Features
Landmarks in the history of the tea industry
by ACB Pethiyagoda
Commercial agriculture in Ceylon commenced over two centuries ago and much has been written on the subject over the years by scientists, economists, agriculturists and others. This effort is by one who was actively connected with the several aspects of the tea industry for about two decades. Needless to say the events which took place in the early years are recorded following reference to several writings such as ‘A Hundred Years of Ceylon Tea’ by D. M. Forest, A History of Sri Lanka’ by K. M. De Silva, `Tea’ by T. Eden, ‘Tea Planting in Ceylon’ by E.C. Elliott and F.J. Whitehead, ‘A History of the Up-Country Tamil People in Sri Lanka’ by S. Nadesan etc.
In around 1769 the Dutch took to commercial cultivation of cinnamon when supplies from wild plants in the territory of the Kandyan kings dwindled. Organized plantations were therefore set up by Governor Iman Willem Falck in the now Maradana, Cinnamon Gardens and Borella areas. Villagers in various parts of the Southern region of the country, reasonably close to the Western coast, were also encouraged to take to the cultivation.
The quills were in great demand in Europe as a spice and also, particularly among the wealthy, to stir their tea from China in the cold of winter evenings to give it a ‘lift’. The industry diminished in importance during the period of the British Governor, Frederick North (1798-1805) on account of severe competition from Java and low-grade produce from South India and the Philippines. This was about 25 years before Buckingham Palace itself was built by Gorge IV and at the time when Britain ruled the waves and governed vast territories in Asia including parts of Ceylon, except its Kandyan Kingdom.
The next commercial crop, with a short overlapping period, was coffee introduced by the Arabs and which had its beginnings in the Wet Zone peasants’ home gardens. This was even before the arrival in Ceylon of the Portuguese, the first European invaders. It was first grown on a commercial scale at elevations of about 1,600ft around Kandy and Gampola commencing about the middle of the 1820s. The prime movers were Governor Lt. Gen Sir Edward Barnes (1824-1831) and the commander of the Army in Kandy Lt. Col Henry Bird.
While the latter established his plantation at Sinhapitiya near Gampola, Barnes’ plantation was at Gannoruwa, Peradeniya which is today the foremost Government Agricultural Research Station. Other Englishmen followed suit in rapid succession so that sales of land soared from about 350 acres in 1834 to around 79,000 acres in 1841 alone. These buyers were favoured with loans and from the Ceylon Bank (opened in 1841) together with Government land on a grant system up to 1832 and thereafter by auction at a minimum upset price of 5sh. an acre.
Several other laws related to land were enacted over the next few years favouring the English prospectors until the infamous Waste Lands Ordinance came into force in 1897 depriving the Sinhalese of all inherited or uncultivated land leaving no room, in some areas for even a burial ground of their own.
Who were the main buyers? Government Agents, Judges, other high Government officials, Army personnel, and even Archdeacons and Colonial Chaplains! While these gentlemen were the owners the lands were opened mostly by a rough and ready lot of adventurers and soldiers of various ranks discharged from the Army. They had no proper education or knowledge of agriculture but without hesitation they assumed the ranks of Captain, Major etc. according to their ability to get away with it!
Nearly 70 years after the commercial planting of cinnamon, tea came into the scene as seed and seedlings for experimental purposes in 1839 to the Royal Botanical Gardens at Peradeniya, once the home of an early Kandyan chieftain, from the Calcutta Botanic Gardens. About 30 of the seedlings found their way to the property in Nuwara Eliya owned by Sir Anthony Oliphant, Chief Justice and were tended by the Rev E R Gepp, tutor of the Chief Justice’s son. Oliphant Estate at the entrance to Nuwara Eliya from the direction of Kandy would very likely have been the location of the Chief Justice’s house and garden.
The coffee blight, Hemileia Vastartrix was first seen around 1869 but was not considered a serious threat to plantations which in that year totaled some 176,000 acres and continued to be opened.
The extent under cultivation increased to 275,000 acres by 1880. Though yields declined gradually due to the disease prices increased with improved demand. Hence, plantation owners were not unduly bothered about the blight as their coffers kept filling. Further, rumours of labour shortages, financial difficulties and political problems in Brazil and Java and the consequent decline in crops contributed to the complacent attitude of the Ceylon planters.
With the industry thriving there was a demand for improved transport facilities and Governor Sir Henry Ward spent one million pounds sterling for the construction of over 3,000 miles of roadway during his five year period here from 1855. To his credit he also made plans for a railway to the coffee growing areas resulting in the completion of the line from Colombo to Kandy in 1867 and thereafter in stages to Nawalapitiya and beyond upto Nuwara Eliya and Badulla.
During a period of about 20 years with the gradual decline in coffee yields, concern about the situation emerged at last and as a replacement crop cinchona, now known as quinine, became popular. It was known as Jesuit bark, in honour of that Order whose members knew of its curative powers for malaria. In 1861 the Hakgalla Botanic Garden was established by Government for test planting and propagation of cinchona from seeds originally collected in South America.
Loolecondra Estate, Deltota of James Taylor fame, was one of the first estates in 1867 to plant cinchona on a commercial scale mostly as an intercrop with coffee and very much later with tea. Its quality was considered superior to produce from Java and India and Canavaralla Estate in Namunukula was another estate which pioneered in growing the crop. The extent under cultivation rapidly increased from 6,000 acres in 1878 to 64,000 acres by 1883. Similar expansion in other countries resulted in a decline in prices so that by 1890 trees were being uprooted in Ceylon or planted areas were abandoned to the jungle tide.
George Henry Thwaites was appointed Superintendent, later designated Director, of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya in 1849. He devoted 30 years of his life in the fight against the coffee disease and with equal enthusiasm the development of cinchona, nutmeg, cloves, cocoa and cardamom. His name in the development of tea as a commercial crop has a special place as he nurtured and took a serious interest in the first seedlings received at Peradeniya about 10 years before his appointment and for experimental planting in several estates with planting material which arrived from India from time to time thereafter. The modest man although with a Ph.D insisted on being addressed as Mr. Thwaites as there was at the time a Dr. Thwaites, MD in Gampola practicing medicine!
About the time of his retirement from service, to settle down in Kandy, the Planters’ Association of Ceylon nominated Mr. Thwaites a Life Member of the Association; the first of a long list of other distinguished persons connected with the industry.
It was from Thwaites that James Taylor received his first lot of tea seed in about 1860. From around 1866 large quantities of seeds and plants from the Botanic Gardens both at Peradeniya and Hakgalla were distributed widely. Interests in the cultivation became greater almost by the day as a result of a successful study of the industry in India initiated by the Planters’ Association, with Government’s support and led by Arthur Morice, Superintendent of Mooloya Estate, Hewaheta; a close associate of Taylor.
The study revealed that tea planting on a commercial scale was certainly a profitable venture in Ceylon if the seed of the best Assam hybrid variety is introduced and confined to plantations situated at high elevations. These conditions were not difficult to satisfy as expensive and time consuming operations such as jungle clearing and land preparation had already been carried out for coffee and cinchona planting; of greater importance was the urgent need to find a feasible alternative to the declining viability of coffee.
The next event of great significance to the tea industry was when Taylor opened a clearing of 19 acres with Assam seed in Loolecondra Estate in 1866. Some documents indicate the year as 1867 which could perhaps be correctly taken as 1866/67 as planting may have commenced late in ’66 and ended in early ’67 along with the North East Monsoon rains. Even if this was not the case the fact that it was the first planting on a commercial scale after several experimental plots had been raised for about 28 years from 1839 onwards at Peradeniya and Hakgalla Gardens, the Chief Justice’s garden in Nuwara Eliya and somewhat later in Rothschild Estate, Pussellawa, Condagalla Division of Labukelle Estate, Ramboda, Kotegoda Division of Glen Alpin Estate, Badulla and several other plantations.
Tea leaf manufacture is the other aspect which had to be developed along with cultivation. W.J. Jenkins, of Condagalla, claimed to have carried out the first experiments although Taylor also made a similar claim. Perhaps Taylor was right as he would have had sufficient leaf from his 19 acre field to carry out experiments closer in volume to that required for processing on a commercial scale. Jenkins teamed up with Taylor and carried out joint experiments in Taylor’s bungalow verandah until 1872 when Taylor set up a ‘Tea House’ conforming to his own design and plans.
Water wheels were used for motive power to roll the leaf before the fermentation period which was a definite improvement on Jenkins’ practice of rolling by hand which failed to give the much desired ‘twist’ to the fired leaf. This was an inefficient and slow process and therefore expensive even in those times.
As early as 1878 and 1880 Ceylon teas appeared in the London and Melbourne markets respectively and a record in 1881 indicates a valuation of 23 lbs of Loolecondra tea at three shillings per pound by a valuer in Mincing Lane. As the valuation was made in London it was naturally in sterling currency although Ceylon had its own currency in rupees and cents beginning January 1872.
To Taylor’s credit he found that fine plucking (two leaves and bud) as a result of close plucking intervals made better quality teas which naturally received higher prices than those from more mature leaf plucked at longer intervals. This requirement, clearly established over a century ago as a basic need to produce quality teas is to this day sometimes unwittingly ignored by planters; main reasons being their inability to organize close plucking rounds due to shortage of labour or lack of planning or both.
The undisputed pioneer known as the Father of Ceylon’s Tea Industry’ James Taylor was born in March 1835 in Kincandineshire near Aberdeen to Michael, a wheelwright and Margret Taylor who had five other children. At the age of 14 he became a pupil teacher but having met Peter Moir, a cousin on home leave from planting in Ceylon, James set his mind on following his cousin’s footsteps and arrived in Colombo and Naranhena (later a division of Loolecondra). He settled down in Loolecondra in his rough, thatched roofed bungalow enduring for many years the hardships of living under almost primitive conditions.
However, he appears to have enjoyed himself in total dedication to his job as Assistant Superintendent on a salary of $100 a year, less instalments on cost of passage and gear advanced to him by Ms. G & JA Halden of London. His only interests appear to have been on improving the profitability of the estate, experimenting with crops, manufacture of tea and being a good employer to his labour force. He subsequently built himself a comfortable bungalow on being appointed Superintendent but never once went back to England. The one holiday he took out of the country was in Assam to study tea planting and manufacture.
Taylor remained single and the Sinhalese woman who kept house for him is said to have cried her heart out when he died of dysentery at 57 years. He was buried in the Mahaiyawa cemetery in Kandy.
Taylor was recognised by both Government and his fellow planters for his various achievements and contribution to the industry. The Planters’ Association as a token of its appreciation gifted Taylor with a silver tea set made in London and a cheque for Rs. 2,871.11 being the balance of the amount collected. Governor, The Right Hon. Sir William Henry Gregory (1872-1877) who visited Lookcondra to congratulate Taylor on his achievements said that “many men have had monuments raised to them less deserving than Mr. Taylor”.
Up to about the 1870’s proprietors of estates were only Europeans but soon thereafter Indian names such as Eduljee who owned Wewessa in Passara and Benerajee Jeejeebhoy owner of Nahawilla in Demodara appeared in land transfer records. In the midcountry Sinhala names such as Amarasuriya, Pieris, de Mel, de Soysa etc. were known as prominent plantation owners.
It was only in about the 1860s that young Assistants from so called good and well to do families in England were recruited in preference to cashiered soldiers etc. who were engaged earlier. It was in these times that some senior planters and proprietors who considered themselves as superior in society even wore black tailcoat and white tie at dinner! In society they considered themselves the ‘cream, along with only the top Government administrators; others in business and lower grades in Government service were considered inferiors with little effort being made to conceal the attitude.
This account of the industry is in no way complete without mention of the Tea Research Institute of Ceylon, which was established in October 1925 from when crop research activities ceased at the Botanical Gardens in Peradeniya. It was funded by a cess of cents 10 per 100 lbs of tea exported. In 1928, St. Coombs Estate at Talawakelle with a planted acreage of 291 acres out of 424 acres was bought for Rs. 600,000/- out of a loan of rupees one million granted by Government to the Board of Control. Laboratories and quarters for staff were built and for long years the Institute held a unique and prestigious position as a specialized organization and ideal employer. In much later years Sub Stations were set up at Passara and Bombuwela and still later at Kandy and Ratnapura.
The contribution made by the Institute to the advancement of the industry was immense. In the early days it successfully controlled the Tea Tortirix pest by biological means and in about 1949 means for the control of the parasitic fungus Blister Blight were found expeditiously. The expansion of the area under cultivation and replanting of poor yielding seedling tea by vegetatively propagated means commenced in about 1947, although the technique was known in Japan in the nineteenth century and had been adopted in Assam in the 1930s. In Ceylon the results of the search for high yielding, drought, and Blister resistant clones with desirable manufacturing qualities was an outstanding success.
In 1930 the Institute commenced an Advisory Service to assist tea small holders as the planted extent under this category was then in the region of 60,000 acres. Three years later the Tea Control Department was set up to implement several Acts connected with the industry which were passed by the Government.
(To be continued next week)
(First published in 2,000. The late author was a tea planter who also worked for the Tea Research Institute early in his career. He ended his working life handling agricultural projects for the Ceylon Tobacco Co. Ltd.)
by Jehan Perera
The sudden reemergence of two major incidents from the past, that had become peripheral to the concerns of people today, has jolted the national polity and come to its centre stage. These are the interview by former president Ranil Wickremesinghe with the Al Jazeera television station that elicited the Batalanda issue and now the sanctioning of three former military commanders of the Sri Lankan armed forces and an LTTE commander, who switched sides and joined the government. The key lesson that these two incidents give is that allegations of mass crimes, whether they arise nationally or internationally, have to be dealt with at some time or the other. If they are not, they continue to fester beneath the surface until they rise again in a most unexpected way and when they may be more difficult to deal with.
In the case of the Batalanda interrogation site, the sudden reemergence of issues that seemed buried in the past has given rise to conjecture. The Batalanda issue, which goes back 37 years, was never totally off the radar. But after the last of the commission reports of the JVP period had been published over two decades ago, this matter was no longer at the forefront of public consciousness. Most of those in the younger generations who were too young to know what happened at that time, or born afterwards, would scarcely have any idea of what happened at Batalanda. But once the issue of human rights violations surfaced on Al Jazeera television they have come to occupy centre stage. From the day the former president gave his fateful interview there are commentaries on it both in the mainstream media and on social media.
There seems to be a sustained effort to keep the issue alive. The issues of Batalanda provide good fodder to politicians who are campaigning for election at the forthcoming Local Government elections on May 6. It is notable that the publicity on what transpired at Batalanda provides a way in which the outcome of the forthcoming local government elections in the worst affected parts of the country may be swayed. The problem is that the main contesting political parties are liable to be accused of participation in the JVP insurrection or its suppression or both. This may account for the widening of the scope of the allegations to include other sites such as Matale.
POLITICAL IMPERATIVES
The emergence at this time of the human rights violations and war crimes that took place during the LTTE war have their own political reasons, though these are external. The pursuit of truth and accountability must be universal and free from political motivations. Justice cannot be applied selectively. While human rights violations and war crimes call for universal standards that are applicable to all including those being committed at this time in Gaza and Ukraine, political imperatives influence what is surfaced. The sanctioning of the four military commanders by the UK government has been justified by the UK government minister concerned as being the fulfilment of an election pledge that he had made to his constituents. It is notable that the countries at the forefront of justice for Sri Lanka have large Tamil Diasporas that act as vote banks. It usually takes long time to prosecute human rights violations internationally whether it be in South America or East Timor and diasporas have the staying power and resources to keep going on.
In its response to the sanctions placed on the military commanders, the government’s position is that such unilateral decisions by foreign government are not helpful and complicate the task of national reconciliation. It has faced criticism for its restrained response, with some expecting a more forceful rebuttal against the international community. However, the NPP government is not the first to have had to face such problems. The sanctioning of military commanders and even of former presidents has taken place during the periods of previous governments. One of the former commanders who has been sanctioned by the UK government at this time was also sanctioned by the US government in 2020. This was followed by the Canadian government which sanctioned two former presidents in 2023. Neither of the two governments in power at that time took visibly stronger stands.
In addition, resolutions on Sri Lanka have been a regular occurrence and have been passed over the Sri Lankan government’s opposition since 2012. Apart from the very first vote that took place in 2009 when the government promised to take necessary action to deal with the human rights violations of the past, and won that vote, the government has lost every succeeding vote with the margins of defeat becoming bigger and bigger. This process has now culminated in an evidence gathering unit being set up in Geneva to collect evidence of human rights violations in Sri Lanka that is on offer to international governments to use. This is not a safe situation for Sri Lankan leaders to be in as they can be taken before international courts in foreign countries. It is important for Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and dignity as a country that this trend comes to an end.
COMPREHENSIVE SOLUTION
A peaceful future for Sri Lanka requires a multi-dimensional approach that addresses the root causes of conflict while fostering reconciliation, justice, and inclusive development. So far the government’s response to the international pressures is to indicate that it will strengthen the internal mechanisms already in place like the Office on Missing Persons and in addition to set up a truth and reconciliation commission. The difficulty that the government will face is to obtain a national consensus behind this truth and reconciliation commission. Tamil parties and victims’ groups in particular have voiced scepticism about the value of this mechanism. They have seen commissions come and commissions go. Sinhalese nationalist parties are also highly critical of the need for such commissions. As the Nawaz Commission appointed to identify the recommendations of previous commissions observed, “Our island nation has had a surfeit of commissions. Many witnesses who testified before this commission narrated their disappointment of going before previous commissions and achieving nothing in return.”
Former minister Prof G L Peiris has written a detailed critique of the proposed truth and reconciliation law that the previous government prepared but did not present to parliament.
In his critique, Prof Peiris had drawn from the South African truth and reconciliation commission which is the best known and most thoroughly implemented one in the world. He points out that the South African commission had a mandate to cover the entire country and not only some parts of it like the Sri Lankan law proposes. The need for a Sri Lankan truth and reconciliation commission to cover the entire country and not only the north and east is clear in the reemergence of the Batalanda issue. Serious human rights violations have occurred in all parts of the country, and to those from all ethnic and religious communities, and not only in the north and east.
Dealing with the past can only be successful in the context of a “system change” in which there is mutual agreement about the future. The longer this is delayed, the more scepticism will grow among victims and the broader public about the government’s commitment to a solution. The important feature of the South African commission was that it was part of a larger political process aimed to build national consensus through a long and strenuous process of consultations. The ultimate goal of the South African reconciliation process was a comprehensive political settlement that included power-sharing between racial groups and accountability measures that facilitated healing for all sides. If Sri Lanka is to achieve genuine reconciliation, it is necessary to learn from these experiences and take decisive steps to address past injustices in a manner that fosters lasting national unity. A peaceful Sri Lanka is possible if the government, opposition and people commit to truth, justice and inclusivity.
By Anushka Kahandagamage
Education should be genuinely ‘free’—not just in the sense of being free from privatisation, but also in a way that empowers students by freeing them from oppressive structures. It should provide them with the knowledge and tools necessary to think critically, question the status quo, and ultimately liberate themselves from oppressive systems.
Education as an oppressive structure
Education should empower students to think critically, challenge oppression, and envision a more just and equal world. However, in its current state, education often operates as a mechanism of oppression rather than liberation. Instead of fostering independent thinking and change, the education system tends to reinforce the existing power dynamics and social hierarchies. It often upholds the status quo by teaching conformity and compliance rather than critical inquiry and transformation. This results in the reproduction of various inequalities, including economic, racial, and social disparities, further entrenching divisions within society. As a result, instead of being a force for personal and societal empowerment, education inadvertently perpetuates the very systems that contribute to injustice and inequality.
Education sustaining the class structure
Due to the widespread privatisation of education, the system continues to reinforce and sustain existing class structures. Private tuition centres, private schools, and institutions offering degree programmes for a fee all play a significant role in deepening the disparities between different social classes. These private entities often cater to the more affluent segments of society, granting them access to superior education and resources. In contrast, students from less privileged backgrounds are left with fewer opportunities and limited access to quality education, exacerbating the divide between the wealthy and the underprivileged. This growing gap in educational access not only limits social mobility but also perpetuates a cycle where the privileged continue to secure better opportunities while the less fortunate struggle to break free from the constraints of their socio-economic status.
Gender Oppression
Education subtly perpetuates gender oppression in society by reinforcing stereotypes, promoting gender insensitivity, and failing to create a gender-sensitive education system. And some of the policymakers do perpetuate this gender insensitive education by misinforming people. In a recent press conference, one of the former members of Parliament, Wimal Weerawansa, accused gender studies of spreading a ‘disease’ among students. In the year 2025, we are still hearing such absurdities discouraging gender studies. It is troubling and perplexing to hear such outdated and regressive views being voiced by public figures, particularly at a time when societies, worldwide, are increasingly embracing diversity and inclusion. These comments not only undermine the importance of gender studies as an academic field but also reinforce harmful stereotypes that marginalise individuals who do not fit into traditional gender roles. As we move forward in an era of greater social progress, such antiquated views only serve to hinder the ongoing work of fostering equality and understanding for all people, regardless of gender identity.
Students, whether in schools or universities, are often immersed in an educational discourse where gender is treated as something external, rather than an essential aspect of their everyday lives. In this framework, gender is framed as a concern primarily for “non-males,” which marginalises the broader societal impact of gender issues. This perspective fails to recognise that gender dynamics affect everyone, regardless of their gender identity, and that understanding and addressing gender inequality is crucial for all individuals in society.
A poignant example of this issue can be seen in the recent troubling case of sexual abuse involving a medical doctor. The public discussion surrounding the incident, particularly the media’s decision to disclose the victim’s confidential statement, is deeply concerning. This lack of respect for privacy and sensitivity highlights the pervasive disregard for gender issues in society.
What makes this situation even more alarming is that such media behaviour is not an isolated incident, but rather reflects a broader pattern in a society where gender sensitivity is often dismissed or ignored. In many circles, advocating for gender equality and sensitivity is stigmatised, and is even seen as a ‘disease’ or a disruptive force to the status quo. This attitude contributes to a culture where harmful gender stereotypes persist, and where important conversations about gender equity are sidelined or distorted. Ultimately, this reflects the deeper societal need for an education system that is more attuned to gender sensitivity, recognising its critical role in shaping the world students will inherit and navigate.
To break free from these gender hierarchies there should be, among other things, a gender sensitive education system, which does not limit gender studies to a semester or a mere subject.
Ragging
The inequality that persists in class and regional power structures (Colombo and non-Colombo division) creeps into universities. While ragging is popularly seen as an act of integrating freshers into the system, its roots lie in the deeply divided class and ethno-religious divisions within society.
In certain faculties, senior students may ask junior female students to wear certain fabrics typically worn at home (cheetta dresses) and braid their hair into two plaits, while male students are required to wear white, long-sleeved shirts without belts. Both men and women must wear bathroom slippers. These actions are framed as efforts to make everyone equal, free from class divisions. However, these gendered and ethicised practices stem from unequal and oppressive class structures in society and are gradually infiltrating university culture as mechanisms of oppression.The inequality that persists in gradually makes its way into academic institutions, particularly universities.
These practices are ostensibly intended to create a sense of uniformity and equality among students, removing visible markers of class distinction. However, what is overlooked is that these actions stem from deeply ingrained and unequal social structures that are inherently oppressive. Instead of fostering equality, they reinforce a system where hierarchical power dynamics in the society—rooted in class, gender, and region—are confronted with oppression and violence which is embedded in ragging, creating another system of oppression.
Uncritical Students
In Sri Lanka, and in many other countries across the region, it is common for university students to address their lecturers as ‘Sir’ and ‘Madam.’ This practice is not just a matter of politeness, but rather a reflection of deeply ingrained societal norms that date back to the feudal and colonial eras. The use of these titles reinforces a hierarchical structure within the educational system, where authority is unquestioned, and students are expected to show deference to their professors.
Historically, during colonial rule, the education system was structured around European models, which often emphasised rigid social distinctions and the authority of those in power. The titles ‘Sir’ and ‘Madam’ served to uphold this structure, positioning lecturers as figures of authority who were to be respected and rarely challenged. Even after the end of colonial rule, these practices continued to permeate the education system, becoming normalised as part of the culture.
This practice perpetuates a culture of obedience and respect for authority that discourages critical thinking and active questioning. In this context, students are conditioned to see their lecturers as figures of unquestionable authority, discouraging dialogue, dissent, or challenging the status quo. This hierarchical dynamic can limit intellectual growth and discourage students from engaging in open, critical discussions that could lead to progressive change within both academia and society at large.
Unleashing minds
The transformation of these structures lies in the hands of multiple parties, including academics, students, society, and policymakers. Policymakers must create and enforce policies that discourage the privatisation of education, ensure equal access for all students, regardless of class dynamics, gender, etc. Education should be regarded as a fundamental right, not a privilege available only to a select few. Such policies should also actively promote gender equality and inclusivity, addressing the barriers that prevent women, LGBTQ+ individuals, and other marginalised genders from accessing and succeeding in education. Practices that perpetuate gender inequality, such as sexism, discrimination, or gender-based violence, need to be addressed head-on. Institutions must prioritise gender studies and sensitivity training to cultivate an environment of respect and understanding, where all students, regardless of gender, feel safe and valued.
At the same time, the micro-ecosystems of hierarchy within institutions—such as maintaining outdated power structures and social divisions—must be thoroughly examined and challenged. Universities must foster environments where critical thinking, mutual respect, and inclusivity—across both class and gender—are prioritised. By creating spaces where all minds can flourish, free from the constraints of entrenched hierarchies, we can build a more equitable and intellectually vibrant educational system—one that truly unleashes the potential of all students, regardless of their social background.
(Anushka Kahandagamage is the General Secretary of the Colombo Institute for Human Sciences)
Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.
It’s a known fact that whenever bassist Benjy Ranabahu booms into action he literally lights up the stage, and the exciting news I have for music lovers, this week, is that Benjy is coming up with a new vision.
One thought that this exciting bassist may give the music scene a layoff, after his return from the Seychelles early this year.
At that point in time, he indicated to us that he hasn’t quit the music scene, but that he would like to take a break from the showbiz setup.
“I’m taking things easy at the moment…just need to relax and then decide what my future plans would be,” he said.
However, the good news is that Benjy’s future plans would materialise sooner than one thought.
Yes, Benjy is putting together his own band, with a vision to give music lovers something different, something dynamic.
He has already got the lineup to do the needful, he says, and the guys are now working on their repertoire.
The five-piece lineup will include lead, rhythm, bass, keyboards and drums and the plus factor, said Benjy, is that they all sing.
A female vocalist has also been added to this setup, said Benjy.
“She is relatively new to the scene, but with a trained voice, and that means we have something new to offer music lovers.”
The setup met last week and had a frank discussion on how they intend taking on the music scene and everyone seems excited to get on stage and do the needful, Benjy added.
Benjy went on to say that they are now spending their time rehearsing as they are very keen to gel as a team, because their skills and personalities fit together well.
“The guys I’ve got are all extremely talented and skillful in their profession and they have been around for quite a while, performing as professionals, both here and abroad.”
Benjy himself has performed with several top bands in the past and also had his own band – Aquarius.
Aquarius had quite a few foreign contracts, as well, performing in Europe and in the Middle East, and Benjy is now ready to do it again!
Heavy rainfall of about 100 mm are likely at some places in Central, Sabaragamuwa, Western, Southern and Uva provinces and in Kurunegala and Polonnaruwa districts
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