Midweek Review

Myopia in Arts Stream Education in State Universities in Sri Lanka

Published

4 years ago

2021/06/30

By Samanthi Senaratne and Sunil Dahanayake

The Auditor-General (AG)’s Department of Sri Lanka issued an audit report titled “Propensity to Tend Education under the Arts Stream and the Unemployment of Arts Graduates” on 18 November, 2020. Subsequently, a series of articles by a group of academics, known as ‘Kuppi Talk,’ from Faculties of Arts of the University of Colombo, University of Peradeniya, University of Jaffna and Open University of Sri Lanka appeared in The Island newspaper. These academics have highlighted that they are working in an environment in which arts education is under attack and there is no adequate funding from the government to improve the arts education in universities as well as in schools. They have also mentioned that the role of the arts education has been narrowly focused on employability, which is negatively impacting on the role of university education. In general, these articles discuss the meaning of arts education, funding restrictions, gender issues, neo-liberalism, feminism related aspects and suggest that there should be an extensive discussion on this matter. Further, they mention that the professionals,like auditors, have no capacity to analyse the role of arts education in the schools and the universities in Sri Lanka. They argue that their role is to produce liberal arts graduates, who are compatible with the society’s norms and values.

We found that this group of academics feel that the AG’s report has unfairly targeted the arts education in Sri Lanka. However, our view is that it is important to look into the positive side of this audit report and see how the arts education in Sri Lankan schools and universities can be improved. Hence, we provide a different perspective and suggestions to the issues noted above to reframe our school and university education systems to suit the changing social, political and economic environment. We argue that the main factors, which are contributing to the unemployment of arts graduates are, the lack of English language skills and the inflexible subject enrolment system in state universities in Sri Lanka.

We write this article based on how we have achieved our educational and professional goals because of the skills in the English language and the subject stream we opted for. The two authors have obtained their undergraduate education from the University of Sri Jayewardenepura, Sri Lanka and serve as academics, in Australia. The second author, Sunil Dahanayake, an academic in Accounting and a Chartered Accountant, suffered a lot in the early 1980s, after completing a Business Administration degree in Sinhala medium at the Faculty of Management Studies and Commerce of the University of Sri Jayewardenepura (USJ). He attended Kapuduwa Kanishta Vidyalaya and Thihagoda Maha Vidyalaya in Matara. He did not offer English as a subject at the GCE O/L and A/L examinations in Sri Lanka. The first author, Samanthi Senaratne, has a somewhat different background. She completed her first degree in Accounting in the English medium, at the USJ in 1996. She attended Visakha Vidyalaya in Colombo and passed English Language and Literature at the GCE. A/L examination as the fourth subject in the commerce stream.

Importance of AG’s report

The AG’s audit report recognises the importance of arts education in a country and makes recommendations to reduce the imbalance between the education and the employment needs. Accordingly, this report discusses two main issues associated with arts education in Sri Lanka: (a) why more school students select arts stream subjects for the GCE. A/L examination and (b) why the university graduates in the Arts stream face difficulties in finding employment opportunities.

We do not concentrate on the technical jargon in the audit report as such, but we have to discuss the category of audit, rationale for this audit and its findings. The AG carries out two main categories of audits as Financial Audits and Performance Audits (also known as Value for Money (VFM) audits or Operational Audits). This audit report on Arts Education in Sri Lanka is a performance audit report, whose basic objective is to evaluate the government programmes to determine whether a particular programme, project or an organisation has carried out its activities with effectiveness, efficiency and economy. The performance audits are similar to qualitative programme evaluations but do not have specific measurements as in a financial audit, and the subjects audited can be very broad. There is ample evidence to indicate that the AG has done substantial work in terms of audit methods and procedures to collect the evidence to articulate the conclusions and recommendations of this report. The recommendations in this audit report are useful to the higher education authorities such as the Ministry of Education, University Grants Commission (UGC), State Universities in Sri Lanka and National Institute of Education (NIE) to improve the national educational policies and programs.

The major findings in this audit report are that the poor infrastructure and staff facilities in rural areas are pushing students to select arts stream subjects instead of the subjects in other streams such as biological science, mathematics, commerce and technology. The audit report indicates that arts and fine arts graduates have an unemployment rate of 54.4% and 62.8% respectively as per the UGC survey data on unemployment for the period from 2016-2017. The AG recommends that all the regional schools in Sri Lanka should be provided with infrastructure facilities and qualified teaching staff to rectify these deficiencies.

In relation to arts education in universities, the AG recommends that the degree programmes should be reviewed and revised to suit the needs of the employers and society, and equipped with English communication, Information Technology (IT) and other soft skills to reduce the level of unemployment of arts graduates. One of the main highlights of this audit report is that the majority of the graduates have indicated that the English language competency is the most vital element in finding an employment opportunity. Accordingly, we discuss the current status of English education in schools and universities in the following sections as it is considered as one of the main inhibitors in pursuing higher studies and securing employment opportunities for arts stream students and graduates.

Present status of English education

English is taught in schools in Sri Lanka from Grade 1 and students offer it at the GCE O/L and A/L examinations. This audit report highlights the number of candidates who sat and passed the GCE O/L and A/L examinations along with their pass rates in Sri Lanka from 2015 to 2018. The average pass rate of English at G.C.E. O/L is 50%, which indicates that 50% of the students fail English subject every year. We also noted that an extremely low number of students are taking English as a subject at A/L Examination when compared with the Sinhala and Tamil languages as indicated below. We have used the G.C.E. A/L examination performance reports produced by the Department of Examinations to verify the accuracy and compare the number of candidates sitting and passing English as a subject along with Sinhala and Tamil languages as shown in the table.

These numbers speak for themselves about the English, Sinhala and Tamil language education at the G.C.E. A/L in schools in Sri Lanka. We noted that a fairly lower number of students select English as a subject at G.C.E. A/L, which is approximately 2% of the candidates, sit for A/L in Arts stream. Further, it can be seen that 40-50% of these students who take English as a subject at A/L, fail this subject. Apparently, there are two reasons for the low number of candidates who sit for the English subject at G.C.E. A/L, which we indicate as follows:

1. Students do not want to take the risk of not being able to enter a state university when considering the possibility of obtaining good grades for the G.C.E. A/L English subject.

2. The lack of qualified teachers to teach the G.C.E. A/L English subject particularly in rural areas.

The numbers given above as to the students who opt for English as a subject at G.C.E. A/L and the AG’s audit report are an eye opener for the government policy makers, teacher training colleges and academics of the English Departments of state universities in Sri Lanka. These numbers show that the number of students who gain the admission to the universities to pursue higher education in English language is very low and as a result, a limited number of graduates will specialise in English and graduate every year from universities. This will result in a scarcity of qualified people in the society, who could provide quality education in English language teaching and learning at both school and university levels.

We also did a random check on Google, searching ‘English classes in Sri Lanka’ and ‘Spoken English classes in Sri Lanka’ which displayed 39,300,000 and 1,640,000 results respectively. These numbers show the high demand for English education in Sri Lanka. The spoken English classes are a good business to deceive the innocent folks who are trying to improve English communication skills. We have personally come across many such incidents.

The above mentioned facts and figures show that there are many interrelated issues when considering the demand to learn English and the availability of qualified people to serve this need in the country. Hence, it is our opinion that the academics of English departments who have expressed concerns as to the findings of the AG’s report, need to focus on this fact. They should question themselves to understand whether they do the justice to the government funding that is currently being allocated to their departments. As per the AG’s report, the largest amount of government funds had been incurred during 2016 to 2018 on the Arts stream, which amounts to 22-23% of the total amount allocated to all faculties of state universities. When analysing the government funding allocation per student, per annum on different subject streams, that number reflects a fairly high allocation for arts faculties. Accordingly, the funding allocation per student on the selected subject stream for 2018 was: Medicine – Rs. 645,372; Science – Rs. 379,835; Arts – Rs. 175,550; Commerce and Management – Rs. 137,111. These numbers indicate that the claim of funding restrictions for arts faculties cannot be justified.

English Language Skills of University Students and Graduates

English is an essential skill in Sri Lanka in finding jobs and for the knowledge enhancement of undergraduates. Further, in Sri Lanka, English language skills are a symbol of social status and also a weapon to discriminate and mentally harass university graduates in interviews and various other forums. That is why English is often referred to as “Kaduwa” (kʌdʊwə) in the university community as narrated by Rohana R. Wasala in his article titled ‘Professor Ashley Halpe, the great humanitarian I knew’ in The Island newspaper on the19th of June 2021. This article points out that this term is used by the students “mostly who come from the non-English speaking (or exclusively swabhasha speaking) rural peasant and generally subaltern sections of the society with negligible English, recognized the alien language (English) for what it had been in the past: a symbol of colonial power and privilege and an instrument of oppression and exploitation; a perception that they expressed by calling it ‘kaduwa’ (sword)”. In a nutshell, our university students have a good mastery of the subject knowledge but they find it difficult to search jobs on-line, to write an application or curriculum vitae, to address the selection criteria and to express their knowledge and skills at the interviews, due to the lack of competency in English language skills.

This situation changes with the improvement in English language skills through a formal learning and teaching process. Thus, university students and graduates tend to search for knowledge through books and other media, if they are fluent in English. When the English knowledge of the students is low, they tend to become classroom note readers, idle in the universities and prone to engage in the activities of destructive political organisations.

The second author, Sunil could not communicate in English at the basic level when he graduated in 1980. Then he got an opportunity to serve as an articled clerk in Accounting at one of the leading international accounting firms in Colombo. Sunil was humiliated by his fellow trainees and office workers as well as client staff due to the lack of English communication skills. This gave impetus for Sunil to learn English at the British Council from 1983 to 1985 and to complete the Cambridge University English Language Examinations, despite the financial hardships. Subsequently, Sunil became a chartered accountant and completed postgraduate education in leading universities in USA and Australia, and worked in Sri Lanka, Papua New Guinea, Australia, USA and United Arab Emirates (UAE) as an auditor and academic. All these academic and professional achievements became a reality because he improved his English language competency.

We also provide an institutional success story in management education in Sri Lanka from the Department of Accounting of USJ, where Samanthi read for her undergraduate degree. The management graduates of state universities in Sri Lanka were treated the same as the graduates of arts faculties until the 1990s.

The corporate sector was reluctant to recruit the university graduates in Commerce, Business Administration and Management because of several reasons. Among them a critical consideration was their lack of competency in English language. A group of academics at the USJ realised this issue and commenced a degree program in Accounting at the newly formed Department of Accounting of USJ in 1992 with English as the medium of instruction. The students were given an extensive training in English language. Every week, 10 hours were dedicated for English language learning of the first year students and 8 hours per week for the second year students of this degree program. Therefore, the students got the opportunity to improve their English language skills despite the fact that all students have studied up to A/L in either Sinhala or Tamil medium. The students admitted to this degree programme are very much heterogeneous in terms of English language competence representing all 25 districts of Sri Lanka.

Further, the degree programme integrated IT into accounting courses from the inception and introduced a two-year compulsory internship programme as an integral component of the degree programme, under which the students undergo training in the third and fourth years exposing themselves to the corporate world. These changes made a huge difference in the lives of students who passed out with the accounting degree as they were able to secure employment opportunities even before they completed the degree programme. These graduates are employed in both Sri Lanka and overseas holding positions such as Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) and Chief Financial Officers (CFOs) of corporate entities and partners and directors in accounting firms. The employers, representing the corporate sector entities and accounting firms, now come to the university to recruit these students as trainees in their firms under the internship programme. This degree programme has acted as a catalyst for change of other degree programs of all management faculties of the USJ, University of Colombo and University of Kelaniya. (To be continued)

All News Advertisement

Midweek Review

Ranil in Head-to-Head controversy

Published

6 days ago

2025/03/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

Wickremesinghe responds to Hasan during the controversial interview recorded in London

Former Commander-in-Chief and ex-President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s inadequate defence of the war-winning armed forces underscores the failure on the part of successive governments to address war crimes allegations. Wickremesinghe’s responses highlighted Sri Lanka’s collective and pathetic failure to defend its armed forces. The country missed an opportunity to question the absurdity of UN war crimes accusations based on claims by persons who couldn’t be questioned till 2030 as a result of shocking confidentiality clauses in the Panel of Experts’ report. Imagine a one sided trial where you cannot cross examine your accusers for 30 long years. No wonder much of the world is increasingly demanding urgent reforms in the United Nations as much of its system is rigged by the collective West since its formation.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Al Jazeera’s Head-to-Head presenter Mehdi Hasan and former President Ranil Wickremesinghe, in an interview recorded in February but released last week, dealt with the conclusion of the war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in 2009 without referring to the origins of terrorism here, while prolonging the narrative we were the bad guys throughout and not a word about the LTTE and how it terrorised this country for about 30 years.

The chosen audience at London’s Conway Hall, too, conveniently refrained from bringing up accountability on the part of India in sponsoring terrorism, beginning early ’80s. The issue is would there have been Mullivaikkal bloodshed if India didn’t step in here to pacify Tamil Nadu sentiments? Separatist terrorism received extensive backing in the West and there couldn’t be a better example than the LTTE being allowed to operate its International Secretariat in London, even after it assassinated former Indian Premier Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, while campaigning in Tamil Nadu.

The discussion covered heavy defeat suffered by Wickremesinghe at the last year’s presidential election, still unfinished investigations into the 2019 Easter bombings, the failure on his part to prosecute the Rajapaksas, as well as why punitive measures weren’t taken against Gotabaya Rajapaksa, and unleashing the military on Aragalaya immediately after Parliament elected him President, in July 2022.

Hasan had conveniently forgotten that Wickremesinghe earlier threw his weight behind Aragalaya . Harin Fernando, who had been a SJB member of Parliament at the time of the Aragalaya, is on record as having said that Wickremesinghe directed him to join the campaign to oust Gotabaya Rajapaksa. One-time UNP MP Prof. Ashu Marasinghe, too, disclosed the UNP’s role in Aragalaya.

UK-born British-American broadcaster Hasan aggressively pushed Wickremesinghe on the accountability issues while the UNP leader, at least ended up defending General Shavendra Silva, the wartime General Officer Commanding (GoC) of the celebrated 58 Division (former Task Force 1) accused by the US and UN of perpetrating war crimes without providing any evidence.

Wickremesinghe should have exploited the reference made by the audience to the 1983 violence directed at the Tamil community to remind the world of the events leading to the unprecedented riots. Let me stress that no right thinking person would condone targeting civilians, under any circumstances. However, the country wouldn’t have erupted in July 1983 if not for the Indian military training Tamil terrorist groups and for some inexplicable reason, most probably out of fear, the failure on the part of JRJ to nip the riots in the bud. There were also some extreme elements of the UNP, led by its notorious trade union arm JSS, that perpetrated some of the violence. Some in the police, too, played a part in encouraging rioters, often to make a killing for themselves by taking part of the looted items. President Jayewardene even failed to address the issue for several days. The 1983 riots should be always examined, taking into consideration how the Indian trained LTTE terrorists successfully attacked an Army patrol at Thinnaweli, Jaffna. Of the 14-man contingent, only one survived. There had never been such a devastating attack on the Army, though there were sporadic small arms attacks on police.

Strangely, Hasan and Wickremesinghe discussed war crimes, atrocities and war-related allegations without once referring to the war waged by the Indian Army in the Northern and Eastern regions as if Indians were sacred cows. The audience, too, remained silent. Those who had been demanding accountability on the part of Sri Lanka never once questioned India’s culpability or the innumerable acts of terrorism resorted to by the LTTE, probably taking more Tamil lives, especially those of its rivals and moderate Tamils, who dared to speak up, than the number of security forces personnel and innocent Sinhalese civilians it killed. The fact that India suffered 1,300 officers and men killed and nearly 3,000 others wounded in encounters with the LTTE during July 1987-March 1990 deployment of its euphemistically called Indian Peace Keeping Force here proved the massive security crisis New Delhi helped to create here.

Have you ever heard of anyone seeking an explanation from New Delhi for the 1988 PLOTE (People’s Liberation Organization of Tamil Eelam) raid on the Maldives? Indian trained PLOTE cadres carried out the sea-borne operation, targeting the then Maldivian leader Maumoon Abdul Gayoom at the behest of influential Maldivian Abdulla Luthufee. Would Hasan, born to parents from Hyderabad, and nine at the time of the PLOTE raid, dared to question India’s culpability. We haven’t heard anyone demanding to know the identities of those who perished in the failed Maldivian operation or Sri Lankan Tamils killed in India after the assassination of its one-time Premier Rajiv Gandhi by a teenage suicide bomber in Tamil Nadu.

Seasoned politician Wickremesinghe could have taken advantage of the Head-to-Head ‘show’ to set the record straight in the presence of Frances Harrison, former BBC-Sri Lanka correspondent, Director of International Truth and Justice Project and author of ‘Still Counting the Dead: Survivors of Sri Lanka’s Hidden War,’ and Dr. Madura Rasaratnam, Executive Director of PEARL (People for Equality and Relief in Lanka), that was formed in 2005 in the run-up to the Eelam War IV (2006 August to 2009 May). The other panelist was former UK and EU MP and Wickremesinghe’s presidential envoy, Niranjan Joseph de Silva Deva Aditya whose interventions didn’t help Wickremesinghe at all. Aditya’s declaration towards the tail end of the 49-minute programme that Wickremesinghe caused a devastating split in the LTTE, in 2003, during Oslo arranged talks, seemed absurd.

Addressing a hastily arranged press conference in Colombo, Wickremesinghe alleged that the husband of Executive Director, PEARL and senior lecturer at City University of London Dr. Madura Rasaratnam, had been an associate of LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham. Wickremesinghe asked her to correct him if he was wrong. It would have been better if Wickremesinghe reminded that the late Balasingham had been a British citizen and his Australian-born wife Adele, who promoted recruitment of child soldiers and appeared in LTTE ‘uniform’ and garlanded LTTE female soldiers with their trade mark cyanide capsule, which they always carried around their necks, as they passed out after undergoing training for propaganda purposes. She is now living in the UK, so perhaps Al Jazeera can interview Adele about her sordid role in marching those girls, many of them being underage, to a certain gory death, especially in the event of being captured, as they had been ordered by the LTTE to bite their cyanide capsules.

Hasan accused the Sri Lankan military of depriving the Tamil people of food, medicine and other basic essentials during the war. Unfortunately, former president and six-time Premier Wickremesinghe pathetically failed to counter often repeated lies. Had Wickremesinghe perused the UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) report (read Darusman report) released in 2011, he could have comfortably defended the war-winning military. The UN report acknowledged that the ICRC (International Committee for Red Cross)-run ships evacuated the wounded and the WFP (World Food Programme) sent food to Puthumathalan until the very end. Though the programme is headlined Head-to Head, our ex-President pathetically failed to counter Hasan with credible answers on one-sided questions raised by the interviewer.

Forgotten Lord Naseby’s disclosure

It would be pertinent to mention that Wickremesinghe’s UNP never backed our fighting the Eelam War IV. The UNP quite confidently thought the LTTE could never be defeated, militarily. Actually, the UNP humiliated the military and questioned Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s suitability to lead the Army. One of its top rung Ministers, the late Mangala Samaraweeer,a even claimed in public that Fonseka was not fit even to lead the Salvation Army, that would have been a case of USAID money disbursed underhand to people like him, working overtime.

Hasan accusing Wickremesinghe of defending the military and the Rajapaksas seemed ridiculous against the backdrop of the latter’s treacherous co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution against one’s own security forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) by his government.

Then Premier Wickremesinghe teamed up with Yahapalana President Maithripala Sisisena to betray the warwinning military. In line with a backdoor agreement with the US and Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the Yahapalana government agreed to establish hybrid war crimes mechanism to investigate alleged war crimes.

The former President could have used Lord Naseby’s disclosure of confidential wartime British High Commission dispatches from Colombo to question Hasan and the audience on war dead. Both British diplomatic cables and a UN report that had dealt with war dead placed the figure between 7,000 and 8,000 whereas the PoE estimated 40,000 dead. Wickremesinghe couldn’t have been unaware of Lord Naseby’s revelation and the much discussed Colombo based US Defence Attaché Colonel Lawrence Smith’s declaration at the first ever Colombo Defence seminar, in 2011, regarding claims of planned surrender by a section of the LTTE. The writer was present at the event when Smith responded to questions raised by Maj. Gen. Ashok Mehta, who had served as the Indian commander in charge of the Barricaloa-Ampara sector during the 1987-1988 period.

“Hello, may I say something to a couple of questions raised. I’ve been the Defence Attaché here at the US Embassy since June 2008. Regarding the various versions of events that came out in the final hours and days of the conflict — from what I was privileged to hear and to see, the offers to surrender that I am aware of seemed to come from the mouthpieces of the LTTE — Nadesan, KP — people who weren’t and never had really demonstrated any control over the leadership or the combat power of the LTTE.

“So their offers were a bit suspect anyway, and they tended to vary in content hour by hour, day by day. I think we need to examine the credibility of those offers before we leap to conclusions that such offers were in fact real.

“And I think the same is true for the version of events. It’s not so uncommon in combat operations, in the fog of war, as we all get our reports second, third and fourth hand from various commanders at various levels that the stories don’t seem to all quite match up.

“But I can say that the version presented here so far in this is what I heard as I was here during that time. And I think I better leave it at that before I get into trouble”, he said.

No point in blaming Wickremesinghe for not exploiting such available information in the public domain when the warwinning team (read Rajapaksa governments) shamefully failed to mount an effective counter attack. The Rajapaksas were always in denial mode and never really wanted to address issues in a methodical way. Instead of using all available information to mount an effective defence, the Rajapaksa government squandered millions of USD for propaganda efforts in the US.

Wickremesinghe should have mentioned before the Conway Hall WikiLeaks revelations pertained to the war. WikiLeaks revealed a US dispatch that quoted ICRC Head of Operations for South Asia Jacques de Maio as having told US Ambassador in Geneva, Clint Williamson, though there had been serious violations of International Humanitarian Law, there was no genocide.

Perhaps, one of the most significant declarations that had been made by de Maio was that the Army actually could have won the military battle faster with higher civilian casualties, yet chose a slower approach which led to a greater number of Sri Lankan military deaths. Obviously Wickremesinghe hadn’t been aware of developments he should have been conversant with and as a result the former President couldn’t hit back hard.

How could Yahapalana Premier Wickremesinghe fail to mention two mega lies that had been propagated during his tenure, but subsequently exposed? High profile accusations regarding Mannar mass graves accepted no less a person than UN Human Rights Chief Michelle Bachelet and the then Northern Province Chief Minister C.V. Wigneswaran’s claim of the Army poisoning over 100 LTTE cadres in custody proved to be nothing but lies.

The Fonseka factor

Wickremesinghe could have mentioned conscription of children by the LTTE and indiscriminate use of women in high intensity battles, particularly in the Northern theatre. The ex-President failed to do so. Perhaps, Wickremesinghe should have reminded the Conway Hall crowd that the people of the Northern and Eastern Provinces had clearly disregarded unsubstantiated war crimes accusations by overwhelmingly voting for retired General Sarath Fonseka at the 2010 presidential election. Although Fonseka lost by a staggering 1.8 mn votes, he comfortably won eight predominately Tamil-speaking administrative districts, including Jaffna, just nine months after the conclusion of the war.

War crimes allegations ended up in a wastepaper basket the day the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), one-time LTTE mouthpiece, declared its support for Fonseka. Against the backdrop of the TNA backing Fonseka, whose Army had been accused of human rights violations on a massive scale, often repeated allegations seemed untenable.

Wickremesinghe cannot, under any circumstances, forget that episode as it was his project that brought UNP-TNA-JVP-SLMC and CWC together in 2010. WikiLeaks exposed US dispatches from Colombo pertaining to the US hand in the political project.

We haven’t heard of PEARL or any other organization with similar vision requesting the LTTE to release civilians held during the last phase of the fighting as a human shield by the besieged LTTE. Having forced over 300,000 people to accompany retreating LTTE units, they used them as human shields. The bottom line is that the Diaspora remained blind to civilian sufferings as long as they felt the LTTE could deliver a knockout blow to the Army on the Vanni east front. Canada-based veteran journalist, D. B. S Jayaraj, then considered as an authority on the conflict by many, confidently predicted, in late Dec. 2008, an impending devastating LTTE counter attack and the rolling back of the Army. Then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had been a frontline combat officer during his entire military career till he retired in the early ’90s , told the writer at the time that the LTTE was not in a position to reverse the situation. Within two weeks, the Army overran Kilinochchi, the headquarters of the LTTE. That was the end of the story.

Wickremesinghe and none of those seated at the Conway Hall ever anticipated the fall of Kilinochchi in early January 2009 and the total collapse of the Tiger fighting formations, within five months.

RW’s response to Aragalaya

Hasan questioned Wickremesinghe regarding his response to Aragalaya as well as what was known as the Batalanda torture camp that existed in the late’ 80s.

Hasan never sought Wickremesinghe’s opinion on the alleged US role in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ousting, in spite of recent US declarations about USAID interventions in many parts of the world and accusations the US intervened in support of Aragalaya. Interestingly, Hasan found fault with Wickremesinghe for ordering the military to restore law and order while the former President recalled massive destruction caused by Aragalaya and the bid to storm Parliament. Wickremesinghe reminded Hasan how Aragalaya activists killed SLPP parliamentarian Amarakeerthi Atukorale at Nittambuwa. Atukorale was the last MP killed in violence. The LTTE and the JVP killed over 50 serving and ex-parliamentarians and many lesser politicians.

Batalanda operation, whether we like it or not, had been in line with President JRJ counter insurgency strategy at a time the JVP threatened to overwhelm the UNP-led dictatorial government, taking advantage of the Indo-Lanka accord and the deployment of the Indian Army here to inspire violence. Countries that had been threatened by terrorism adopted controversial measures such as ‘extraordinary rendition’ (apprehending/kidnapping suspected terrorists and detain them in countries where torture is widely practiced. The US-led operation received the backing of many countries, including the UK and Sri Lanka).

The second JVP insurrection had to be crushed, whatever the consequences were, though President JRJ should be held responsible for the catastrophic political measures that plunged the country into turmoil. Wickremesinghe had been a member of JRJ’s Cabinet and should be held collectively responsible for the mayhem the then President caused.

Proscription of the JVP in the run-up to the 1982 presidential election and the postponement of parliamentary election that was to be held in 1983 to 1989 caused resentment among all communities and set the stage for terrorist campaigns in the North and the South. The UNP that had caused so much political destruction is today represented in Parliament by just one MP (CWC member as the party contested under the Elephant symbol).

Wickremesinghe should be grateful to Hasan for not asking him to explain how under his watch the UNP deteriorated to such an extent that it was reduced to zero in Parliament. It would have been better if Hasan asked Wickremesinghe to explain why the Yahapalana administration from 2015 to 2019 borrowed billions of dollars from the international bond market, at high interest, and contributed to the economic bankruptcy of the country in 2022.

Midweek Review

Guru Geethaya:

Published

6 days ago

2025/03/12

Sahan Weerasooriya

A Melancholic Song for Public Education and Social Enlightenment

by Liyanage Amarakeerthi

Guru Geethaya , the song of a teacher, the Sinhala version of Chingiz Aitmatov’s famous novel, The First Teacher, is one of the most inspirational novels among Sinhala readers. Rendered to Sinhala by the veteran translator, Dedigama V. Rodrigo, the novel entered the Sinhala literary scene through the admirable efforts of the Progress Publishers of the former Soviet Union. And like many other Russian and Soviet classics, Guru Geethaya was available at a cheap price. Progress Publishers must be commended for that service. With the fall of the Soviet Union, one of the phenomenal entities that shaped our literary knowledge and taste, the Progress Publishers fell apart. Now, those Russian classics are not easily available, certainly not at an affordable price. Perhaps, a separate essay must be written about the progressive contribution that the Progress Publishers made to enrich Sinhala literary culture. And of course, those Russian classics were translated into Tamil as well.

Sinhala film of a Soviet Novel

Upali Gamlath has made a Sinhala film out of Guru Geethaya, and after waiting in line for many years, the film was recently released. It was heartening to see a sizable audience attended an evening show of Guru Geethaya last weekend at Kandy. I came to know that the film was doing well. Guru Geethaya, the film, regardless of its quality as a work of art, must continue to attract audiences, and it has potential to contribute to the rebuilding of the Sinhala film industry.

As a work of art, I have mixed feelings about Guru Geethaya. After all, it is the first film by the director. Here and there, there are glimpses of cinematic excellence. The actors in the leading role make an admirable effort to create the Duishen and Altynai, one of the best-known fictional couples in the Sinhala literary world. The Sinhala film version of the novel focuses mostly on the latent romantic relationship between the central couple. When Duishen arrives in this remote Kirgiz village in 1924 to establish a school, Altynai was just fourteen years old, and Duishen is, perhaps, in his late twenties. Just seven years after the Russian Revolution, the Soviet Union is in the process of propagating modern education even to distant villages in massive Soviet Russia. This idealist young teacher from the communist party wants the children of these backward hinterlands to receive modern education. When he arrives there, both parents and children of these mountains are illiterate and trapped in a tribal mode of existence. If there is anything called ‘education’ they have received, it is the religious dogma passed on to them by Islamic mullahs.

Youthful Idealism

In an extremely patriarchal world, a fourteen-year-old girl, an orphan, living under the oppression of distant relatives, Altynai has no hope for a happy future. And there is no hope for modern education. Right at that moment, Duishen arrives at the village as an agent of the Russian revolution and as a harbinger of revolutionary modernity. He is passionate about establishing a school there. By the third decade of the twentieth century, education is a right, and every child born into this world must be educated. In Soviet Russia, educating the Russian population was a goal of the revolution. ‘Abolition of illiteracy’ was a revolutionary goal often articulated by Lenin himself.

Among those village kids, only Altynai can share the idealism of Duishen. She has never known a school. But she instinctively knows that education is something desirable and the only way to get out of the trap of ignorance and poverty. In that male-dominated world ruled by Mullah-ethics, she is sold to be the second wife of a much older man. Duishen must liberate the girl from those uncultured men before she is sent away to Moscow for an education institute newly established by the Soviet government. The teacher manages to get her away those men but not before she was abducted and raped.

This slim novel, less than one hundred pages, captures the essence of what the agents of revolution had to face when modernising distant Soviet lands. Of course, they had to engage in this process of social development while the liberal West led by the US, and the religious West, led by the Catholic church, were unitedly working to defeat the revolution. Ironically, the Russian revolution shared many ideals of Western modernity. For example, the liberal West could have supported what people like Duishen were doing in these remote Kirgiz villages in the 1920s. But geopolitics did not work that way, especially during the cold war. It may be cold, but it was certainly ‘war’, and the West was so sure of it. We may have all kinds of issues about the brutality of Stalinist Russia, but the early idealism of the Russian revolution represented in this slim novel, The First Teacher or, Guru Geethaya, has been so inspirational for many of us in the developing world.

Growing up as a son of a working-class family in rural Sri Lanka, I would not have become a professor at a university without the free education system of our country. When I first read Guru Geethaya as a teenager in the mid 1980s, I literally fell in love with the novel. Of course, like many others, I too idealised the teacher, Duishen. Many years later, I learned that there were greater novels. Even among Russian novels, this is not the greatest. I would rate Doctor Zhivago, a critique of revolutionary violence and idealism, much higher than Guru Geethaya. Aitmatov himself has written greater novels- many of which have been translated into Sinhala. But people adore this slim novel about a devoted teacher. Perhaps, the love for our free education system is unconsciously projected onto Duishen. Sinhala people often liken good schoolteachers to Duishen.

As I said earlier, the focus of Upali Gamlath’s film version of the novel is on the unexpressed romantic love between Duishen and Altynai. In the novel as a man of revolution and as an adult, Dushen controls his emotions about the pretty and intelligent Altynai. In the Sinhala film, his love is much more pronounced though never expressed in words. In the novel, Altynai from her Moscow school writes a letter to Duishen expressing her love. We do not get to know whether he ever received it. By this time, World War II was around the corner, or the war had already arrived, and the counter-revolutionary forces in Russia were also creating troubles. Stalinist state machine is doing all the bad things that we now know. So, Duishen must have been preoccupied with other things. Or being an ideal teacher, he did not want to accept her love.

Creative Readings and a slim novel

It may be slim in terms of number of pages, but Aitmatov’s novel offers so much to an inventive reader. One could even argue that it is implicitly critical of the Soviet education endeavor. For example, with all due respect to the idealism and kindness of Duishen, he is an extremely limited first teacher. Except for his idealist loyalty to the communist party, he does not have any serious idea of education. In that sense, the novel can be read as an implicit critique of the kind of education the Soviet government established in distant villages. Except for just one girl, we do not know how many others were freed from illiteracy. During much of the early decades of the twentieth century, Lenin wrote extensively about the need for ‘proper education.’ Many of those writings have been collected as On Public Education (1975), again, by Progress Publishers. Writing to safeguard the revolution, by education Lenin meant, a kind of indoctrination aimed at liberating people from ‘bourgeois ideologies’ and getting them under the dictatorship of one party. For me, it is an extremely limited understanding of education. But when he firmly believed that “Russia is the country assigned by history the role of trailblazer of the socialist revolution(p. 77)”, it was easy for Lenin to see education as a huge propaganda programme intended to establish the dominance of a single party, by extension the dominance of a single ideology. When Duishen starts his school in the Kirgiz village, he pastes a photo of Lenin on the wall. There Duishen is an instrument of spreading the ideology of a single party. But with all those ideological limits, the revolutionary government was trying to make the Russian population literate. In a short essay called, “About our schools” written in 1913, included in the book mentioned above, Lenin explains how badly funded and poorly administered Russian schools were under the Tsar administration and religious authorities. It was clear that for the Tsar regime illiteracy was a tool of ruling. The role of teachers such as Duishen needs to be appreciated in that context.

By now history has given Guru Geethaya its proper place. It is a simple, short novel, about a teacher who attempted to live an ideal life within his own historical context.

In the novel, Aitmatov does not tell us what Dushen teaches. The content of that education is not known to us. Reading the novel now, and of course watching the movie, exactly one hundred years after Duishen arrived in that village, we are experienced and theoretically equipped enough to see beyond the context of the novel’s original context. The Sinhala movie, however, does not provide us with such rich artistic experience.

Saving the Girl/Women

When the revolutionary guards arrive in this remote village to assist Duishen, Altynai has been abducted and raped. If the education system was better planned the girl would have had a much more dignified life without going through that humiliation. Her traumatic experience is so much that she does not return to her village until after she becomes a professor, and she is invited to attend a function.

The Sinhala film industry seems to be making a comeback. And it needs a wide variety of movies to regularly attract a diverse audience. In that sense, I am more than happy that Guru Geethaya is doing well. At the same time, in the context of recent political change, where the need for revitalising our free education system is voiced from many quarters, this film is a melancholic song for an uplifting education. Not to get everyone under the ideological will of a single party, our education must be one that liberates us from all forms of dominance and authority.

Though written in 1962, the novel is set in 1924, which was also the year of Lenin’s death -an incident beautifully described in the novel. There he is represented as a visionary man who wanted to create a better future for these rural children. Within a very different context those who initiated the free education system in Sri Lanka also envisioned a better future for us. That is perhaps why Guru Geethaya has been a beloved piece of literature that draws crowds even to its film version.