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More on keeping the nation fed during July 1983 riots

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1983 ethnic violence

The question of extending credit to traders to maintain stocks of rice, flour and sugar came up next. They did have serious problems due to the shortened banking hours. This had to be financed. We had already extended credit to companies and firms through the Chambers of Commerce and Industry, and this was working well. The overall climate in the country was still murky and far from settled. The ready availability of food was a critical factor in relieving people of a sense of anxiety and stress, and in restoring normalcy. But here we ran the risk of some of the stocks advanced on credit not being paid for.

I informed the Minister, as well as the Cabinet Secretary Mr. G.V.P. Samarasinghe who was also a close adviser of the President, that I was going to take the risk of authorizing advances on a studied basis. The free availability of the staple commodities was vital. It would also relieve the pressure on the Co-operatives which was nearly at breaking point. The Minister approved. The Cabinet Secretary told me. “We have already lost billions, another 100 million won’t matter.”

I for my part was determined not to lose anything. We organized a rapid screening system which identified those to whom credit would be extended. Two weeks credit was extended to them. Concurrently I formed a sub unit headed by an Assistant Accountant, whose responsibility was to chase after the debtors and ensure that they paid. There was no interest charged. Among the many items reviewed at my daily meetings this item was one. The system worked. We recovered everything that was due to us except for Rs. 25,000 from a party to whom we were compelled to give credit due to intense political pressure. This pressure did not come from the Minister. He always acted properly.

President Jayewardene’s order

We had got to a point, where with great difficulty and almost round the clock work by numerous officials, the situation was substantially under control, when one morning the President rang me. “Pieris,” he said, “My security people tell me that they cannot enforce the curfew properly because large numbers of your lorries are running all over the place. Please get this stopped.” I tried to explain to him the consequences of doing so. If the thousands of wholesale and retail points could not be stocked on a continuous basis, there would not be food available. Then he would be faced with an undreamed of security situation.

The President was as usual calm and affable, but stubborn. It was obvious that some security advisors who were totally ignorant of the implications of such a decision had literally brain-washed the President. “Pieris,” the President continued after listening to me. “No, get the lorries off the road during curfew hours, otherwise my people would have to shoot them!” The latter part was said more humorously than seriously. But it was clear that he was not prepared to give his mind to the serious implications involved. I had no choice, but to say that I will pass the message down.

This was both frightening and demoralizing. I tried to get at the Minister. He was not available. It was clear that the Minister had to be briefed about the consequences of this decision and persuaded to go and meet the President. But pending this, some action had to be taken at least to create the appearance that steps were being taken to implement the decision. I sent for Austin Fernando, the Commissioner of Cooperative Development. He was not working from his office at Duke Street, but from the Head Office of the Colombo North Multi-Purpose Co-operative Society in the Pettah.

When he came, I briefed him on what had happened. He was as surprised and frustrated as I was. Only we who worked 14 hours a day. covering every detail and solving every problem that came up could see the magnitude of the blunder that was ordered to be committed. We were convinced that if the smooth flow of the operation which included the port, food store complexes, the co-operatives and the private sector dealers, was interfered with that an adverse impact would result within 24 hours. If it went on for 48 hours, there would have been a complete breakdown in food supplies leading to riots and serious civil unrest.

1983 riots

Austin and I therefore decided to play for time. We issued some desultory verbal instructions here and there, just to be able to say that we were on the job, if someone checked back. In the meantime, a search was going on for the Minister. When we finally contacted him it was early afternoon. He saw the problem at once and was appalled at the decision. He undertook to meet the President in his home at Ward Place during early evening. Eventually, the decision was rescinded and sanity prevailed.

A few days after these problems arose, Bradman Weerakoon was appointed as the Commissioner General of Essential Services. His job was to deal with any bottlenecks and exercise an overall co-ordination. As far as food was concerned he had no problem. We only provided him with the daily statistics pertaining to our efforts. All of us functioned under draconian Emergency Regulations. I was sent a set under confidential cover. I was quite surprised to find that in the maintenance of essential services – and food was one of the most essential – the regulations gave me powers to requisition buildings, vehicles and even persons!

I did not show them to anyone else, securely locked them up in my drawer and never looked at them again. It has always been my view that practically anything you want can be achieved without using power, just by a process of rational discussion and understanding. During those difficult days too, events fortified this belief of mine. I did not requisition anything.

Standards in the public service

Before I leave this subject there are a few miscellaneous matters of interest which I wish to record. Mr. Pulendiran the Food Commissioner and his wife had suffered serious loss of property and psychological trauma when their house and car were burnt down by mobs. Their house was fairly close to the Dehiwela canal bank, and the mob had originated from the shanty dwellers living there. Fortunately his house had been insured. But now they had no place to stay. They were temporarily accommodated in quarters at the Prima Bakery in Rajagiriya.

Two days after these events, he turned up for work. Even their clothes were burnt with the house. I told him to settle down and rest for a few days. But he wouldn’t hear of it. He was a public servant and the head of an important department, and he wished to discharge his responsibilities. All of us were happy to have him back. Many helped them with clothes and other requisites. The dedication of Mr. Pulendiran reflected the public service at its best.

I saw at close quarters how scores of my own officers worked during this period. There was no question of pushing or prodding. They worked punishingly long hours, very often without adequate or proper food. Many of them did not have time to eat, as was the case with me, on many a day. Sympathetic office aides kept us supplied with many cups of tea. Here again they decided when to serve the tea. There was no time for us to think about such matters. They kept a brotherly eye on us, and every time they thought we were flagging, in came the hot cups of tea which were a great restorer.

It had been my good fortune to witness this sense of public duty in many public servants. Another such was the case of my own cousin, Mr. M.B. Senanayake, who was the Senior Deputy Food Commissioner in the 1960’s. He was at the time living in a house very close to the sea at Kollupitiya. One violently stormy night a huge wave engulfed the house and they barely escaped with their lives. The garage outside was demolished by the wave and his car was in the sea with a photograph of it in the newspapers. The furniture, clothes and much else were soaked by the sea water.

Yet, with all this disruption, chaos and personal loss, he was in office at 10 a.m. to meet an Australian delegation, whilst his personal effects were being put out to dry on both sides of the public road. I remember reading Neville Jayaweera’s writing about his experience as Government Agent, Vavuniya during the time of the JVP insurgency of 1971. Many public servants had faced enormous dangers and personal loss, but kept on working and doing their duty. Some died at their posts. Criticism of the public service must be balanced by the great and lasting contributions made by it. Unfortunately, no one had done any sustained work in this area.

A conversation with a lady public servant

At the beginning of the week following, the terrible events of “Black Friday,” a senior Tamil lady public servant telephoned me and said she wished to see me to obtain some advice. I gave her an immediate appointment. When she met me she said that some of her close relations who were in London, wanted her to leave and come over immediately. She was not married. She was defiant. She felt that if she left it would be like running away. She was no coward and she did not wish to appear to be one.

“Damn it Sir,” she said. “This is my country. Why should I run away from my country?” I admired her spirit and her courage. But she was being pestered so much by her relations, she needed advice as to what to do. At that moment she was not capable of clear thought. I said that she was casting a heavy responsibility on me. Having thought about the matter, I told her that all of us had been shaken by the events of the previous Friday in particular. I had no idea whatsoever, as to what really was happening, who was behind it and what further course it would take.

Under these circumstances, my view was that personal safety came first. Therefore, I advised her to go abroad for a short period, and come back once things settled down. She thanked me and said that she would follow my advice. Thereafter she took leave of me, got up and walked towards the door. Suddenly, she turned back and walking up to me said “Sir, why can’t we send all our bloody politicians on compulsory leave for 10 years?” She was exceedingly generous. This was a time when a considerable section of intelligent and educated people belonging to all communities wished to visit far harsher punishments on our politicians of all colours, hues, groups and persuasions.

Complexities of human behaviour

The country gradually settled down and a sense of normalcy was restored. Amidst the gloom, there were shinning beacons of light. Many Sinhalese took great risks in sheltering Tamil families in their own homes. Most of the neighbourhoods did their best to protect both life and property. Down our own lane the Sinhalese, in alliance with others in adjoining lanes saw to it that not a single stone was thrown at a house. So, when our Tamil neighbours returned from their stay in a refugee camp, they had only sweeping and dusting to do.

The Sinhalese driver of the Chief Accountant Food Department Mr. Khatamuttu, risked his life in getting him and his family out of their house in Ratmalana under extremely trying and even dangerous circumstances. Such acts were numerous and widespread. Most of the acts of violence were orchestrated by squads of goons from outside. The neighbourhoods held. and the sense of community never disappeared. Human nature however is very strange. There are some people who cannot triumph over their prejudices whatever the circumstances.

A senior public servant who was helping out at the refugee camp established at Mahanama College told me that one day there was a near riot when the lunch packets were being distributed, because some who had claimed to be “high caste” Tamils vehemently objected to some deemed to be “low caste” being served first. They had also objected to some of those “low caste” being accommodated upstairs in one of the school buildings whilst some of those of “high caste” were being accommodated downstairs. He was a Sinhalese. There was a caste system operating amongst the Sinhalese, which had become much watered down over the years. This was his first exposure to the rigidities of the caste system as practiced by some Tamils.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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