Features
Is President Gotabaya planning to pack his bags?

by Kumar David
Some three or four of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s recent pronouncements do not align with the tenor of his previous actions after assuming office. I will come to that anon but first let’s ask whether this is because events in Sudan and Burma have put coup prospects in hot water all over the world. The very survival of these two regimes is in doubt. Mass uprisings in Khartoum are intensifying; Al Jazeera commentators say “the military will have a hard time retaining power”. The junta has been condemned by the UN Security Council, the Organisation of African States and human rights organisations. Nowhere in the world will civilian wrath tolerate military power grabs any more. In Burma it is civil war; nearly everyone including the ethnic minorities are fired up (Suu Ki is a dispensable spent force). Gorilla regimes are all isolated internationally; even China is a little less enthusiastic about cheering human rights violators. The replacement of Trump by Biden has been helpful.
In Sudan the economy has collapsed; famine is staved off by international feeding programmes. The economy contracted by 11% in the two years 2019 and 2020 taken together and will shrink again in 2021. Inflation has risen to an annualised 130% rate so far in 2021 (before the coup). It will worsen because of economic disruption and international opprobrium. Are the President’s Viyathmaga morons and chest-thumping military brass (current and ex) flustered by these examples? Is the President smarter than his goofy hangers on? Or is this wishful thinking deluded by an imagined silver lining? What I ask is whether the gloom which many of us saw in Lanka’s horoscope is now tipping over into a funk; are the grim plotters of autocracy backing off? Too early to tell, but in political strategy making one must be sensitive to visible nuances in tone and shifts in power balance.
Here are a few items that caught my attention of late:-
a) Daily News: November 11, 2021
“Gotabaya Rajapaksa questioned the public why they re-elect politicians who they had chased away and urged them to look for new people without re-electing the same set. If myself or my ministers don’t meet your expectations, don’t re-elect them (sic! ‘us’?). Look for new people. This system has to change”. He admitted “government is not delivering, shortages of food, medicines and other essentials persist because of a dire foreign exchange squeeze”. It does sound like a swansong, does it not?
b) Firstpost: Reporting from Agence France-Presse; October 11, 2021
“The people may have a sense of displeasure towards me and the government for not delivering as they expected. I accept that. Not only me but all ministers and MPs should accept it” President Gotabaya Rajapaksa told troops in a speech marking the 72nd anniversary of the military’s founding.
c) The HINDU: SEPTEMBER 22, 2021
In the U.S., Gotabaya promises to engage Tamil diaspora. The announcement is significant, coming from a President whose government proscribed several Tamil diaspora organisations six months ago, branding them “terrorists”. The Rajapaksa administration has repeatedly called diaspora groups “pro-LTTE” outfits, accusing them of attempting to revive the separatist struggle.
d) Daily News: November 11, 2021
New members Ramalingam Chakrawarthy Karunakaran, Yogeswari Patgunarajah and Iyyampillai Dayanandaraja were appointed to the Task Force after taking into consideration representations by various parties and the relinquishment of membership by two members. The President also amended the terms of reference: “Presenting proposals for formulating a conceptual framework ideally suited for Sri Lanka after making a study of the said concept taking into account the views and opinions held by various parties with regard to the implementation of the concept One Country, One Law”.
The guy is simply at sixes and sevens; isn’t it clear that in his own mind he doesn’t know what he is doing? Do muddled people make power-grabs, or is it lost-in-the-woods souls that need to rescind people’s freedom of criticism and publication? Could be either. The worst of it is escalating prices. If food prices inflate at several 100% per year it is curtains for any government. There is nothing an internationally debt-bankrupt, misdirected by a dissembling and deluded government, can do to rectify it.
I asked a well-to-do relative to confirm vegetable price trends reported by the Sunday Times. He went shopping on November 14 and found prices were higher! Mind you this guy enjoys his creature comforts, imbibes whisky by the quart, relishes appetizing food, indulges in delicious sucks and is a reliable reviewer of prices.
Look, this scenario is unsustainable. A financial crisis has become an economic crisis and is on its way to turning into social unrest. Does any jester imagine that an authoritarian solution or a military power-grab can be imposed on an enraged population? In Burma 1,200 have been killed by the army so far but civil war continues. Sudan’s fate beckons would-be militarists elsewhere. The uprising has spread across the country; hundreds of thousands have taken over the streets and refuse to back down in the face of gunfire (about two dozen killed by military-police gunfire to date) and tens of thousands more seem willing to fight to the finish. When a people are well informed, when the misdemeanours of a regime stand exposed on all sides and when people are organised, a coup is not a walk-over, it’s a call to mass revolt.
In Sri Lanka the first two conditions have already been met, but unity of the opposition is absent and organisation is still weak. Nevertheless potential plotters must surely be tuning into Al Jazeera and the BBC and seen the fate that awaits take-over bids. Hopefully their ardour has cooled. I must grant that there are people who call me a Dr Pangloss; they warn that true to form, reaction will first unleash anti-Muslim and anti-Catholic violence to divert attention and after that slaughter Sinhala-Buddhist protesters. Well, maybe; but if a regime stands exposed on every issue and the opposition includes every social and ethnic sector, then what?
In closing, two paragraphs about the international dimension. The purpose of the QUAD group of four countries led by the US and India is China containment. This is at odds with Lanka’s status as a de facto Chinese economic colony. The country’s debt burden and shortages are so serious that it cannot avoid sinking ever deeper into some Beijing ditch – due to no fault of Beijing, just our sustained economic folly. Coincidentally or by design this Indo-American strategic thrust is mirrored by a recent development. The Sunday Times reported on Nov. 14 that a Tamil National Alliance (TNA) delegation left for the United States yesterday morning “at the invitation of the State Department”(!) to drum up support for its stand on Tamil issues. It is reasonable to presume that Tamil diaspora groups are also in the picture and that Muslims and Catholics who have been at the receiving end of the regime’s repression and subterfuge, respectively, are watching developments.
Neither Lanka’s minorities, nor the Sinhalese who are aghast at the fertiliser-cum-faeces fiasco or watching His Excellency butter-up Gnanasara, have much respect for the President. The minorities will play the ‘Sri Lanka is becoming a Chinese colony’ card to the hilt if it helps them get Indian and American protection. A government in the dog-box on local issues, broke down to its last kopek and in international human rights abuse crosshairs, can do without India and America staring down its repression-militarisation-authoritarianism curriculum.
It is this confluence that makes me Panglossian that the regime is on its last legs. Of course it would of be wrong to transmit a “repression is not coming” message since the big challenge remains to stay alert and organise to overcome threats. However, intellectual honesty compels me to share with my readers changes that I discern on the political horizon. Are President Gotabaya, his brain-dead advisors and his pushy junta showing symptoms of a collective yellow liver?
Features
Thousands celebrate a chief who will only rule for eight years

Thousands of people have been gathering in southern Ethiopia for one of the country’s biggest cultural events.
The week-long Gada ceremony, which ended on Sunday, sees the official transfer of power from one customary ruler to his successor – something that happens every eight years.
The tradition of regularly appointing a new Abbaa Gadaa has been practised by the Borana community for centuries – and sees them gather at the rural site of Arda Jila Badhasa, near the Ethiopian town of Arero.
It is a time to celebrate their special form of democracy as well as their cultural heritage, with each age group taking the opportunity to wear their different traditional outfits.
These are paraded the day before the official handover during a procession when married women march with wooden batons, called “siinqee”.

[BBC]
The batons have symbolic values of protection for women, who use them during conflict.
If a siinqee stick is placed on the ground by a married woman between two quarrelling parties, it means the conflict must stop immediately out of respect.
During the procession, younger women lead at the front, distinguished from the married women by the different colour of their clothing.

[BBC]
In this pastoralist society women are excluded from holding the top power of Abbaa Gadaa, sitting on the council of elders or being initiated into the system as a child.
But their important role can be seen during the festival as they build all the accommodation for those staying for the week – and prepare all the food.
And the unique Gada system of governance, which was added to the UN’s cultural heritage list in 2016, allows for them to attend regular community meetings and to voice their opinions to the Abbaa Gadaa.

Gada membership is only open to boys whose fathers are already members – young initiates have their heads shaven at the crown to make their rank clear.
The smaller the circle, the older he is.

As the global cultural body UNESCO reports, oral historians teach young initiates about “history, laws, rituals, time reckoning, cosmology, myths, rules of conduct, and the function of the Gada system”.
Training for boys begins as young as eight years old. Later, they will be assessed for their potential as future leaders.

As they grow up, tests include walking long distances barefoot, slaughtering cattle efficiently and showing kindness to fellow initiates.
Headpieces made from cowrie shells are traditionally worn by young trainees. The only other people allowed to wear them are elderly women.
Both groups are revered by Borana community members.

Men aged between 28 and 32 are identified by the ostrich feathers they wear, which are known in the Afaan Oromo language as “baalli”.
Their attendance at the Gada ceremony is an opportunity to learn, prepare and bond as it is already known who the Abbaa Gadaa from this age group will be taking power in 2033.

The main event at the recent Gada ceremony was the handover of power, from the outgoing 48-year-old Abbaa Gadaa to his younger successor.
Well-wishers crossed the border from Kenya and others travelled from as far as Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, to witness the spectacle. The governor of Kenya’s Marsabit county was among the honoured guests.
Thirty-seven-year-old Guyo Boru Guyo, seen here holding a spear, was chosen to lead because he impressed the council of elders during his teenage years.

[BBC]
He becomes the 72nd Abbaa Gadaa and will now oversee the Borana community across borders – in southern Ethiopia and north-western Kenya.
As their top diplomat, he will also be responsible for solving feuds that rear their heads for pastoralists. These often involve cattle raiding and disputes over access to water in this drought-prone region.
During his eight years at the helm, his successor will finish his training to take on the job in continuation of this generations-old tradition.
[BBC]
Features
How universities lead transformation in global higher education

To establish a high-quality educational institution, it is essential to create a sustainable and flexible foundation that meets contemporary educational needs while adapting to future demands. The following outline a robust model for a successful and reputable educational institution. (See Image 1 and Graphs 1 and 2)
Faculty Excellence and Research Integration: Recruit faculty members with advanced qualifications, industry experience, and a strong commitment to student development. Integrate research as a cornerstone of teaching to encourage innovation, critical inquiry, and evidence-based learning. Establish dedicated research groups and facilities, fostering a vibrant research culture, led by senior academics, and providing hands-on research experience for students.
Infrastructure and Learning Environment: Develop modern, accessible campuses that accommodate diverse learning needs and provide a conducive environment for academic and extracurricular activities. Invest in state-of-the-art facilities, including libraries, laboratories, collaborative workspaces, and recreational areas to support well-rounded student development. Utilize technology-enhanced classrooms and virtual learning platforms to create dynamic and interactive learning experiences.
Global Partnerships and Multicultural Environment: Promote partnerships with reputable international universities and organizations to provide global exposure and collaborative opportunities. Encourage student and faculty exchange programmes, joint research, and international internships, broadening perspectives and building cross-cultural competencies. Cultivate a multicultural campus environment that embraces diversity and prepares students to thrive in a globalized workforce.
Industry Engagement and Graduate Employability: Collaborate closely with industry partners to ensure that programmes meet professional standards and graduates possess relevant, in-demand skills. Embed practical experiences, such as internships and work placements, within the academic curriculum, to enhance employability. Establish a dedicated career services team to support job placement, career counselling, and networking opportunities, maintaining high graduate employment rates.
Student-Centric Support Systems and Life Skills: Offer comprehensive student support services, including academic advising, mental health resources, and career development programmes. Provide opportunities for students to develop essential life skills such as teamwork, leadership, communication, and resilience. Promote a balanced academic and social life by fostering clubs, sports, and recreational activities that contribute to personal growth and community engagement.
Commitment to Sustainability and Social Responsibility: Integrate sustainability into campus operations and curricula, preparing students to lead in a sustainable future. Encourage social responsibility through community engagement, service-learning projects, and ethical research initiatives. Implement eco-friendly practices across campus, from energy-efficient buildings to waste reduction, promoting environmental awareness.
Governance, Independence, and Financial Sustainability: Establish transparent, ethical governance structures that promote accountability, inclusivity, and long-term planning. Strive for financial independence by building a sustainable revenue model that balances tuition, grants, partnerships, and philanthropic contributions. Prioritize flexibility in governance to adapt quickly to external changes while safeguarding institutional autonomy.
By emphasizing quality, inclusivity, innovation, and adaptability, an educational institution can cultivate a culture of academic excellence and social responsibility, producing well-rounded graduates who are equipped to succeed and contribute meaningfully to society. This framework provides a strategic approach to building an institution that thrives academically, socially, and economically.
Critique of the Traditional Sri Lankan University System
Outdated Curriculum and Lack of Industry Relevance: Many traditional universities in Sri Lanka operate with rigid curricula that are slow to adapt to rapidly changing industry needs, leaving graduates underprepared for the global workforce. Syllabi are often centered around theoretical knowledge with limited focus on practical, hands-on experience, problem-solving, and critical thinking skills.
Insufficient Research and Innovation Focus: The Sri Lankan university system places minimal emphasis on research, innovation, and practical application, which hinders the development of a strong research culture. Limited funding, resources, and incentives for faculty and students to pursue cutting-edge research reduce international visibility and publications, key factors in global rankings.
Lack of International Partnerships and Exposure: Traditional universities have minimal collaboration with foreign institutions, limiting opportunities for student exchange programmes, collaborative research, and global internships. This lack of exposure restricts students’ cultural awareness, adaptability, and networking skills, which are essential in today’s globalized economy.
Bureaucratic Governance and Inflexibility: Highly centralized and bureaucratic governance structures result in slow decision-making, stifling innovation and responsiveness to changing educational demands. Universities face significant limitations in introducing new programmes, hiring qualified faculty, and allocating resources, which affects their competitive edge and ability to adapt.
Underfunded Infrastructure and Resources: The lack of adequate funding for state-of-the-art infrastructure, technological resources, and modern learning spaces reduces the quality of education and student experience. Insufficient investment in libraries, laboratories, and virtual learning tools limits access to essential resources needed to build research capabilities and attract international students.
Limited Emphasis on Student-Centric Support Services: Support services such as career counselling, academic advising, and mental health resources are insufficiently developed in many institutions, impacting students’ overall well-being and employability. Universities often lack the means to prepare students for the workforce beyond academics, which results in graduates with high academic knowledge but limited job-ready skills.
Recommended Transformations for World-Class Standards
Curriculum Revamp with a Focus on Industry Relevance: Shift towards an interdisciplinary, outcome-based curriculum that aligns with industry requirements and promotes experiential learning. Establish partnerships with industries to incorporate internships, co-ops, and project-based learning, providing students with practical skills. Incorporate modules on critical thinking, problem-solving, and digital literacy, which are essential for employability and adaptability.
Enhancing Research Capacity and Innovation Ecosystem: Allocate dedicated funding for research and establish incentives for faculty and students to publish in high-impact journals. Develop specialized research centres and labs focusing on areas critical to national and global challenges, such as technology, sustainable development, and public health. Foster innovation hubs, incubators, and accelerators, within universities, to support entrepreneurship and collaboration with the private sector, driving societal impact and ranking potential.
International Partnerships and Global Exposure: Form alliances with reputable international universities to offer dual degrees, joint research programmes, and student and faculty exchange opportunities. Encourage academic collaborations that enable students to work on global projects, thereby enhancing cultural competence and preparing them for international careers. Create virtual exchange programmes and international seminars to engage students in global conversations without extensive travel requirements.
Autonomous and Responsive Governance: Decentralize governance to allow universities to make independent decisions on programmes, faculty hiring, and funding allocation, fostering flexibility and responsiveness. Implement performance-based accountability systems for university administrators, rewarding institutions that achieve excellence in teaching, research, and innovation. Empower universities to secure alternate funding sources through grants, industry partnerships, and philanthropic contributions, ensuring financial stability and academic independence.
Investment in Infrastructure and Digital Transformation: Prioritize investment in modern campus facilities, advanced laboratories, and digital learning environments to provide students with a high-quality academic experience. Expand access to online learning resources, digital libraries, and virtual classrooms, offering students a more adaptable, blended learning model. Create dedicated spaces for collaborative learning and interdisciplinary activities, fostering a culture of innovation and teamwork.
Robust Student-Centric Support Systems: Establish comprehensive support services, including career development, mental health resources, and academic advising, to help students navigate both academic and personal challenges. Introduce career-oriented training programmes focusing on employability skills, including communication, networking, and leadership, to prepare students for the workforce. Develop alumni networks and mentorship programmes, connecting students with successful graduates for career guidance and networking opportunities.
Emphasis on Sustainability and Social Responsibility: Embed sustainability principles in campus operations, curricula, and research activities to align with global priorities and contribute to the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Initiate community engagement programmes that encourage students to apply their knowledge in real-world settings, fostering social responsibility and regional development. Encourage environmental initiatives, like waste reduction, energy efficiency, and green campus policies, reflecting a commitment to global best practices.
By adopting these strategies, traditional Sri Lankan universities can transform into competitive, globally recognized institutions. This shift would enable them to improve international rankings, increase graduate employability, attract a diverse student body, and contribute meaningfully to both the local and global knowledge economies.
The traditional university system in Sri Lanka, while rich in history and academic legacy, faces significant challenges in meeting the demands of the modern, globally connected world. The system requires critical reforms to enhance its alignment with international standards, improve rankings, and produce graduates ready for today’s dynamic job market. This essay discusses the shortcomings of the existing system and provides actionable recommendations to enable Sri Lankan universities to transform into globally competitive, high-ranking institutions.
(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
Govt. needs to explain its slow pace

by Jehan Perera
It was three years ago that the Aragalaya people’s movement in Sri Lanka hit the international headlines. The world watched a celebration of democracy on the streets of Colombo as tens of thousands of people of all ages and communities gathered to demand a change of government. The Aragalaya showed that people have the power, and agency, to make governments at the time of elections and also break governments on the streets through non-violent mass protest. This is a very powerful message that other countries in the region, particularly Bangladesh and Pakistan in the South Asian region, have taken to heart from the example of Sri Lanka’s Aragalaya. It calls for adopting ‘systems thinking’ in which there is understanding of the interconnectedness of complex issues and working across different sectors and levels that address root causes rather than just the symptoms.
Democracy means that power is with the people and they do not surrender it to the government to become inert and let the government do as it wants, especially if it is harming the national interest. This also calls for collaboration across sectors, including political parties, businesses, NGOs and community groups, to create a collective effort towards change as it did during the Aragalaya. The government that the Aragalaya protest movement overthrew through street power was one that had been elected by a massive 2/3 majority that was unprecedented in the country under the proportional electoral system. It also had more than three years of its term remaining. But when it became clear that it was jeopardizing the national interest rather than furthering it, and inflicted calamitous economic collapse, the people’s power became unstoppable.
A similar situation arose in Bangladesh, a year ago, when the government of Sheikh Hasina decided to have a quota that favoured her ruling party’s supporters in the provision of scarce government jobs to the people. In the midst of economic hardship, this became a provocation to the people of Bangladesh. They saw the corruption and sense of entitlement in those who were ruling the country, just as the Sri Lankan people had seen in their own country two years earlier. This policy sparked massive student-led protests, with young people taking to the streets to demand equitable opportunities and an end to nepotistic practices. They followed the Sri Lankan example that they had seen on the television and social media to overthrow a government that had won the last election but was not delivering the results it had promised.
CONSTITUTIONAL PROCESS
Despite similarities, there are also major differences between Bangladesh and Sri Lankan uprisings. In Sri Lanka, the protest movement achieved its task with only a minimal loss of life. In Bangladesh, the people mobilized against the government which had become like a dictatorship and which used a high level of violence in trying to suppress the protests. In Sri Lanka, the transition process was the constitutionally mandated one and also took place non-violently. When President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resigned, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe succeeded him as the acting President, pending a vote in Parliament which he won. President Wickremesinghe selected his Cabinet of Ministers and governed until his presidential term ended. A new President Anura Kumara Dissanayake was elected at the presidential elections which were the most peaceful elections in the country’s history.
In Bangladesh, the fleeing abroad of Prime Minister Hasina was not followed by Parliament electing a new Prime Minister. Instead, the President of Bangladesh Mohammed Shahabuddin appointed an interim government, headed by NGO leader Muhammad Yunus. The question in Bangladesh is how long will this interim government continue to govern the country without elections. The mainstream political parties, including that of the deposed Prime Minister, are calling for early elections. However, the leaders of the protest movement that overthrew the government on the streets and who experienced a high level of violence do not wish elections to be held at this time. They call for a transitional justice process in which the truth of what happened is ascertained and those who used violence against the people are held accountable.
By way of contrast, in Sri Lanka, which went through a legal and constitutional process to achieve its change of government there is little or no demand for transitional justice processes against those who held office at the time of the Aragalaya protests. Even those against whom there are allegations of human rights violations and corruptions are permitted to freely contest the elections. But they were thoroughly defeated and the people elected a new NPP government with a 2/3 majority in Parliament, many of whom are new to politics and have no association with those who governed the country in the past. This is both a strength and a weakness. It is a strength in that the members of the new government are idealistic and sincere in their efforts to improve the life of the people. But their present non-consultative and self-reliant approach can lead to erroneous decisions, such as to centrally appoint a majority of council members, who are of Sinhalese ethnicity, to the Eastern University which has a majority of Tamil faculty and students.
UNRESOLVED PROBLEMS
The problem for the new government is that they inherited a country with massive unresolved problems, including the unresolved ethnic conflict which requires both sensitivity and consultations to resolve. The most pressing problem, by any measure, is the economic problem in which 25 percent of the population have fallen below the poverty line, which is double the percentage that existed three years ago. Despite the appearance of high-end consumer spending, the gap between the rich and poor has increased significantly. The day-to-day life of most people is how to survive economically. The former government put the main burden of repaying the foreign debts and balancing the budget on the poorer sections of the population while sparing those at the upper end, who are expected to be engines of the economy. The new government has to change this inequity but it has little leeway to do so, because the government’s treasury has been emptied by the misdeeds of the past.
Despite having a 2/3 majority in Parliament, the government is hamstrung by its lack of economic resources and the recalcitrance of the prevailing system that continues to be steeped in the ways of the past. President Dissanayake has been forthright about this when he addressed Parliament during the budget debate. He said, “the country has been transformed into a shadow criminal state. While we see a functioning police force, military, political authority and judiciary on the surface, beneath this structure exists an armed underworld with ties to law enforcement, security forces and legal professionals. This shadow state must be dismantled. There are two approaches to dealing with this issue: either aligning with the criminal underworld or decisively eliminating it. Unlike previous administrations, which coexisted with organized crime, the NPP-led government is determined to eradicate it entirely.”
Sri Lanka’s new government has committed to holding local government elections within two months unlike Bangladesh’s protest leaders, who demand that transitional justice and accountability for past crimes take precedence over elections. This decision aligns with constitutional mandates and upholds a Supreme Court ruling that the previous government had ignored. However, holding elections so soon after a major political shift poses risks. The new government has yet to deliver on key promises—bringing economic relief to struggling families and prosecuting those responsible for corruption. It needs to also address burning ethnic and religious grievances, such as the building of Buddhist religious sites where there are no members of that community living there. If voters lose patience, political instability could return. The people need to be farsighted when they make their decision to vote. As citizens they need to recognise that systemic change takes time.
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