Features
Ontario’s Bill 104 and Canada’s obligations to Sri Lanka
Canadian Government’s obligations to Sri Lanka consequent to Ontario’s Bill 104, viewed within concepts of “Diplomatic Protection”, “regionalism versus international law” as well as the “Vienna convention 1961”
By Chandre Dharma-wardana
The provincial government of Ontario passed a bill (Bill 104) implying that a genocide of Tamils occurred in Sri Lanka, and introduced a “Tamil genocide education week” (TGEW) into the school system [1]. This implicit “Genocidal Tag” on Sri Lanka will discourage many entrepreneurs from investing in Sri Lanka, at a time of its dire need.
The bill is part of a continuation of long-standing militancy of the Tamil Diaspora in Canada against Sri Lanka. This Diaspora massively supported the military struggle of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in Sri Lanka [2], even though the LTTE had been designated as ‘terrorist’ by many countries including Canada.
Other Sri Lankans resident in Canada, those outside the activism of the Tamil diaspora, those whose mother language is Sinhalese, and Sri Lankan-Muslims immigrants felt that the TGEW was injurious to them, diminished their dignity and rights as citizens of Canada, or dual citizens of Canada and Sri Lanka. Their children were becoming targets of name-calling and bulling even before the “Genocide education week”. They felt that a provincial government had stigmatised them as members of a “genocidal nation”. Consequently, they mounted a legal challenge to Bill 104, currently before the courts [3].
The Sri Lankans have changed their governments many times over during the separatist wars that took the toll of some three decades. The current government is not even the government that led the thrust against the LTTE. Unfortunately, the Tamil-speaking people under the LTTE had no voice; even minimal dissent was not possible until the elimination of the LTTE, in May 2009. Even after the demise of the LTTE, any dissent continues to be suppressed, as demonstrated by the forced resignation of a distinguished Tamil Anglican prelate who dared to criticise in 2015 the brutal past of the LTTE in Sri Lanka and oppose separatism [4]. The Bishop said that “he was constantly threatened by Tamil Diaspora groups living elsewhere in the world”.
So, while the LTTE killings of its own people [5, 6] and its continued push for separatism are ignored, the Canadian provincial legislature has implicitly condemned Sri Lanka for a “genocide” of Tamils, although no competent authority has recognised such a genocide. The UN Human-rights commissioner, Al-Zeid Hussein had ruled out a genocide in Sri Lanka, as stated in September 2014 [7].
The good name of the current Sri Lankan government, and its capacity to attract foreign investments have been compromised by the TGEW act. Its reputation as a country with very high social indices where democracy has been practiced since the 1930s has been injured by the enactment of the TGEW by the Ontario legislature. While politicians stand discredited for various reasons of corruption and mismanagement, as is the case even with Lanka’s south-Asian neighbours, even the private sector of the country is held to ransom by an injurious act of a Canadian province.
And yet, Sri Lanka and its diplomatic mission seem to consider that it cannot even “appear to intervene” in the politics of the host nation (Canada), especially at the provincial level. Such action is left to the host nation. For instance, if a Canadian group were to desecrate the Sri Lankan flag, the local Canadian Police and the RCMP are expected to act, even without a Sri Lankan complaint.
Given the grave injury to Sri Lanka’s reputation and its capacity to attract investors caused by the implicit “Genocide Tag” contained within the TGEW, with no mechanism for Sri Lanka to defend itself within Canadian soil, the Canadian Ministry of Justice is obliged to step in. The concepts of international obligations discussed here argue for it. Canada’s Attorney General should provide representation for the Sri Lankan government at its courts. Alternatively, Canada should formally inform the Lankan government that Sri Lanka could present itself at the courts as an interested party, although that would be openly avoiding its obligations.
If Canada fails to follow the pitch and substance of the Vienna convention, the concepts of diplomatic protection, and the need to protect international obligations in the face of regionalism, then Sri Lanka should present its plaint to the United Nations and other international legal bodies.
Canadian obligation to intervene, or at least allow Sri Lanka to protect itself.
We consider three concepts in international relations to clarify issues.
The concept of ‘diplomatic
protection’.
The expression ‘diplomatic protection’ if used in its formal sense, as defined by the International Law Commission in its draft articles [8,9,10] implies the following.
“The invocation by a State, through diplomatic action or other peaceful means, of the responsibility of another State for an injury caused by an internationally wrongful act to a natural or legal person that is a national of the former State with a view to the implementation of such responsibility”.
A triter meaning, namely “the informal assistance given by diplomatic missions and consular posts to their nationals” should not be confused with the formal sense of the expression, that we wish to pursue here.
In the present case, Sri Lanka can invoke the responsibility of Canada in regard to the injury caused to its nationals, dual citizens as well as to itself by the enactment of TGEW.
The “Challenge of regionalism on international law and accepted international conventions”.
There has been much discussion [11,12] of the challenges of regionalism to global obligations, universality of right to justice, etc. In contrast, the erosion of the powers of a sovereign state due to the actions of a province or state tend to be considered an internal matter to be dealt with by the sovereign state.
However, the conflict between the center and separatist tendencies in Quebec have generated a hesitancy in Canada to enforce its hand, and avoid engagement, leading to an accentuation of centrifugal forces, e.g., with Alberta moving against “harmful” federalist legislation like gun control. Within such a backdrop, stresses caused by the TGEW to the federal government are of little concern to the Feds. On the other hand, unlike federal-provincial concerns, its impact on Sri Lanka makes it an inter-nation injury similar to de Gaulle’s “vive Quebec Libre”. This is especially hurtful to Sri Lanka because the Genocide Tag also hit it just when its foreign debt became unbearable due to the pandemic, the Ukraine war, and misdirected agro-economic policies [13].
Canada’s obligations under the Vienna convention.
The article 3 (b) of the Vienna convention on diplomatic relations asserts the right of a diplomatic mission to “Protect in the receiving State the interests of the sending State and of its nationals, within the limits permitted by international law”. Nevertheless, diplomatic missions work with through the host government. So, it is the Canadian federal government, through its ministries, the Attorney General, etc., who has the obligation to uphold the tenets of the Vienna Agreement in dealing with the injury to Sri Lanka’s interests.
Conclusion.
The publicly available facts regarding the proceedings of the legal challenge to the TGEW act show that the Canadian government has ignored its obligations and taken the “easy way out” by ignoring the actions of the Ontario legislature.
Lord Naseby who concluded a study of the alleged Genocide using classified UK diplomatic dispatches came to the defence of Sri Lanka [15]. The Sri Lankan Government needs to increase its pressure on Canada and remind Canada of its obligations, not only by making representations to the Canadian High Commissioner in Colombo, but also by submissions to the UN, the International Courts of Justice and similar fora. Sri Lanka must act, not just to put the record right, but also to kick-start its collapsed economy. Foreign investors would hesitate to inject capital into the economy of a nation accused of genocide.
[1] The adoption of Bill 104 as the Tamil Genocide Education Week act: https://dh-web.org/place.names/posts/HansardReport-Bill104_05-MAY-2021_L258A.pdf
[2] Report of the MacKenzie Institute, Ottawa (1995); Funding Terror: The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and their Criminal Activities in Canada and the Western World – The Mackenzie Institute
[3] The legal challenge to the enacted Bill 104; Superior Court hears constitutional challenge to Ontario’s Bill 104 | Law Times (lawtimesnews.com)
[4] Forced resignation of the Anglican Bishop, Rt. Rev. Shanatha Francis, Daily Mirror report, (2015); https://www.dailymirror.lk/60411/gala-bishop-plans-to-resign
[5] Rasalingam, S, Sri Lanka Guardian, (2008); http://www.srilankaguardian.org/2008/10/how-first-class-tamils-promoted.html
[6] Anandasangaree, V., Statement of the General Secretary of the TULF at its annual general meeting regarding LTTE killings of its own cadre at the last stages of the war, Dec. (2008).
[7] Statement of the Secretary General of the UN Human Rights Commission, September (2015); https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=C7bhAkM8PaM
[8] UN Doc. A/CN.4/L 684; Report of the International Law Commission on the work of its Eighteenth Session, 4 … (http://www.un.org/law/ilc/index.htm).
[9] Amerasinghe C.F., Diplomatic protection. OUP, Oxford. (2008)
[10] Denza, E. Nationality and Diplomatic Protection. Neth Int Law Rev 65, 463–480 (2018). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40802-018-0119-4
[11] Starke, J. G., “Regionalism as a Problem o£ International Law”. Law and Politics in the World Community, edited by George A. Lipsky, Berkeley: University of California Press, (1953), pp. 114-126. https://doi.org/10.1525/9780520349568-00
[12] Van Staden, Alfred, and Hans Vollaard, ‘The Erosion of State Sovereignty: Towards a Post-territorial World ?’, in Gerard Kreijen and others (eds.), State, Sovereignty, and International Governance (Oxford, 2002; online edn, Oxford Academic, 22 Mar. (2012), https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199245383.003.0006, accessed 26 Feb. 2023.
[13] Drama-wardana, Chandre, (2023); https://www.realclearmarkets.com/articles/2023/01/05/the_us_must_learn_from_sri_lankas_green_policy_mistakes_873852.html
[14] Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, (1961): https://legal.un.org/ilc/texts/instruments/english/conventions/9_1_1961.pdf
[15] Debate on Sri Lanka in the UK House of Lords, (2019); https://hansard.parliament.uk/lords/2019-02-05/debates/2E1B15B0-E8D5-42AF-B53C-240E0473212C/SriLanka
Features
Rebuilding Sri Lanka Through Inclusive Governance
In the immediate aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah, the government has moved swiftly to establish a Presidential Task Force for Rebuilding Sri Lanka with a core committee to assess requirements, set priorities, allocate resources and raise and disburse funds. Public reaction, however, has focused on the committee’s problematic composition. All eleven committee members are men, and all non-government seats are held by business personalities with no known expertise in complex national development projects, disaster management and addressing the needs of vulnerable populations. They belong to the top echelon of Sri Lanka’s private sector which has been making extraordinary profits. The government has been urged by civil society groups to reconsider the role and purpose of this task force and reconstitute it to be more representative of the country and its multiple needs.
The group of high-powered businessmen initially appointed might greatly help mobilise funds from corporates and international donors, but this group may be ill equipped to determine priorities and oversee disbursement and spending. It would be necessary to separate fundraising, fund oversight and spending prioritisation, given the different capabilities and considerations required for each. International experience in post disaster recovery shows that inclusive and representative structures are more likely to produce outcomes that are equitable, efficient and publicly accepted. Civil society, for instance, brings knowledge rooted in communities, experience in working with vulnerable groups and a capacity to question assumptions that may otherwise go unchallenged.
A positive and important development is that the government has been responsive to these criticisms and has invited at least one civil society representative to join the Rebuilding Sri Lanka committee. This decision deserves to be taken seriously and responded to positively by civil society which needs to call for more representation rather than a single representative. Such a demand would reflect an understanding that rebuilding after a national disaster cannot be undertaken by the state and the business community alone. The inclusion of civil society will strengthen transparency and public confidence, particularly at a moment when trust in institutions remains fragile. While one appointment does not in itself ensure inclusive governance, it opens the door to a more participatory approach that needs to be expanded and institutionalised.
Costly Exclusions
Going down the road of history, the absence of inclusion in government policymaking has cost the country dearly. The exclusion of others, not of one’s own community or political party, started at the very dawn of Independence in 1948. The Father of the Nation, D S Senanayake, led his government to exclude the Malaiyaha Tamil community by depriving them of their citizenship rights. Eight years later, in 1956, the Oxford educated S W R D Bandaranaike effectively excluded the Tamil speaking people from the government by making Sinhala the sole official language. These early decisions normalised exclusion as a tool of governance rather than accommodation and paved the way for seven decades of political conflict and three decades of internal war.
Exclusion has also taken place virulently on a political party basis. Both of Sri Lanka’s post Independence constitutions were decided on by the government alone. The opposition political parties voted against the new constitutions of 1972 and 1977 because they had been excluded from participating in their design. The proposals they had made were not accepted. The basic law of the country was never forged by consensus. This legacy continues to shape adversarial politics and institutional fragility. The exclusion of other communities and political parties from decision making has led to frequent reversals of government policy. Whether in education or economic regulation or foreign policy, what one government has done the successor government has undone.
Sri Lanka’s poor performance in securing the foreign investment necessary for rapid economic growth can be attributed to this factor in the main. Policy instability is not simply an economic problem but a political one rooted in narrow ownership of power. In 2022, when the people went on to the streets to protest against the government and caused it to fall, they demanded system change in which their primary focus was corruption, which had reached very high levels both literally and figuratively. The focus on corruption, as being done by the government at present, has two beneficial impacts for the government. The first is that it ensures that a minimum of resources will be wasted so that the maximum may be used for the people’s welfare.
Second Benefit
The second benefit is that by focusing on the crime of corruption, the government can disable many leaders in the opposition. The more opposition leaders who are behind bars on charges of corruption, the less competition the government faces. Yet these gains do not substitute for the deeper requirement of inclusive governance. The present government seems to have identified corruption as the problem it will emphasise. However, reducing or eliminating corruption by itself is not going to lead to rapid economic development. Corruption is not the sole reason for the absence of economic growth. The most important factor in rapid economic growth is to have government policies that are not reversed every time a new government comes to power.
For Sri Lanka to make the transition to self-sustaining and rapid economic development, it is necessary that the economic policies followed today are not reversed tomorrow. The best way to ensure continuity of policy is to be inclusive in governance. Instead of excluding those in the opposition, the mainstream opposition in particular needs to be included. In terms of system change, the government has scored high with regard to corruption. There is a general feeling that corruption in the country is much reduced compared to the past. However, with regard to inclusion the government needs to demonstrate more commitment. This was evident in the initial choice of cabinet ministers, who were nearly all men from the majority ethnic community. Important committees it formed, including the Presidential Task Force for a Clean Sri Lanka and the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force, also failed at first to reflect the diversity of the country.
In a multi ethnic and multi religious society like Sri Lanka, inclusivity is not merely symbolic. It is essential for addressing diverse perspectives and fostering mutual understanding. It is important to have members of the Tamil, Muslim and other minority communities, and women who are 52 percent of the population, appointed to important decision making bodies, especially those tasked with national recovery. Without such representation, the risk is that the very communities most affected by the crisis will remain unheard, and old grievances will be reproduced in new forms. The invitation extended to civil society to participate in the Rebuilding Sri Lanka Task Force is an important beginning. Whether it becomes a turning point will depend on whether the government chooses to make inclusion a principle of governance rather than treat it as a show of concession made under pressure.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Reservoir operation and flooding
Former Director General of Irrigation, G.T. Dharmasena, in an article, titled “Revival of Innovative systems for reservoir operation and flood forecasting” in The Island of 17 December, 2025, starts out by stating:
“Most reservoirs in Sri Lanka are agriculture and hydropower dominated. Reservoir operators are often unwilling to acknowledge the flood detention capability of major reservoirs during the onset of monsoons. Deviating from the traditional priority for food production and hydropower development, it is time to reorient the operational approach of major reservoirs operators under extreme events, where flood control becomes a vital function. While admitting that total elimination of flood impacts is not technically feasible, the impacts can be reduced by efficient operation of reservoirs and effective early warning systems”.
Addressing the question often raised by the public as to “Why is flooding more prominent downstream of reservoirs compared to the period before they were built,” Mr. Dharmasena cites the following instances: “For instance, why do (sic) Magama in Tissamaharama face floods threats after the construction of the massive Kirindi Oya reservoir? Similarly, why does Ambalantota flood after the construction of Udawalawe Reservoir? Furthermore, why is Molkawa, in the Kalutara District area, getting flooded so often after the construction of Kukule reservoir”?
“These situations exist in several other river basins, too. Engineers must, therefore, be mindful of the need to strictly control the operation of the reservoir gates by their field staff. (Since) “The actual field situation can sometimes deviate significantly from the theoretical technology… it is necessary to examine whether gate operators are strictly adhering to the operational guidelines, as gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”.
COMMENT
For Mr. Dharmasena to bring to the attention of the public that “gate operation currently relies too much on the discretion of the operator at the site”, is being disingenuous, after accepting flooding as a way of life for ALL major reservoirs for decades and not doing much about it. As far as the public is concerned, their expectation is that the Institution responsible for Reservoir Management should, not only develop the necessary guidelines to address flooding but also ensure that they are strictly administered by those responsible, without leaving it to the arbitrary discretion of field staff. This exercise should be reviewed annually after each monsoon, if lives are to be saved and livelihoods are to be sustained.
IMPACT of GATE OPERATION on FLOODING
According to Mr. Dhamasena, “Major reservoir spillways are designed for very high return periods… If the spillway gates are opened fully when reservoir is at full capacity, this can produce an artificial flood of a very large magnitude… Therefore, reservoir operators must be mindful in this regard to avoid any artificial flood creation” (Ibid). Continuing, he states: “In reality reservoir spillways are often designed for the sole safety of the reservoir structure, often compromising the safety of the downstream population. This design concept was promoted by foreign agencies in recent times to safeguard their investment for dams. Consequently, the discharge capacities of these spill gates significantly exceed the natural carrying capacity of river(s) downstream” (Ibid).
COMMENT
The design concept where priority is given to the “sole safety of the structure” that causes the discharge capacity of spill gates to “significantly exceed” the carrying capacity of the river is not limited to foreign agencies. Such concepts are also adopted by local designers as well, judging from the fact that flooding is accepted as an inevitable feature of reservoirs. Since design concepts in their current form lack concern for serious destructive consequences downstream and, therefore, unacceptable, it is imperative that the Government mandates that current design criteria are revisited as a critical part of the restoration programme.
CONNECTIVITY BETWEEN GATE OPENINGS and SAFETY MEASURES
It is only after the devastation of historic proportions left behind by Cyclone Ditwah that the Public is aware that major reservoirs are designed with spill gate openings to protect the safety of the structure without factoring in the consequences downstream, such as the safety of the population is an unacceptable proposition. The Institution or Institutions associated with the design have a responsibility not only to inform but also work together with Institutions such as Disaster Management and any others responsible for the consequences downstream, so that they could prepare for what is to follow.
Without working in isolation and without limiting it only to, informing related Institutions, the need is for Institutions that design reservoirs to work as a team with Forecasting and Disaster Management and develop operational frameworks that should be institutionalised and approved by the Cabinet of Ministers. The need is to recognize that without connectivity between spill gate openings and safety measures downstream, catastrophes downstream are bound to recur.
Therefore, the mandate for dam designers and those responsible for disaster management and forecasting should be for them to jointly establish guidelines relating to what safety measures are to be adopted for varying degrees of spill gate openings. For instance, the carrying capacity of the river should relate with a specific openinig of the spill gate. Another specific opening is required when the population should be compelled to move to high ground. The process should continue until the spill gate opening is such that it warrants the population to be evacuated. This relationship could also be established by relating the spill gate openings to the width of the river downstream.
The measures recommended above should be backed up by the judicious use of the land within the flood plain of reservoirs for “DRY DAMS” with sufficient capacity to intercept part of the spill gate discharge from which excess water could be released within the carrying capacity of the river. By relating the capacity of the DRY DAM to the spill gate opening, a degree of safety could be established. However, since the practice of demarcating flood plains is not taken seriously by the Institution concerned, the Government should introduce a Bill that such demarcations are made mandatory as part of State Land in the design and operation of reservoirs. Adopting such a practice would not only contribute significantly to control flooding, but also save lives by not permitting settlement but permitting agricultural activities only within these zones. Furthermore, the creation of an intermediate zone to contain excess flood waters would not tax the safety measures to the extent it would in the absence of such a safety net.
CONCLUSION
Perhaps, the towns of Kotmale and Gampola suffered severe flooding and loss of life because the opening of spill gates to release the unprecedented volumes of water from Cyclone Ditwah, was warranted by the need to ensure the safety of Kotmale and Upper Kotmale Dams.
This and other similar disasters bring into focus the connectivity that exists between forecasting, operation of spill gates, flooding and disaster management. Therefore, it is imperative that the government introduce the much-needed legislative and executive measures to ensure that the agencies associated with these disciplines develop a common operational framework to mitigate flooding and its destructive consequences. A critical feature of such a framework should be the demarcation of the flood plain, and decree that land within the flood plain is a zone set aside for DRY DAMS, planted with trees and free of human settlements, other than for agricultural purposes. In addition, the mandate of such a framework should establish for each river basin the relationship between the degree to which spill gates are opened with levels of flooding and appropriate safety measures.
The government should insist that associated Agencies identify and conduct a pilot project to ascertain the efficacy of the recommendations cited above and if need be, modify it accordingly, so that downstream physical features that are unique to each river basin are taken into account and made an integral feature of reservoir design. Even if such restrictions downstream limit the capacities to store spill gate discharges, it has to be appreciated that providing such facilities within the flood plain to any degree would mitigate the destructive consequences of the flooding.
By Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
Listening to the Language of Shells
The ocean rarely raises its voice. Instead, it leaves behind signs — subtle, intricate and enduring — for those willing to observe closely. Along Sri Lanka’s shores, these signs often appear in the form of seashells: spiralled, ridged, polished by waves, carrying within them the quiet history of marine life. For Marine Naturalist Dr. Malik Fernando, these shells are not souvenirs of the sea but storytellers, bearing witness to ecological change, resilience and loss.
“Seashells are among the most eloquent narrators of the ocean’s condition,” Dr. Fernando told The Island. “They are biological archives. If you know how to read them, they reveal the story of our seas, past and present.”
A long-standing marine conservationist and a member of the Marine Subcommittee of the Wildlife & Nature Protection Society (WNPS), Dr. Fernando has dedicated much of his life to understanding and protecting Sri Lanka’s marine ecosystems. While charismatic megafauna often dominate conservation discourse, he has consistently drawn attention to less celebrated but equally vital marine organisms — particularly molluscs, whose shells are integral to coastal and reef ecosystems.
“Shells are often admired for their beauty, but rarely for their function,” he said. “They are homes, shields and structural components of marine habitats. When shell-bearing organisms decline, it destabilises entire food webs.”
Sri Lanka’s geographical identity as an island nation, Dr. Fernando says, is paradoxically underrepresented in national conservation priorities. “We speak passionately about forests and wildlife on land, but our relationship with the ocean remains largely extractive,” he noted. “We fish, mine sand, build along the coast and pollute, yet fail to pause and ask how much the sea can endure.”
Through his work with the WNPS Marine Subcommittee, Dr. Fernando has been at the forefront of advocating for science-led marine policy and integrated coastal management. He stressed that fragmented governance and weak enforcement continue to undermine marine protection efforts. “The ocean does not recognise administrative boundaries,” he said. “But unfortunately, our policies often do.”
He believes that one of the greatest challenges facing marine conservation in Sri Lanka is invisibility. “What happens underwater is out of sight, and therefore out of mind,” he said. “Coral bleaching, mollusc depletion, habitat destruction — these crises unfold silently. By the time the impacts reach the shore, it is often too late.”
Seashells, in this context, become messengers. Changes in shell thickness, size and abundance, Dr. Fernando explained, can signal shifts in ocean chemistry, rising temperatures and increasing acidity — all linked to climate change. “Ocean acidification weakens shells,” he said. “It is a chemical reality with biological consequences. When shells grow thinner, organisms become more vulnerable, and ecosystems less stable.”
Climate change, he warned, is no longer a distant threat but an active force reshaping Sri Lanka’s marine environment. “We are already witnessing altered breeding cycles, migration patterns and species distribution,” he said. “Marine life is responding rapidly. The question is whether humans will respond wisely.”
Despite the gravity of these challenges, Dr. Fernando remains an advocate of hope rooted in knowledge. He believes public awareness and education are essential to reversing marine degradation. “You cannot expect people to protect what they do not understand,” he said. “Marine literacy must begin early — in schools, communities and through public storytelling.”
It is this belief that has driven his involvement in initiatives that use visual narratives to communicate marine science to broader audiences. According to Dr. Fernando, imagery, art and heritage-based storytelling can evoke emotional connections that data alone cannot. “A well-composed image of a shell can inspire curiosity,” he said. “Curiosity leads to respect, and respect to protection.”
Shells, he added, also hold cultural and historical significance in Sri Lanka, having been used for ornamentation, ritual objects and trade for centuries. “They connect nature and culture,” he said. “By celebrating shells, we are also honouring coastal communities whose lives have long been intertwined with the sea.”
However, Dr. Fernando cautioned against romanticising the ocean without acknowledging responsibility. “Celebration must go hand in hand with conservation,” he said. “Otherwise, we risk turning heritage into exploitation.”
He was particularly critical of unregulated shell collection and commercialisation. “What seems harmless — picking up shells — can have cumulative impacts,” he said. “When multiplied across thousands of visitors, it becomes extraction.”
As Sri Lanka continues to promote coastal tourism, Dr. Fernando emphasised the need for sustainability frameworks that prioritise ecosystem health. “Tourism must not come at the cost of the very environments it depends on,” he said. “Marine conservation is not anti-development; it is pro-future.”

Dr. Malik Fernando
Reflecting on his decades-long engagement with the sea, Dr. Fernando described marine conservation as both a scientific pursuit and a moral obligation. “The ocean has given us food, livelihoods, climate regulation and beauty,” he said. “Protecting it is not an act of charity; it is an act of responsibility.”
He called for stronger collaboration between scientists, policymakers, civil society and the private sector. “No single entity can safeguard the ocean alone,” he said. “Conservation requires collective stewardship.”
Yet, amid concern, Dr. Fernando expressed cautious optimism. “Sri Lanka still has immense marine wealth,” he said. “Our reefs, seagrass beds and coastal waters are resilient, if given a chance.”
Standing at the edge of the sea, shells scattered along the sand, one is reminded that the ocean does not shout its warnings. It leaves behind clues — delicate, enduring, easily overlooked. For Dr. Malik Fernando, those clues demand attention.
“The sea is constantly communicating,” he said. “In shells, in currents, in changing patterns of life. The real question is whether we, as a society, are finally prepared to listen — and to act before silence replaces the story.”
By Ifham Nizam
-
News5 days agoBritish MP calls on Foreign Secretary to expand sanction package against ‘Sri Lankan war criminals’
-
Sports5 days agoChief selector’s remarks disappointing says Mickey Arthur
-
News4 days agoStreet vendors banned from Kandy City
-
News6 days agoSri Lanka’s coastline faces unfolding catastrophe: Expert
-
Opinion5 days agoDisasters do not destroy nations; the refusal to change does
-
News4 days agoLankan aircrew fly daring UN Medevac in hostile conditions in Africa
-
Midweek Review6 days agoYear ends with the NPP govt. on the back foot
-
Sports6 days agoLife after the armband for Asalanka
