Features
Premadasa Rex (1988-1993)
Despite unceasing violence in both north and south of the country, the second presidential election was scheduled to be held on December 19, 1988. Nominations were called for by November 10, 1988. All political parties were in a state of confusion due to the prevailing “reign of terror”. Many politicians of all parties had been summarily executed either by the LTTE or the JVP. With the announcement at a large party rally in Colombo by JRJ that Prime Minister Premadasa will take over as party leader and presidential candidate, former rivals had closed ranks with him and were eyeing the prime minister’s post which would be dispensed at the discretion of the new President.
Canny Premadasa let it be known that he would appoint the person who brought him the largest number of votes at the coming election. Opposition parties particularly the SLFP, MEP, minority parties and even the JVP, explored possibilities of fielding a common candidate against the UNP. That would have been possible if JRJ or Gamini became the candidate. But with the confirmation of Premadasa as the UNP’s presidential contender that effort failed and the SLFP was made to carry the brunt of the challenge to Premadasa.
The JVP then insisted on a boycott of the election and threatened to kill anyone who entered the contest. This was largely aimed at Mrs. Bandaranaike who became the choice of the SLFP. The JVP attempted to assassinate her. They also wrecked her first meeting held in Embilipitya which was well known as pro JVP territory. In the event Mrs. B was badly handicapped in her fight with Premadasa who also won over to his side Ossie Abeygunasekera – a brilliant speaker and the second in command at one time of Vijaya Kumaratunga. He was drafted to humiliate Mrs. B and gather all those votes which would have invariably gone to her if Premadasa was not in the running. The success of this strategy was clearly seen in the final results when Premadasa won by a whisker.
To say that is not to take anything away from the indomitable courage displayed by Premadasa as a campaigner. He completely sidelined JRJ and used emissaries like Rukman Senanayake to try and make peace with the JVP. In his manifesto he pledged to send the IPKF back to India which was the demand of both the JVP and LTTE. He told both those militant formations that he too was an “outsider” like them and unsubtly messaged that he was a member of a minority and a deprived caste just like the Karaiyas vis a vis the Vellalas in the north and the Karawe vis a vis the Goigama in the south. He had no hesitation in characterising his adversary as a “radala” – an epithet which had been flung at Mrs. B. by the conventional left [“Radala Ammandi”].
There were reports that the leadership of the JVP were divided on the possibility of a non-Bandaranaike “common candidate- like Dinesh Gunawardena. But that proposal had been vetoed by their strong University Students Federation which had greater freedom of movement than Wijeweera and the top leaders who were in hiding from the armed services. These leaders were unable to swiftly communicate their decisions to the negotiators who met at “Woodlands” under the presidency of Rukman Senanayake who reported directly to Premadasa on a regular basis.
The election was held on December 10 amidst unprecedented violence. 104 SLFP activists were killed according to author Malalgoda Bandutilleke. Many election officials and voters were killed because they disobeyed the JVP order to boycott the election. This led to an unprecedented low poll but it was sufficient to finalize the results and declare a winner – a stupendous achievement. The results of the Presidential election were as follows:
R Premadasa [UNP] – 2,569,199 [50.43 percent]
Sirimavo Bandaranaike [SLFP] – 2,289,860 [44.95 percent]
Ossie Abeygunasekera [SLMP] – 235,719 [4.63 percent]
Majority 227,339
It was clear that Premadasa had won a noteworthy victory and given the UNP a new lease of life. He had managed to clear the 50 percent barrier to avoid a runoff and his “nominee” Ossie had drawn off enough votes to ensure the defeat of Mrs. B. It was a good example of the thoroughness with which the new President undertook any task. As predicted by JRJ, Mrs. B did not come to the Elections Commissioner’s office to hear the result and congratulate the winner. She believed that she had been robbed of a victory and went to courts to challenge the verdict.
As usual this case dragged on and was dismissed by the Supreme Court after Premadasa’s tragic demise. This in reality was Mrs. B s final fling since she had to concede the party leadership to her daughter CBK, who won in 1994. It was her “last hurrah” and Premadasa whom she had reviled throughout his career had the last laugh.
Maligawa
JRJ with his pretensions to royalty had addressed the nation via radio from the “Pattirippuwa” of the Dalada Maligawa after taking the oaths of office in 1977. Premadasa decided to follow suit but as to be expected he gilded the lily by making it a family occasion. He took his wife, who by now had become a dominant influence on her husband, and their two children to the “Pattirippuwa” and addressed the nation via TV. Anura Goonasekera, the Director of Information who pointed out technical difficulties of such a broadcast had been summarily dismissed and his successor Guruge had cobbled together his Outside Broadcasting Unit [OBU] to ensure a live broadcast.
As mentioned in Volume One of my autobiography Anura never returned to public service after that debacle and died prematurely in Singapore at the age of 62. Knowing the value of having a favourite who would do his bidding in the media field the new President appointed AJ Ranasinghe as the State Minister in charge of the subject. The new State Minister made a public pronouncement that he was willing “even to eat a soup made out of his patrons sandals”. This culinary promise no doubt endeared him even more to Premadasa. The President then won over the Diyawadana Nilame, Neranjan Wijeratne, through patronage by way of providing vehicles, government bungalows and extra funding to win his loyalty.
Earlier he had as Minister of Housing provided a “Ran Viyana” or “Golden canopy” to the Maligawa. He later extended patronage to the senior monks of Asgiriya and Malwatta and became a popular and sought after leader by the Sangha thereby undercutting a traditional base of the SLFP. It was an achievement that JRJ neither desired nor attempted to gain. But Premadasa had no difficulty with the monks during the whole of his tenure. My brother in law SM Tennekone was the Government Agent of Kandy at that time and his fellow Rajan. and my Peradeniya contemporary, Gamini Gunawardene was the Superintendent of Police of Central Province. They were both favourites of the President and were his “eyes and ears”. He did not have much faith in the local politicians whom he looked upon as Gamini Dissanayake supporters. He also was in touch with some key mudalalis in town who would finance the monks when requested by him. He thus secured that flank as no UNP leader had done before or after. This was a significant achievement for the only UNP leader who did not belong to the majority caste.
General Election
The new President dissolved Parliament and fixed the general election for the new Parliament to be held on February 15, 1989. Nominations were fixed for a week ending on January 6. A short date was given so that the UNP could capitalize on Premadasa’s victory and the ensuing confusion among opposition parties. The opposition could not coalesce as they usually did into an electoral alliance, which added to the UNPs advantage. Premadasa skillfully prevented the minority parties forming an alliance with the opposition by bringing down the “cut off” point for selection to Parliament from 12.5 percent of votes polled to five percent. It opened the door for greater representation by minority parties. The country was to pay heavily for this opportunism later when all manner of parties, especially communal ones, began to enter the fray knowing that they could enter Parliament with a lesser number of votes.
The JVP intensified their terror tactics to intimidate both candidates and voters. Many candidates from all leading parties were killed during the campaign as well as a large number of village level officials, particularly grama sevakas, who were in charge of servicing polling stations and the state officials conducting the poll.
The results favoured the UNP although the PR system which was introduced for this election precluded a 1977 like sweep. Another feature of the new system was the emphasis on “block votes” be they caste, community, voter recognition or largeness of the electorate. Party seniors who had a district wide profile found it easier to get votes from the whole electoral district. Name recognition was the name of the game. Let us track the dimensions of the UNP victory by analyzing the aggregates of representatives in a few key districts:
Colombo; UNP 12, SLFP 6, MEP 2.
Gampaha; UNP 10, SLFP 6.
Kalutara; UNP 9, SLFP 5.
Kandy; UNP 8, SLFP 4.
Nuwara Eliya; UNP 5, SLFP 2.
Galle; UNP 7, SLFP 5.
Hambantota; UNP 5, SLFP 2.
Kurunegala; UNP 10, SLFP 5.
It was a clean sweep and a personal victory for the new President. He was so elated that he believed that no one would go against this mandate won for the party by him. Therefore he began aggressively to change the victorious party in his own anti-elitist image. He was mindful of the fact that he had earlier created a “de facto” party-the Puravesi Peramuna, with its own program of action. Several of the new MPs led by Gamini Fonseka had been leading lights in the Peramuna. In international affairs he had a contemptuous approach to India and the UK. All this hubris was to have serious consequences for him in a few years time.
An equally important result of the PR system was the allocation of a substantial number of seats to the opposition, particularly the SLFP, based on the number of votes polled. What would have been a rout under the first past the post system was avoided and nearly all the district leaders of the SLFP were returned to Parliament. Their numbers provided a launching pad for an impeachment motion as we shall see later.
However with a larger number of MPs the internal rivalries in the SLFP came into the open. The writ of Mrs. B was challenged by a group from within the party led by Anura Bandaranaike. A few like Stanley Tillekeratne were openly hostile and were not averse to compromises with Premadasa citing earlier discrimination against them by Mrs. B. The once powerful SLFP was imploding in the face of defeat and the election of a new President who was more anti-Bandaranaike than anti SLFP.
Cabinet
Having installed himself with pomp and glory the new President with characteristic speed then turned to man management. He set about appointing a Cabinet on February 18, 1989 and reshuffling his administrative staff, security services and the administrative service. I will say more about the Cabinet appointments in the next chapter. But it was clear that he wanted full control of the government apparatus before he tackled the many issues that he had highlighted in his manifesto.
As a sign of change and his desired unfettered loyalty he made the surprise selection of DB Wijetunga as the Prime Minister thereby thwarting the ambitions of Lalith and Gamini who had wholeheartedly supported him at the Presidential election. To gild the lily he had appointed Wijetunga as the Minister of Finance as well. But by appointing his favourite civil servant R Paskaralingam as the Secretary to the Treasury he signaled that he would use Wijetunga only as a cover for his own control of the Finance Ministry.
The second most important Cabinet appointment was that of Ranjan Wijeratne as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, who was entrusted with the negotiations with India to get the IPKF out of the country. He thereby not only hoped to satisfy the LTTE and the JVP but also give expression to his deep seated hostility to India led by the Gandhi family. Later we will analyze the exchange of letters between him and Rajiv Gandhi which in tone was both undiplomatic and offensive. Wijeratne was the king pin in the Presidents strategy to deal with the Indians as well as the LTTE and JVP.
Ranjan had proved himself to be a loyal supporter of Premadasa even to the extent of challenging his relative JRJ on the need to fully support the latter’s candidacy. However there were times when Pramadasa was suspicious of the actions of his Foreign Minister whom he suspected of consulting JRJ. He brought in Bradman Weerakoon to be his “eyes and ears”. At the same time he appointed his accomplice Bernard Tillekeratne as his Foreign Secretary. As the later writings of Indian High Commissioners to Colombo reveal they were often confused by the contradictory stances of the President and his advisors. For instance when Ranjan discussed a final date for the withdrawal of the IPKF which did not fit the President’s deadline he was about to be replaced as a former Indian High Commissioner Mehrotra discloses in his memoirs. After the departure of the IPKF, Premadasa reshuffled his cabinet and Ranjan was replaced by Harold Herath who was a novice in this field and would unhesitatingly carry out his boss’s orders.
With Sirisena Cooray at the helm of the UNP he was overconfident of his hold on his MPs and often humiliated them for their alleged lethargy. Some Cabinet Ministers told me that their weekly meetings were a nightmare. They were at the receiving end regularly of Premadasa’s abuse. It was a mistake that would come to haunt him later as we shall see in the next chapter.
Next week Lalith and Gamini
(Excerpted from vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography In The Political Arena (1992-2022)
“Kill me, but do not kill my good name”
President Premadasa ✍️
Features
The silent crisis: A humanitarian plea for Sri Lankan healthcare
As a clinician whose journey in medicine began from the lecture halls of the Colombo Medical Faculty, in 1965, and then matured through securing the coveted MBBS(Ceylon) degree in 1970, followed by a further kaleidoscopic journey down the specialist corridors, from 1978 onwards, I have witnessed the remarkable evolution of healthcare in Sri Lanka. I have seen the admirable resolve of a nation that managed to offer free healthcare, at the point of delivery, to all its citizens, and I have seen many a battle being fought to bring state-of-the-art treatments for the benefit of sick patients, even despite some of the initial scepticism on the part of some.
However, as we now try to navigate the turbulent waters of 2026, I find myself compelled to speak even impulsively. This is not a mission of fault-finding, or a manifestation of a desire to “ruffle feathers,” for the sake of fanning a fire. Rather, it is a reflection offered in good faith, born from the “Spirit of an Enthusiast” who has seen both the brickbats as well as the accolades bestowed on our profession. My goal is relatively simple: which is to bring to light the silent, sometimes extremely difficult, situations faced by patients, doctors, and relatives, and to urge for a compassionate and collective solution to a crisis that threatens the very foundation of the care we provide.
The Generic Gamble: The Lament of the Ward
The cornerstone of our health service has always been the provision of free medicine to all who come to our state medical facilities. For decades, the “generic-only” policy served as a vital safety net. But, today, that net is fraying, not just at the edges but virtually as a whole. In our hospital wards, the clinician’s heart sinks when a patient fails to respond to a standard course of treatment.
We are increasingly haunted by the fancy terminology, “Quality Failure”, as alerts on medicinal drugs. When an anti-infective medicine lacks the potency to clear an infection, or when a poor-quality generic drug fails to stabilise the circulation of a little gasping child who is fighting for his life, the treating doctor is left in a state of agonising clinical despair. It is a profound lament to realise that while the medicine is “available” on the shelf, its efficacy remains as a question mark. The “free health service” becomes tragically and obstinately expensive when it leads to prolonged hospital stays, complications, or, in the worst cases, even the loss of a life that could have been saved with a more reliable formulation of an essential medicine. We must acknowledge that a cheap drug that does not work is the most expensive drug of all. For the doctor, this turns every prescription into a calculated risk, a far cry from the “best possible care” we were trained to deliver. These situations are certainly not the whims of fancy of a wandering mind, but real-time occurrences in our health service.
The Vanishing Innovators and the Small Market Reality
In the private sector, the situation is equally dire, though the causes are different. We must face a hard truth: Sri Lanka is a comparatively small market in the global pharmaceutical landscape. For the world’s leading manufacturers of proven, branded medicines and vaccines, our island is often a small, rather peripheral, consideration.
When the National Medicines Regulatory Authority (NMRA) fixes prices at levels that do not even cover the “Cost, Insurance, and Freight” (CIF) value, let alone the massive research and development costs of these innovator drugs, these companies inevitably reach a breaking point. They do not “bail out” through a lack of compassion, but do so even reluctantly sometimes, because they simply cannot sustain their operations at a loss.
Over the last few years, we have watched in silence as reputable international companies have closed their shops and departed our shores. With them have gone some of the vaccines that provided a lifetime of immunity, and the so-called branded drugs that offered predictable, life-saving results. When these “Gold Standards” vanish, the void is often filled by products from regions with lower regulatory oversight, leaving the patient with no choice but to settle for what is available or just what is left.
The Shadow Economy of “Baggage Medicines”
Perhaps the most heartbreaking symptom of this broken system is the rise of the “baggage medicine” market. Walk into any major private hospital today, and you will hear the whispered conversations of relatives trying to source drugs from abroad, in a clandestine manner.
Reputed branded drugs are being brought into the country in the suitcases of international travellers. While these relatives are acting out of pure, desperate love, the medical risks are astronomical. These medicines sometimes bypass the essential “Cold Chain” requirements for temperature-sensitive products like insulin or specialised vaccines. There is no way to verify if the drug in the suitcase is genuinely effective, or if it has been rendered inert by the heat of a cargo hold of an aircraft.
As a physician, it is an agonising dilemma: do I administer a drug brought in a suitcase to save a life, knowing very well that I cannot certify its safety? We are forcing our citizens into a shadow economy of survival, stripped of the protections a modern regulatory body should provide.
The Unavoidable Storm: Geopolitical Shocks
Adding to this internal struggle is the current unrest in the Middle East. As of March 2026, the escalation of conflict has sent shockwaves through global supply chains. With major maritime routes, like the Strait of Hormuz effectively halted and air cargo capacity from Middle Eastern hubs, like Dubai, slashed by over 50%, the cost of transporting medicine has become a moving target.
* Skyrocketing Logistics: Freight surcharges and war-risk insurance premiums have added “unavoidable costs” that simply cannot be absorbed by local importers under a rigid price cap.
* Delayed Transport is delayed healing:
Shipments rerouted around the Cape of Good Hope add weeks to delivery times, leading to stockouts of even the most basic medical consumables.
These are global forces beyond our control, but our regulatory response must be agile enough to recognise them. If we ignore these external costs, we are not just controlling prices; we are ensuring that the medicine never arrives at all.
The Rights of Patients Seeking Private Healthcare
Whatever the reason for patients seeking private healthcare, all of us have an abiding duty to respect their wishes. It is their unquestionable right to have access to drugs and vaccines of proven high quality, if they decide to go into Private Fee-levying Healthcare. This is particularly relevant to the immunisation of children. Sometimes the child receives the first dose of a given vaccine in a Private Hospital, but when he or she is taken for the second dose, that particular vaccine is not available, and they are not able to tell the parents when it would be available as well.
Some of the abiding problems, associated with immunisation of children and adults in the Private Sector, were graphically outlined at the Annual General Meeting of the Vaccines and Infectious Diseases Forum of Sri Lanka, held on the 10th of March, 2026. This needs to be attended to as a significant proportion of vaccines are administered to patients, both children and adults, in the Private Sector.
In other cases, the drug or drugs of proven quality is or are not available in the Private Sector as the company, or importing authority, has wound up the operations in our country due to their inability to sustain the operations, resulting from factors entirely beyond their control. Let us face it, the current pharmaceutical industry is significantly profit-oriented, and they will continue to operate only in countries where their profit margins are quite lucrative.
A Humane Call to All Stakeholders
The current scenario is a shared burden, and it requires a shared, compassionate solution. We must look at this, not through the lens of policy or profit, but through the eyes of the patient waiting in the clinic or in the ward.
* To the Ministry of Health and the NMRA:
We recognise the extremely difficult task of balancing affordability with quality. However, we urge a “Middle Path.” We need a dynamic pricing mechanism that reflects the reality of global trade logistics and the unique challenges of a relatively smaller market. Let us prioritise the restoration of “Quality Assurance” as the primary mandate, ensuring that every generic drug in the state sector is as reliable as the branded ones we have lost. To be able to provide such an abiding certificate of good quality, we need a fully-equipped state-of-the-art laboratory.
* To the Private Sector and Importers:
We ask you to remain committed to the people of Sri Lanka. Your role is not just commercial; it is a vital part of the national health infrastructure. A transparent dialogue with the regulator is essential to prevent more companies from leaving.
* To our Patients and their Families:
We hear your lamentations. We see the struggle in your eyes when a drug is unavailable or when you are forced to seek alternatives from abroad. We respect your right to seek the best possible treatment, and we are advocating for a system that honours that choice legally and safely.
Finally, the Spirit of Care
In the twilight of my career, I look back at my work and the thousands of patients I have treated. The “Spirit of an Enthusiast” is certainly not one of resignation, but of persistent hope. We have the clinical talent and the commitment of our healthcare professionals, we have the history of a strong health service, and we have a populace that deserves the best. For us, in this beautiful land, hope springs eternal.
Let us stop the “baggage medicine” culture. Let us invite the innovators back to our shores by treating them as partners in health, not just as vendors. Let us also ensure that our state-sector generics are beyond reproach.
This is a mission to find a way forward. For the sake of the child in the ward, the elderly patient in the clinic, and the integrity of the medical profession. We desperately need to act now, together, hand in hand, and with a pulsating heart of concern, for the entire humanity we are committed to serve.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin),
FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Features
Social and political aspects of Buddhism in a colonial context
I was recently given several books dealing with religion, and, instead of looking at questions of church union in current times, I turned first to Buddhism in the 19th century. Called Locations of Buddhism: Colonialism and Modernity in Sri Lanka, the book is a study by an American scholar, Anne M Blackburn, about developments in Buddhism during colonial rule. It focuses on the contribution of Ven. Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala who was perhaps the most venerated monk in the latter part of the 19th century.
Hikkaduwe, as she calls Ven. Sumangala through the book, is best known as the founder of the Vidyodaya Pirivena, which was elevated to university statues in the fifties of this century, and renamed the University of Sri Jayewardenepura in the seventies. My work in the few years I was there was in the Sumangala Building, though I knew little about the learned monk who gave it its name.
He is also renowned for having participated in the Panadura debates against Christians, and having contributed to the comparative success of the Buddhist cause. It is said that Colonel Olcott came to Sri Lanka after having read a report of one of the debates, and, over the years, Ven. Sumangala collaborated with him, in particular with regard to the development of secondary schools. At the same time, he was wary of Olcott’s gung ho approach, as later he was wary of the Anagarika Dharmapala, who had no fear of rousing controversy, his own approach being moderate and conciliatory.
While he understood the need for a modern education for Buddhist youngsters, which Olcott promoted, free of possible influences to convert which the Christian schools exercised, he was also deeply concerned with preserving traditional learning. Thus, he ensured that in the pirivena subjects such as astrology and medicine were studied with a focus on established indigenous systems. Blackburn’s account of how he leveraged government funding given the prevailing desire to promote oriental studies while emphatically preserving local values and culture is masterly study of a diplomat dedicated to his patriotic concerns.
He was, indeed, a consummately skilled diplomat in that Blackburn shows very clearly how he satisfied the inclinations of the laymen who were able to fund his various initiatives. He managed to work with both laymen and monks of different castes, despite the caste rivalry that could become intense at times. At the same time, he made no bones about his own commitment to the primacy of the Goigama caste, and the exclusiveness of the Malwatte and Asgiriya Chapters.
What I knew nothing at all about was his deep commitment to internationalism, and his efforts to promote collaboration between Ceylon Lanka and the Theravada countries of South East Asia. One reason for this was that he felt the need for an authoritative leader, which Ceylon had lost when its monarchy was abolished by the British. Someone who could moderate disputes amongst monks, as to both doctrine and practice, seemed to him essential in a context in which there were multiple dispute in Ceylon.
Given that Britain got rid of the Burmese monarchy and France emasculated the Cambodian one, with both of which he also maintained contacts, it was Thailand to which he turned, and there are records of close links with both the Thai priesthood and the monarchy. But in the end the Thai King felt there was no point in taking on the British, so that effort did not succeed.
That the Thai King, the famous Chulalongkorn, did not respond positively to the pleas from Ceylon may well have been because of his desire not to tread on British toes, at a time when Thailand preserved its independence, the only country in Asia to do so without overwhelming British interventions, as happened for instance in Nepal and Afghanistan, which also preserved their own monarchies. But it could also have been connected with the snub he was subject to when he visited the Temple of the Tooth, and was not permitted to touch the Tooth Relic, which he knew had been permitted to others.
The casket was taken away when he leaned towards it by the nobleman in charge, a Panabokke, who was not the Diyawadana Nilame of the day. He may have been entrusted with dealing with the King, as a tough customer. Blackburn suggests it is possible the snub was carefully thought out, since the Kandyan nobility had no fondness for the low country intercourse with foreign royalty, which seemed designed to take away from their own primacy with regard to Buddhism. The fact that they continued subservient to the British was of no consequence to them, since they had a façade of authority.
The detailed account of this disappointment should not, however, take away from Ven. Sumangala’s achievement, and his primacy in the country following his being chosen as the Chief Priest for Adam’s Peak, at the age of 37, which placed him in every sense at the pinnacle of Buddhism in Ceylon. Blackburn makes very clear the enormous respect in which he was held, partly arising from his efforts to order ancient documents pertaining to the rules for the Sangha, and ensure they were followed, and makes clear his dominant position for several decades, and that it was well deserved.
by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha
Features
Achievements of the Hunduwa!
Attempting to bask in the glory of the past serves no purpose, some may argue supporting the contention of modern educationists who are advocating against the compulsory teaching of history to our youth. Even the history they want to teach, apparently, is more to do with the formation of the earth than the achievements of our ancestors! Ruminating over the thought-provoking editorial “From ‘Granary of the East’ to a mere hunduwa” (The Island, 5th March), I wished I was taught more of our history in my schooldays. In fact, I have been spending most of my spare time watching, on YouTube, the excellent series “Unlimited History”, conducted by Nuwan Jude Liyanage, wherein Prof. Raj Somadeva challenges some of the long-held beliefs, based on archaeological findings, whilst emphasising on the great achievements of the past.
Surely, this little drop in the Indian ocean performed well beyond its size to have gained international recognition way back in history. Pliny the Elder, the first-century Roman historian, therefore, represented Ceylon larger than it is, in his map of the world. Clicking on (https://awmc.unc.edu/2025/02/10/interactive-map-the-geography-of-pliny-the-elder/) “Interactive Map: The Geography of Pliny the Elder” in the website of the Ancient World Mapping Centre at the University of North Carolina at Chappel Hill, this is the reference to Anuradhapura, our first capital:
“The ancient capital of Sri Lanka from the fourth century BCE to the 11th century CE. It was recorded under the name Anourogrammon by Ptolemy, who notes its primary political status (Basileion). It has sometimes been argued that a “Palaesimundum” mentioned by Pliny in retelling the story of a Sri Lankan Embassy to the emperor Claudius is also to be identified with Anourogrammon. A large number of numismatic finds from many periods have been reported in the vicinity.”
Ptolemy, referred to above, is the mathematician and astronomer of Greek descent born in Alexandria, Egypt, around 100 CE, who was well known for his geocentric model of the universe, till it was disproved 15 centuries later, by Copernicus with his heliocentric model.
It is no surprise that Anuradhapura deservedly got early international recognition as Ruwanwelisaya, built by King Dutugemunu in 140 BCE, was the seventh tallest building in the ancient world, perhaps, being second only to the Great Pyramids of Giza, at the time of construction. It was overtaken by Jetawanaramaya, built by King Mahasena around 301 CE, which became the third tallest building in the ancient world and still holds the record for the largest Stupa ever built, rising to a height of 400 feet and made using 93.3 million baked mud bricks. Justin Calderon, writing for CNN travel under the heading “The massive megastructure built for eternity and still standing 1,700 years later” (https://edition.cnn.com/travel/jetavanaramaya-sri-lanka-megastructure-anuradhapura) concludes his very informative piece as follows:
“Jetavanaramaya stands today as evidence of an ancient society capable of organising labour, materials and engineering knowledge on a scale that rivalled any civilisation of its time.
That it remains relatively unknown beyond Sri Lanka may be one of history’s great oversights — a reminder that some of the ancient world’s most extraordinary achievements were not carved in stone, but shaped from earth, devotion and human ingenuity.”
Extraordinary achievements of our ancestors are not limited to Stupas alone. As mentioned in the said editorial, our country was once the Granary of the East though our present leader equated it to the smallest measure of rice! Our canal systems with the gradient of an inch over a mile stand testimony to engineering ingenuity of our ancestors. When modern engineers designed the sluice gate of Maduru Oya, they were pleasantly surprised to find the ancient sluice gates designed by our ancestors, without all their technical knowhow, in the identical spot.
Coming to modern times, though we vilify J. R. Jayewardene for some of his misdeeds later in his political career, he should be credited with changing world history with his famous speech advocating non-violence and forgiveness, quoting the words of the Buddha, at the San Francisco Conference in 1945. Japan is eternally grateful for the part JR played in readmitting Japan to the international community, gifting Rupavahini and Sri Jayewardenepura Hospital. Although we have forgotten the good JR did, there is a red marble monument in the gardens of the Great Buddha (Daibutsu) in Kamakura, Japan with Buddha’s words and JR’s signature.
It cannot be forgotten that we are the only country in the world that was able to comprehensively defeat a terrorist group, which many experts opined were invincible. Services rendered by the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda and Gotabaya, should be honoured though they are much reviled now, for their subsequent political misdeeds. Though Gen-Z and the following obviously have no recollections, it is still fresh in the minds of the older generation the trauma we went through.
It is to the credit of the democratic process we uphold, that the other terrorist group that heaped so much of misery on the populace and did immense damage to the infrastructure, is today in government.
As mentioned in the editorial, it is because Lee Kuan Yew did not have a ‘hundu’ mentality that Singapore is what it is today. He once famously said that he wanted to make a Ceylon out of Singapore!
Let our children learn the glories of our past and be proud to be Sri Lankan. Then only they can become productive citizens who work towards a better future. Resilience is in our genes and let us facilitate our youth to be confident, so that they may prove our politicians wrong; ours may be a small country but we are not ‘hundu’!
By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana
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Sports4 days agoThe 147th Royal–Thomian and 175 Years of the School by the Sea
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Business5 days agoBOI launches ‘Invest in Sri Lanka’ forum
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News5 days agoCEBEU warns of operational disruptions amid uncertainty over CEB restructuring
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News4 days agoPower sector reforms jolted by 40% pay hike demand
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Features5 days agoIndian Ocean zone of peace torpedoed!

