Features
Premadasa Rex (1988-1993)
Despite unceasing violence in both north and south of the country, the second presidential election was scheduled to be held on December 19, 1988. Nominations were called for by November 10, 1988. All political parties were in a state of confusion due to the prevailing “reign of terror”. Many politicians of all parties had been summarily executed either by the LTTE or the JVP. With the announcement at a large party rally in Colombo by JRJ that Prime Minister Premadasa will take over as party leader and presidential candidate, former rivals had closed ranks with him and were eyeing the prime minister’s post which would be dispensed at the discretion of the new President.
Canny Premadasa let it be known that he would appoint the person who brought him the largest number of votes at the coming election. Opposition parties particularly the SLFP, MEP, minority parties and even the JVP, explored possibilities of fielding a common candidate against the UNP. That would have been possible if JRJ or Gamini became the candidate. But with the confirmation of Premadasa as the UNP’s presidential contender that effort failed and the SLFP was made to carry the brunt of the challenge to Premadasa.
The JVP then insisted on a boycott of the election and threatened to kill anyone who entered the contest. This was largely aimed at Mrs. Bandaranaike who became the choice of the SLFP. The JVP attempted to assassinate her. They also wrecked her first meeting held in Embilipitya which was well known as pro JVP territory. In the event Mrs. B was badly handicapped in her fight with Premadasa who also won over to his side Ossie Abeygunasekera – a brilliant speaker and the second in command at one time of Vijaya Kumaratunga. He was drafted to humiliate Mrs. B and gather all those votes which would have invariably gone to her if Premadasa was not in the running. The success of this strategy was clearly seen in the final results when Premadasa won by a whisker.
To say that is not to take anything away from the indomitable courage displayed by Premadasa as a campaigner. He completely sidelined JRJ and used emissaries like Rukman Senanayake to try and make peace with the JVP. In his manifesto he pledged to send the IPKF back to India which was the demand of both the JVP and LTTE. He told both those militant formations that he too was an “outsider” like them and unsubtly messaged that he was a member of a minority and a deprived caste just like the Karaiyas vis a vis the Vellalas in the north and the Karawe vis a vis the Goigama in the south. He had no hesitation in characterising his adversary as a “radala” – an epithet which had been flung at Mrs. B. by the conventional left [“Radala Ammandi”].
There were reports that the leadership of the JVP were divided on the possibility of a non-Bandaranaike “common candidate- like Dinesh Gunawardena. But that proposal had been vetoed by their strong University Students Federation which had greater freedom of movement than Wijeweera and the top leaders who were in hiding from the armed services. These leaders were unable to swiftly communicate their decisions to the negotiators who met at “Woodlands” under the presidency of Rukman Senanayake who reported directly to Premadasa on a regular basis.
The election was held on December 10 amidst unprecedented violence. 104 SLFP activists were killed according to author Malalgoda Bandutilleke. Many election officials and voters were killed because they disobeyed the JVP order to boycott the election. This led to an unprecedented low poll but it was sufficient to finalize the results and declare a winner – a stupendous achievement. The results of the Presidential election were as follows:
R Premadasa [UNP] – 2,569,199 [50.43 percent]
Sirimavo Bandaranaike [SLFP] – 2,289,860 [44.95 percent]
Ossie Abeygunasekera [SLMP] – 235,719 [4.63 percent]
Majority 227,339
It was clear that Premadasa had won a noteworthy victory and given the UNP a new lease of life. He had managed to clear the 50 percent barrier to avoid a runoff and his “nominee” Ossie had drawn off enough votes to ensure the defeat of Mrs. B. It was a good example of the thoroughness with which the new President undertook any task. As predicted by JRJ, Mrs. B did not come to the Elections Commissioner’s office to hear the result and congratulate the winner. She believed that she had been robbed of a victory and went to courts to challenge the verdict.
As usual this case dragged on and was dismissed by the Supreme Court after Premadasa’s tragic demise. This in reality was Mrs. B s final fling since she had to concede the party leadership to her daughter CBK, who won in 1994. It was her “last hurrah” and Premadasa whom she had reviled throughout his career had the last laugh.
Maligawa
JRJ with his pretensions to royalty had addressed the nation via radio from the “Pattirippuwa” of the Dalada Maligawa after taking the oaths of office in 1977. Premadasa decided to follow suit but as to be expected he gilded the lily by making it a family occasion. He took his wife, who by now had become a dominant influence on her husband, and their two children to the “Pattirippuwa” and addressed the nation via TV. Anura Goonasekera, the Director of Information who pointed out technical difficulties of such a broadcast had been summarily dismissed and his successor Guruge had cobbled together his Outside Broadcasting Unit [OBU] to ensure a live broadcast.
As mentioned in Volume One of my autobiography Anura never returned to public service after that debacle and died prematurely in Singapore at the age of 62. Knowing the value of having a favourite who would do his bidding in the media field the new President appointed AJ Ranasinghe as the State Minister in charge of the subject. The new State Minister made a public pronouncement that he was willing “even to eat a soup made out of his patrons sandals”. This culinary promise no doubt endeared him even more to Premadasa. The President then won over the Diyawadana Nilame, Neranjan Wijeratne, through patronage by way of providing vehicles, government bungalows and extra funding to win his loyalty.
Earlier he had as Minister of Housing provided a “Ran Viyana” or “Golden canopy” to the Maligawa. He later extended patronage to the senior monks of Asgiriya and Malwatta and became a popular and sought after leader by the Sangha thereby undercutting a traditional base of the SLFP. It was an achievement that JRJ neither desired nor attempted to gain. But Premadasa had no difficulty with the monks during the whole of his tenure. My brother in law SM Tennekone was the Government Agent of Kandy at that time and his fellow Rajan. and my Peradeniya contemporary, Gamini Gunawardene was the Superintendent of Police of Central Province. They were both favourites of the President and were his “eyes and ears”. He did not have much faith in the local politicians whom he looked upon as Gamini Dissanayake supporters. He also was in touch with some key mudalalis in town who would finance the monks when requested by him. He thus secured that flank as no UNP leader had done before or after. This was a significant achievement for the only UNP leader who did not belong to the majority caste.
General Election
The new President dissolved Parliament and fixed the general election for the new Parliament to be held on February 15, 1989. Nominations were fixed for a week ending on January 6. A short date was given so that the UNP could capitalize on Premadasa’s victory and the ensuing confusion among opposition parties. The opposition could not coalesce as they usually did into an electoral alliance, which added to the UNPs advantage. Premadasa skillfully prevented the minority parties forming an alliance with the opposition by bringing down the “cut off” point for selection to Parliament from 12.5 percent of votes polled to five percent. It opened the door for greater representation by minority parties. The country was to pay heavily for this opportunism later when all manner of parties, especially communal ones, began to enter the fray knowing that they could enter Parliament with a lesser number of votes.
The JVP intensified their terror tactics to intimidate both candidates and voters. Many candidates from all leading parties were killed during the campaign as well as a large number of village level officials, particularly grama sevakas, who were in charge of servicing polling stations and the state officials conducting the poll.
The results favoured the UNP although the PR system which was introduced for this election precluded a 1977 like sweep. Another feature of the new system was the emphasis on “block votes” be they caste, community, voter recognition or largeness of the electorate. Party seniors who had a district wide profile found it easier to get votes from the whole electoral district. Name recognition was the name of the game. Let us track the dimensions of the UNP victory by analyzing the aggregates of representatives in a few key districts:
Colombo; UNP 12, SLFP 6, MEP 2.
Gampaha; UNP 10, SLFP 6.
Kalutara; UNP 9, SLFP 5.
Kandy; UNP 8, SLFP 4.
Nuwara Eliya; UNP 5, SLFP 2.
Galle; UNP 7, SLFP 5.
Hambantota; UNP 5, SLFP 2.
Kurunegala; UNP 10, SLFP 5.
It was a clean sweep and a personal victory for the new President. He was so elated that he believed that no one would go against this mandate won for the party by him. Therefore he began aggressively to change the victorious party in his own anti-elitist image. He was mindful of the fact that he had earlier created a “de facto” party-the Puravesi Peramuna, with its own program of action. Several of the new MPs led by Gamini Fonseka had been leading lights in the Peramuna. In international affairs he had a contemptuous approach to India and the UK. All this hubris was to have serious consequences for him in a few years time.
An equally important result of the PR system was the allocation of a substantial number of seats to the opposition, particularly the SLFP, based on the number of votes polled. What would have been a rout under the first past the post system was avoided and nearly all the district leaders of the SLFP were returned to Parliament. Their numbers provided a launching pad for an impeachment motion as we shall see later.
However with a larger number of MPs the internal rivalries in the SLFP came into the open. The writ of Mrs. B was challenged by a group from within the party led by Anura Bandaranaike. A few like Stanley Tillekeratne were openly hostile and were not averse to compromises with Premadasa citing earlier discrimination against them by Mrs. B. The once powerful SLFP was imploding in the face of defeat and the election of a new President who was more anti-Bandaranaike than anti SLFP.
Cabinet
Having installed himself with pomp and glory the new President with characteristic speed then turned to man management. He set about appointing a Cabinet on February 18, 1989 and reshuffling his administrative staff, security services and the administrative service. I will say more about the Cabinet appointments in the next chapter. But it was clear that he wanted full control of the government apparatus before he tackled the many issues that he had highlighted in his manifesto.
As a sign of change and his desired unfettered loyalty he made the surprise selection of DB Wijetunga as the Prime Minister thereby thwarting the ambitions of Lalith and Gamini who had wholeheartedly supported him at the Presidential election. To gild the lily he had appointed Wijetunga as the Minister of Finance as well. But by appointing his favourite civil servant R Paskaralingam as the Secretary to the Treasury he signaled that he would use Wijetunga only as a cover for his own control of the Finance Ministry.
The second most important Cabinet appointment was that of Ranjan Wijeratne as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was entrusted with the negotiations with India to get the IPKF out of the country. He thereby not only hoped to satisfy the LTTE and the JVP but also give expression to his deep seated hostility to India led by the Gandhi family. Later we will analyze the exchange of letters between him and Rajiv Gandhi which in tone was both undiplomatic and offensive. Wijeratne was the king pin in the Presidents strategy to deal with the Indians as well as the LTTE and JVP.
Ranjan had proved himself to be a loyal supporter of Premadasa even to the extent of challenging his relative JRJ on the need to fully support the latter’s candidacy. However there were times when Pramadasa was suspicious of the actions of his Foreign Minister whom he suspected of consulting JRJ. He brought in Bradman Weerakoon to be his “eyes and ears”. At the same time he appointed his accomplice Bernard Tillekeratne as his Foreign Secretary. As the later writings of Indian High Commissioners to Colombo reveal they were often confused by the contradictory stances of the President and his advisors. For instance when Ranjan discussed a final date for the withdrawal of the IPKF which did not fit the President’s deadline he was about to be replaced as a former Indian High Commissioner Mehrotra discloses in his memoirs. After the departure of the IPKF, Premadasa reshuffled his cabinet and Ranjan was replaced by Harold Herath who was a novice in this field and would unhesitatingly carry out his boss’s orders.
With Sirisena Cooray at the helm of the UNP he was overconfident of his hold on his MPs and often humiliated them for their alleged lethargy. Some Cabinet Ministers told me that their weekly meetings were a nightmare. They were at the receiving end regularly of Premadasa’s abuse. It was a mistake that would come to haunt him later as we shall see in the next chapter.
Next week Lalith and Gamini
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography In The Political Arena (1992-2022)
“Kill me, but do not kill my good name”
President Premadasa ✍️
Features
When floods strike: How nations keep food on the table
Insights from global adaptation strategies
Sri Lanka has been heavily affected by floods, and extreme flooding is rapidly becoming one of the most disruptive climate hazards worldwide. The consequences extend far beyond damaged infrastructure and displaced communities. The food systems and supply networks are among the hardest hit. Floods disrupt food systems through multiple pathways. Croplands are submerged, livestock are lost, and soils become degraded due to erosion or sediment deposition. Infrastructural facilities like roads, bridges, retail shops, storage warehouses, and sales centres are damaged or rendered inaccessible. Without functioning food supply networks, even unaffected food-producing regions struggle to continue daily lives in such disasters. Poor households, particularly those dependent on farming or informal rural economies, face sharp food price increases and income loss, increasing vulnerability and food insecurity.
Many countries now recognie that traditional emergency responses alone are no longer enough. Instead, they are adopting a combination of short-term stabilisation measures and long-term strategies to strengthen food supply chains against recurrent floods. The most common immediate response is the provision of emergency food and cash assistance. Governments, the World Food Programme, and other humanitarian organisations often deliver food, ready-to-eat rations, livestock feed, and livelihood support to affected communities.
Alongside these immediate measures, some nations are implementing long-term strategic actions. These include technology- and data-driven approaches to improve flood preparedness. Early warning systems, using satellite data, hydrological models, and advanced weather forecasting, allow farmers and supply chain operators to prepare for potential disruptions. Digital platforms provide market intelligence, logistics updates, and risk notifications to producers, wholesalers, and transporters. This article highlights examples of such strategies from countries that experience frequent flooding.
China: Grain Reserves and Strategic Preparedness
China maintains a large strategic grain reserve system for rice, wheat, and maize; managed by NFSRA-National Food and Strategic Reserves Administration and Sinograin (China Grain Reserves Corporation (Sinograin Group), funded by the Chinese government, that underpins national food security and enables macro-control of markets during supply shocks. Moreover, improvements in supply chain digitization and hydrological monitoring, the country has strengthened its ability to maintain stable food availability during extreme weather events.
Bangladesh: Turning Vulnerability into Resilience
In recent years, Bangladesh has stood out as one of the world’s most flood-exposed countries, yet it has successfully turned vulnerability into adaptive resilience. Floating agriculture, flood-tolerant rice varieties, and community-run grain reserves now help stabilise food supplies when farmland is submerged. Investments in early-warning systems and river-basin management have further reduced crop losses and protected rural livelihoods.
Netherlands, Japan: High-Tech Models of Flood Resilience
The Netherlands offers a highly technical model. After catastrophic flooding in 1953, the country completely redesigned its water governance approach. Farmland is protected behind sea barriers, rivers are carefully controlled, and land-use zoning is adaptive. Vertical farming and climate-controlled greenhouses ensure year-round food production, even during extreme events. Japan provides another example of diversified flood resilience. Following repeated typhoon-induced floods, the country shifted toward protected agriculture, insurance-backed farming, and automated logistics systems. Cold storage networks and digital supply tracking ensure that food continues to reach consumers, even when roads are cut off. While these strategies require significant capital and investment, their gradual implementation provides substantial long-term benefits.
Pakistan, Thailand, Indonesia, and Vietnam: Reform in Response to Recurrent Floods
In contrast, Pakistan and Thailand illustrate both the consequences of climate vulnerability and the benefits of proactive reform. The 2022 floods in Pakistan submerged about one-third of the country, destroying crops and disrupting trade networks. In response, the country has placed greater emphasis on climate-resilient farming, water governance reforms, and satellite-based crop monitoring. Pakistan as well as India is promoting crop diversification and adjusting planting schedules to help farmers avoid the peak monsoon flood periods.
Thailand has invested in flood zoning and improved farm infrastructure that keep markets supplied even during severe flooding. Meanwhile, Indonesia and Vietnam are actively advancing flood-adapted land-use planning and climate-resilient agriculture. For instance, In Vietnam’s Mekong Delta, pilot projects integrate flood-risk mapping, adaptive cropping strategies, and ecosystem-based approaches to reduce vulnerability in agricultural and distribution areas. In Indonesia, government-supported initiatives and regional projects are strengthening flood-risk-informed spatial planning, adaptive farming practices, and community-based water management to improve resilience in flood-prone regions. (See Figure 1)
The Global Lesson: Resilience Requires Early Investment
The global evidence is clear: countries that invest early in climate-adaptive agriculture and resilient logistics are better able to feed their populations, even during extreme floods. Building a resilient future depends not only on how we grow food but also on how we protect, store, and transport it. Strengthening infrastructure is therefore central to stabilising food supply chains while maintaining food quality, even during prolonged disruptions. Resilient storage systems, regional grain reserves, efficient cold chains, improved farming infrastructure, and digital supply mapping help reduce panic buying, food waste, and price shocks after floods, while ensuring that production capacity remains secure.
Persistent Challenges
However, despite these advances, many flood-exposed countries still face significant challenges. Resources are often insufficient to upgrade infrastructure or support vulnerable rural populations. Institutional coordination across the agriculture, disaster management, transport, and environmental sectors remains weak. Moreover, the frequency and scale of climate-driven floods are exceeding the design limits of older disaster-planning frameworks. As a result, the gap between exposure and resilience continues to widen. These challenges are highly relevant to Sri Lanka as well and require deliberate, gradual efforts to phase them out.
The Role of International Trade and global markets
When domestic production falls in such situations, international trade serves as an important buffer. When domestic production is temporarily reduced, imports and regional trade flows can help stabilise food availability. Such examples are available from other countries. For instance, In October 2024, floods in Bangladesh reportedly destroyed about 1.1 million tonnes of rice. In response, the government moved to import large volumes of rice and allowed accelerated or private-sector imports of rice to stabilize supply and curb food price inflation. This demonstrates how, when domestic production fails, international trade/livestock/food imports (from trade partners) acted as a crucial buffer to ensure availability of staple food for the population. However, this approach relies on well-functioning global markets, strong diplomatic relationships, and adequate foreign exchange, making it less reliable for economically fragile nations. For example, importing frozen vegetables to Sri Lanka from other countries can help address supply shortages, but considerations such as affordability, proper storage and selling mechanisms, cooking guidance, and nutritional benefits are essential, especially when these foods are not widely familiar to local populations.
Marketing and Distribution Strategies during Floods
Ensuring that food reaches consumers during floods requires innovative marketing and distribution strategies that address both supply- and demand-side challenges. Short-term interventions often include direct cash or food transfers, mobile markets, and temporary distribution centres in areas where conventional marketplaces become inaccessible. Price stabilisation measures, such as temporary caps or subsidies on staple foods, help prevent sharp inflation and protect vulnerable households. Awareness campaigns also play a role by educating consumers on safe storage, cooking methods, and the nutritional value of unfamiliar imported items, helping sustain effective demand.
Some countries have integrated technology to support these efforts; in this regard, adaptive supply chain strategies are increasingly used. Digital platforms provide farmers, wholesalers, and retailers with real-time market information, logistics updates, and flood-risk alerts, enabling them to reroute deliveries or adjust production schedules. Diversified delivery routes, using alternative roads, river transport, drones, or mobile cold-storage units, have proven essential for maintaining the flow of perishable goods such as vegetables, dairy, and frozen products. A notable example is Japan, where automated logistics systems and advanced cold-storage networks help keep supermarkets stocked even during severe typhoon-induced flooding.
The Importance of Research, Coordination, and Long-Term Commitment
Global experience also shows that research and development, strong institutional coordination, and sustained national commitment are fundamental pillars of flood-resilient food systems. Countries that have successfully reduced the impacts of recurrent floods consistently invest in agricultural innovation, cross-sector collaboration, and long-term planning.
Awareness Leads to Preparedness
As the summary, global evidence shows that countries that act early, plan strategically, and invest in resilience can protect both people and food systems. As Sri Lanka considers long-term strategies for food security under climate change, learning from flood-affected nations can help guide policy, planning, and public understanding. Awareness is the first step which preparedness must follow. These international experiences offer valuable lessons on how to protect food systems through proactive planning and integrated actions.
(Premaratne (BSc, MPhil, LLB) isSenior Lecturer in Agricultural Economics Department of Agricultural Systems, Faculty of Agriculture, Rajarata University. Views are personal.)
Key References·
Cabinet Secretariat, Government of Japan, 2021. Fundamental Plan for National Resilience – Food, Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries / Logistics & Food Supply Chains. Tokyo: Cabinet Secretariat.
· Delta Programme Commissioner, 2022. Delta Programme 2023 (English – Print Version). The Hague: Netherlands Delta Programme.
· Hasanuddin University, 2025. ‘Sustainable resilience in flood-prone rice farming: adaptive strategies and risk-sharing around Tempe Lake, Indonesia’, Sustainability. Available at: https://www.mdpi.com/2071-1050/17/6/2456 [Accessed 3 December 2025].
· Mekong Urban Flood Resilience and Drainage Programme (TUEWAS), 2019–2021. Integrated urban flood and drainage planning for Mekong cities. TUEWAS / MRC initiative.
· Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs, People’s Republic of China, 2025. ‘China’s summer grain procurement surpasses 50 mln tonnes’, English Ministry website, 4 July.
· National Food and Strategic Reserves Administration (China) 2024, ‘China purchases over 400 mln tonnes of grain in 2023’, GOV.cn, 9 January. Available at: https://english.www.gov.cn/archive/statistics/202401/09/content_WS659d1020c6d0868f4e8e2e46.html
· Pakistan: 2022 Floods Response Plan, 2022. United Nations / Government of Pakistan, UN Digital Library.
· Shigemitsu, M. & Gray, E., 2021. ‘Building the resilience of Japan’s agricultural sector to typhoons and heavy rain’, OECD Food, Agriculture and Fisheries Papers, No. 159. Paris: OECD Publishing.
· UNDP & GCF, 2023. Enhancing Climate Resilience in Thailand through Effective Water Management and Sustainable Agriculture (E WMSA): Project Factsheet. UNDP, Bangkok.
· United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), 2025. ‘Rice Bank revives hope in flood hit hill tracts, Bangladesh’, UNDP, 19 June.
· World Bank, 2022. ‘Bangladesh: World Bank supports food security and higher incomes of farmers vulnerable to climate change’, World Bank press release, 15 March.
Features
Can we forecast weather precisely?
Weather forecasts are useful. People attentively listen to them but complain that they go wrong or are not taken seriously. Forecasts today are more probabilistically reliable than decades ago. The advancement of atmospheric science, satellite imaging, radar maps and instantly updated databases has improved the art of predicting weather.
Yet can we predict weather patterns precisely? A branch of mathematics known as chaos theory says that weather can never be foretold with certainty.
The classical mechanics of Issac Newton governing the motion of all forms of matter, solid, liquid or gaseous, is a deterministic theory. If the initial conditions are known, the behaviour of the system at later instants of time can be precisely predicted. Based on this theory, occurrences of solar eclipses a century later have been predicted to an accuracy of minutes and seconds.
The thinking that the mechanical behaviour of systems in nature could always be accurately predicted based on their state at a previous instant of time was shaken by the work of the genius French Mathematician Henri Poincare (1864- 1902).
Eclipses are predicted with pinpoint accuracy based on analysis of a two-body system (Earth- Moon) governed by Newton’s laws. Poincare found that the equivalent problem of three astronomical bodies cannot be solved exactly – sometimes even the slightest variation of an initial condition yields a drastically different solution.
A profound conclusion was that the behaviour of physical systems governed by deterministic laws does not always allow practically meaningful predictions because even a minute unaccountable change of parameters leads to completely different results.
Until recent times, physicists overlooked Poincare’s work and continued to believe that the determinism of the laws of classical physics would allow them to analyse complex problems and derive future happenings, provided necessary computations are facilitated. When computers became available, the meteorologists conducted simulations aiming for accurate weather forecasting. The American mathematician Edward Lorenz, who turned into a reputed meteorologist, carried out such studies in the early 1960s, arrived at an unexpected result. His equations describing atmospheric dynamics demonstrated a strange behaviour. He found that even a minute change (even one part in a million) in initial parameters leads to a completely different weather pattern in the atmosphere. Lorenz announced his finding saying, A flap of a butterfly wing in one corner of the world could cause a cyclone in a far distant location weeks later! Lorenz’s work opened the way for the development branch of mathematics referred to as chaos theory – an expansion of the idea first disclosed by Henri Poincare.
We understand the dynamics of a cyclone as a giant whirlpool in the atmosphere, how it evolves and the conditions favourable for their origination. They are created as unpredictable thermodynamically favourable relaxation of instabilities in the atmosphere. The fundamental limitations dictated by chaos theory forbid accurate forecasting of the time and point of its appearance and the intensity. Once a cyclone forms, it can be tracked and the path of movement can be grossly ascertained by frequent observations. However, absolutely certain predictions are impossible.
A peculiarity of weather is that the chaotic nature of atmospheric dynamics does not permit ‘long – term’ forecasting with a high degree of certainty. The ‘long-term’ in this context, depending on situation, could be hours, days or weeks. Nonetheless, weather forecasts are invaluable for preparedness and avoiding unlikely, unfortunate events that might befall. A massive reaction to every unlikely event envisaged is also not warranted. Such an attitude leads to social chaos. The society far more complex than weather is heavily susceptible to chaotic phenomena.
by Prof. Kirthi Tennakone (ktenna@yahoo.co.uk)
Features
When the Waters Rise: Floods, Fear and the ancient survivors of Sri Lanka
The water came quietly at first, a steady rise along the riverbanks, familiar to communities who have lived beside Sri Lanka’s great waterways for generations. But within hours, these same rivers had swollen into raging, unpredictable forces. The Kelani Ganga overflowed. The Nilwala broke its margins. The Bentara, Kalu, and Mahaweli formed churning, chocolate-brown channels cutting through thousands of homes.
When the floods finally began to recede, villagers emerged to assess the damage, only to be confronted by another challenge: crocodiles. From Panadura’s back lanes to the suburbs of Colombo, and from the lagoons around Kalutara to the paddy fields of the dry zone, reports poured in of crocodiles resting on bunds, climbing over fences, or drifting silently into garden wells.
For many, these encounters were terrifying. But to Sri Lanka’s top herpetologists, the message was clear: this is what happens when climate extremes collide with shrinking habitats.
“Crocodiles are not invading us … we are invading floodplains”
Sri Lanka’s foremost crocodile expert, Dr. Anslem de Silva, Regional Chairman for South Asia and Iran of the IUCN/SSC Crocodile Specialist Group, has been studying crocodiles for over half a century. His warning is blunt.
“When rivers turn into violent torrents, crocodiles simply seek safety,” he says. “They avoid fast-moving water the same way humans do. During floods, they climb onto land or move into calm backwaters. People must understand this behaviour is natural, not aggressive.”
In the past week alone, Saltwater crocodiles have been sighted entering the Wellawatte Canal, drifting into the Panadura estuary, and appearing unexpectedly along Bolgoda Lake.
“Saltwater crocodiles often get washed out to sea during big floods,” Dr. de Silva explains. “Once the current weakens, they re-enter through the nearest lagoon or canal system. With rapid urbanisation along these waterways, these interactions are now far more visible.”
- An adult Salt Water Crocodile (Crocodylus porosus) (Photo -Madura de Silva)
- Adult Mugger (Crocodylus plaustris) Photo -Laxhman Nadaraja
- A Warning sign board
- A Mugger holding a a large Russell ’s viper (Photo- R. M. Gunasinghe)
- Anslem de Silva
- Suranjan Karunarathna
This clash between wildlife instinct and human expansion forms the backdrop of a crisis now unfolding across the island.
A conflict centuries old—now reshaped by climate change
Sri Lanka’s relationship with crocodiles is older than most of its kingdoms. The Cūḷavaṃsa describes armies halted by “flesh-eating crocodiles.” Ancient medical texts explain crocodile bite treatments. Fishermen and farmers around the Nilwala, Walawe, Maduganga, Batticaloa Lagoon, and Kalu Ganga have long accepted kimbula as part of their environment.
But the modern conflict has intensified dramatically.
A comprehensive countrywide survey by Dr. de Silva recorded 150 human–crocodile attacks, with 50 fatal, between 2008 and 2010. Over 52 percent occurred when people were bathing, and 83 percent of victims were men engaged in routine activities—washing, fishing, or walking along shallow margins.
Researchers consistently emphasise: most attacks happen not because crocodiles are unpredictable, but because humans underestimate them.
Yet this year’s flooding has magnified risks in new ways.
“Floods change everything” — Dr. Nimal D. Rathnayake
Herpetologist Dr. Nimal Rathnayake says the recent deluge cannot be understood in isolation.
“Floodwaters temporarily expand the crocodile’s world,” he says. “Areas people consider safe—paddy boundaries, footpaths, canal edges, abandoned land—suddenly become waterways.”
Once the water retreats, displaced crocodiles may end up in surprising places.
“We’ve documented crocodiles stranded in garden wells, drainage channels, unused culverts and even construction pits. These are not animals trying to attack. They are animals trying to survive.”
According to him, the real crisis is not the crocodile—it is the loss of wetlands, the destruction of natural river buffers, and the pollution of river systems.
“When you fill a marsh, block a canal, or replace vegetation with concrete, you force wildlife into narrower corridors. During floods, these become conflict hotspots.”
Past research by the Crocodile Specialist Group shows that more than 300 crocodiles have been killed in retaliation or for meat over the past decade. Such killings spike after major floods, when fear and misunderstanding are highest.
“Not monsters—ecosystem engineers” — Suranjan Karunaratne
On social media, flood-displaced crocodiles often go viral as “rogue beasts.” But conservationist Suranjan Karunaratne, also of the IUCN/SSC Crocodile Specialist Group, says such narratives are misleading.
“Crocodiles are apex predators shaped by millions of years of evolution,” he says. “They are shy, intelligent animals. The problem is predictable human behaviour.”
In countless attack investigations, Karunaratne and colleagues found a repeated pattern: the Three Sames—the same place, the same time, the same activity.
“People use the same bathing spot every single day. Crocodiles watch, learn, and plan. They hunt with extraordinary patience. When an attack occurs, it’s rarely random. It is the culmination of observation.”
He stresses that crocodiles are indispensable to healthy wetlands. They: control destructive catfish populations, recycle nutrients, clean carcasses and diseased fish, maintain biodiversity, create drought refuges through burrows used by amphibians and reptiles.
“Removing crocodiles destroys an entire chain of ecological services. They are not expendable.”
Karunaratne notes that after the civil conflict, Mugger populations in the north rebounded—proof that crocodiles recover when given space, solitude, and habitat.
Floods expose a neglected truth: CEEs save lives—if maintained In high-risk communities, Crocodile Exclusion Enclosures (CEEs) are often the only physical barrier between people and crocodiles. Built along riverbanks or tanks, these enclosures allow families to bathe, wash, and collect water safely.
Yet Dr. de Silva recounts a tragic incident along the Nilwala River where a girl was killed inside a poorly maintained enclosure. A rusted iron panel had created a hole just large enough for a crocodile to enter.
“CEEs are a life-saving intervention,” he says. “But they must be maintained. A neglected enclosure is worse than none at all.”
Despite their proven effectiveness, many CEEs remain abandoned, broken or unused.
Climate change is reshaping crocodile behaviour—and ours
Sri Lanka’s floods are no longer “cycles” as described in folklore. They are increasingly intense, unpredictable and climate-driven. The warming atmosphere delivers heavier rainfall in short bursts. Deforested hillsides and filled wetlands cannot absorb it.
Rivers swell rapidly and empty violently.
Crocodiles respond as they have always done: by moving to calmer water, by climbing onto land, by using drainage channels, by shifting between lagoons and canals, by following the shape of the water.
But human expansion has filled, blocked, or polluted these escape routes.
What once were crocodile flood refuges—marshes, mangroves, oxbow wetlands and abandoned river channels—are now housing schemes, fisheries, roads, and dumpsites.
Garbage, sand mining and invasive species worsen the crisis
The research contained in the uploaded reports paints a grim but accurate picture. Crocodiles are increasingly seen around garbage dumps, where invasive plants and waste accumulate. Polluted water attracts fish, which in turn draw crocodiles.
Excessive sand mining in river mouths and salinity intrusion expose crocodile nesting habitats. In some areas, agricultural chemicals contaminate wetlands beyond their natural capacity to recover.
In Borupana Ela, a short study found 29 Saltwater crocodiles killed in fishing gear within just 37 days.
Such numbers suggest a structural crisis—not a series of accidents.
Unplanned translocations: a dangerous human mistake
For years, local authorities attempted to reduce conflict by capturing crocodiles and releasing them elsewhere. Experts say this was misguided.
“Most Saltwater crocodiles have homing instincts,” explains Karunaratne. “Australian studies show many return to their original site—even if released dozens of kilometres away.”
Over the past decade, at least 26 Saltwater crocodiles have been released into inland freshwater bodies—home to the Mugger crocodile. This disrupts natural distribution, increases competition, and creates new conflict zones.
Living with crocodiles: a national strategy long overdue
All three experts—Dr. de Silva, Dr. Rathnayake and Karunaratne—agree that Sri Lanka urgently needs a coordinated, national-level mitigation plan.
* Protect natural buffers
Replant mangroves, restore riverine forests, enforce river margin laws.
* Maintain CEEs
They must be inspected, repaired and used regularly.
* Public education
Villagers should learn crocodile behaviour just as they learn about monsoons and tides.
* End harmful translocations
Let crocodiles remain in their natural ranges.
* Improve waste management
Dumps attract crocodiles and invasive species.
* Incentivise community monitoring
Trained local volunteers can track sightings and alert authorities early.
* Integrate crocodile safety into disaster management
Flood briefings should include alerts on reptile movement.
“The floods will come again. Our response must change.”
As the island cleans up and rebuilds, the deeper lesson lies beneath the brown floodwaters. Crocodiles are not new to Sri Lanka—but the conditions we are creating are.
Rivers once buffered by mangroves now rush through concrete channels. Tanks once supporting Mugger populations are choked with invasive plants. Wetlands once absorbing floodwaters are now levelled for construction.
Crocodiles move because the water moves. And the water moves differently today.
Dr. Rathnayake puts it simply:”We cannot treat every flooded crocodile as a threat to be eliminated. These animals are displaced, stressed, and trying to survive.”
Dr. de Silva adds:”Saving humans and saving crocodiles are not competing goals. Both depend on understanding behaviour—ours and theirs.”
And in a closing reflection, Suranjan Karunaratne says:”Crocodiles have survived 250 million years, outliving dinosaurs. Whether they survive the next 50 years in Sri Lanka depends entirely on us.”
For now, as the waters recede and the scars of the floods remain, Sri Lanka faces a choice: coexist with the ancient guardians of its waterways, or push them into extinction through fear, misunderstanding and neglect.
By Ifham Nizam
-
News6 days agoWeather disasters: Sri Lanka flooded by policy blunders, weak enforcement and environmental crime – Climate Expert
-
Latest News7 days agoLevel I landslide RED warnings issued to the districts of Badulla, Colombo, Gampaha, Kalutara, Kandy, Kegalle, Kurnegala, Natale, Monaragala, Nuwara Eliya and Ratnapura
-
Latest News7 days agoINS VIKRANT deploys helicopters for disaster relief operations
-
News3 days ago
Lunuwila tragedy not caused by those videoing Bell 212: SLAF
-
Latest News4 days agoLevel III landslide early warnings issued to the districts of Badulla, Kandy, Kegalle, Kurunegala, Matale and Nuwara-Eliya
-
News2 days agoLevel III landslide early warning continue to be in force in the districts of Kandy, Kegalle, Kurunegala and Matale
-
Features4 days agoDitwah: An unusual cyclone
-
Latest News5 days agoUpdated Payment Instructions for Disaster Relief Contributions










