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Irresponsibility of Intellectuals

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A response to “Irresponsible and Unattainable Demands”

By Kusum Wijetilleke

kusumw@gmail.com

Economic collapse is no longer imminent; it has arrived. Make no mistake, a set of policy outcomes, as disastrous as this, would lead to mass anarchy in almost any other part of our region. Whatever Sri Lankan sense of pacifism, or apathy, is keeping the temperature just below boiling is unlikely to last for much longer. The protests and agitations of many thousands of ordinary Sri Lankans, over the last year, seemed to snowball into an awe-inspiring rally, led by the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB). That many independent Sri Lankans joined in, especially from within Colombo, was particularly encouraging. Al Jazeera reported ‘tens of thousands’ but whatever the official count, the stream of visceral anger was hard to miss, indeed the pictures of the march, broadcast nationally, must surely bring some hope to the masses around the country that there is a movement and it is gathering pace. Not everyone that reads an English daily in Colombo will appreciate this.

Our institutions and intellectuals have an obligation to respond to the desperation, to bring clarity to the conversation. Those with the necessary expertise must correct the record, not muddy the waters. Two major dailies carried an opinion piece by Dr. Nihal Jayawickrama on the 18 March, under the caption, “Irresponsible and unattainable demands”. Judging by the rush to criticism from predictable segments of the intellectual and media spectrum, the main Opposition Party and its Leader Sajith Premadasa seem to have surprised many with the size, scope and sheer force of the public march to the Presidential Secretariat, as well as his call for a ‘snap’ Presidential election.

Dr. Jayawickrama expertly discusses the many restrictions in the constitution that would prevent a so-called ‘snap’ election, though he does not discuss the possibility of constitutional amendments, if numbers in Parliament were to change dramatically. Nonetheless, the argument is pedantic and devoid of an important facet: the context and climate.

This is President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s party that is in power, it is his platform that has failed, his tax-cuts, his organic fertiliser policy; there is no one else that can take ownership of this set of outcomes. This President is the symbol of the government and that is before we consider the 20th Amendment. Who else was the Opposition Leader supposed to challenge?

The media also has a sacred duty to report the facts as they stand. Crucially, this does not necessarily translate to taking a neutral position. The concept of neutrality is a sticky one. The study of Journalism from an academic standpoint, seems to have been distancing itself from this very concept upon which the entire field once depended on for its credibility. Martin Bell, a former British MP and BBC war reporter, has stated that he could no longer be sure what objectivity “means”. The Society of Professional Journalists removed the word ‘objectivity’ from its code of ethics sometime in the mid-90s.

The news media, in various parts of the world, including in the West, has devolved into a soap-opera of personal opinion pieces and partisan editorials. The media in Sri Lanka, in many ways has gone in the opposite direction. All major news segments on television carry the ‘misstatements’ of various politicians with little or no accompanying commentary, even when it is clearly necessary. In the past few weeks, there have been denials from officials regarding the lack of Dollars in the market, that there was shortage of fuel; one Cabinet Minister even stated that the power cuts were a conspiracy. The news media reported these statements with no caveat as regards their accuracy.

The SJB has been accused, almost since the GR election victory, of being reticent, of being an unserious opposition or engaging in its own internal scuffles instead of unifying a position against the Government. Yet at the mass rally, the Opposition, its Leader, and indeed their supporters, showed their teeth.

At the conclusion, Dr. Jayawickrama asks the question: “Instead, should he not mobilize public support to replace the autocratic system of government under which this country has almost reached its lowest depths?” If one measure of success of the protest march was its ability to “mobilise support”, then that data-set is clear. The crux of Dr. Jayawickrama’s argument is that any potential SP leadership project would seek to “perpetuate” the 20th Amendment and the all-powerful Executive Presidency: “an autocratic, outdated system of government which the leader of the SJB apparently wishes to perpetuate…”

On the 18th of March, the Opposition Leader attended a town-hall style question and answer session held by the Organisation of Professional Associations (OPASL), a union of professionals with over 52,000 members. Mr. Premadasa was asked a question regarding his views on the Executive Presidency and the answer was clear and unequivocal; he rejected the omnipotent nature and supreme powers of the Presidency under the 20th Amendment and stated that he would return to the 19th. Crucially, he repeated what he stated in Parliament during the debates on 20A, that it would reduce the Prime Minister to a “scarecrow”, reiterarting his desire that neither the President nor the Prime Minister should be reduced to a scarecrow. He referenced the Madisonian model as a structure of Government with its separation of the Executive, Legislature and Judiciary; considered necessary by James Madison and his contemporaries in order to prevent the absolute power and tyranny of either the minority or the majority.

What is also interesting to note: many commentators that wish to abolish the Executive Presidency seek to replace it with what would essentially amount to an Executive Premiership. The results of the Ranilist version of such a system were not promising and did in fact lead to an all-powerful, singular individual.

To this end, Mr. Premadasa insisted that any future iteration of the 19A under his leadership would go beyond the previous 19A in terms of checks and balances; limitations on powers granted to an individual office, be it the President’s or the Prime Minister’s. This is an important distinction. What we are witnessing right now is a failure of a representative democracy, where policy does not in any shape or form reflect the needs of the people it claims to represent. No Westminster system will be able to protect Sri Lankans from a failure of representative democracy. Such a failure is not simply the result of a system, it is a culmination of decades of disinterest and apathy and subservience to power. Perhaps the one positive resultant from the spectacular failure of the ‘Gota’ Administration is that the extreme disintegration of lives and livelihoods will perhaps lead to an evolution of Sri Lankan society, becoming more politically engaged and less subjects to be ruled over.

Some sections of the media and the intellectual classes, seek to paint the Opposition Leader as power hungry, but this denies the evidence. As a party senior in the UNP, Mr. Premadasa always seemed to be below the top-rung of the UNP leadership, outside the establishment. He should have been able to insist on an electorate in the UNP stronghold of Colombo at some point during his career, opting instead to work in one of the most challenging areas of the country. Further, during previous challenges to Ranil Wickremesinghe’s leadership, despite every reason to court the leadership himself, Mr. Premadasa seemed willing to wait his turn. When President Maithripala Sirisena offered him the Premiership multiple times during the dying days of the Yahapalanaya regime, Mr. Premadasa refused that entry through cloak and dagger. These actions suggest a level of integrity that most commentators seem not to appreciate and certainly do not suggest a thirst for unmitigated power.

What we are witnessing at this precise moment cannot be surprising to political theorists familiar with the Iron Law of Oligarchy, a concept developed by the early 20th century Italian Sociologist Robert Michels. He predicted, over one-hundred years ago, that democratic systems had a tendency to lead to oligarchy due to the failure of representative democracy. When the representative aspect begins to deteriorate, that is when political agitation must begin; when the rubber meets the road and the people take to the street.

One must ask why the Presidential system has persisted, from MR to MY3 to GOTA; the people clearly hold on to the value of a President as a national custodian. It cannot be up to urbanised liberals to tell the masses what is best for them, that sort of diktat is rarely popular.

The SJB-led protest was an unmistakable cry for help from a desperate citizenry who were doing their bit as concerned and engaged citizens, not spectators but participants, as Noam Chomsky wrote in Consent without Consent (1998). The people interviewed during the daily news segments will tell anyone that will listen just how desperate they are. Everyone is doing whatever little they can to affect the system, to intensify that essential feedback loop on which a representative democracy functions. Even if it is as minor an intervention as a letter to a newspaper, if it contributes to the solution, it becomes essential; if it does not, it is simply more white noise that the public will ignore.

History is littered with movements that reach for the ‘unattainable’ and they are more often than not driven by little more than hope and optimism; giving people hope cannot be irresponsible, it would be irresponsible not to at least try.



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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