educational process led by academics, community leaders and civil society organisations. In his recent writings University of Colombo’s Prof A Sarweswaran who was a member of the constitutional committee to draft a new constitution appointed by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has shown how police and land powers even if fully devolved are under the final authority of the central government.  The problem in Sri Lanka is the trust deficit, which is all round and needs trustworthy leadership to overcome.



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Recruiting academics to state universities – beset by archaic selection processes?

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by Kaushalya Perera

Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).

How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities

Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).

* Lecturer (Probationary)

recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.

* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.

* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.

State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.

Problem type 1

Archaic processes and evaluation criteria

Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.

This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!

Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education

A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.

Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.

At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.

Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.

The problem is clear but what about a solution?

Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:

* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.

* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.

* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.

Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.

(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)

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Talento … oozing with talent

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Talento: Gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band

This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.

Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.

Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.

The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.

The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication

Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.

Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.

The musicians, who make up Talento, are:

Prabuddha Geetharuchi:

Geilee Fonseka: Dynamic and charismatic vocalist

Prabuddha Geetharuchi: The main man behind the band Talento

(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.

Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):

A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.

Chandana Perera (Drummer):

His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.

Harsha Soysa:

(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band

Udara Jayakody:

(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.

Aruna Madushanka:

(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.

Prashan Pramuditha:

(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..

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Special milestone for JJ Twins

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Twin brothers Julian and Jason Prins

The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’

In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!

‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.

This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.

It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.

Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.

Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:

Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial

TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic

Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers

YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins

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