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Georgia’s stolen children: Twins sold at birth reunited by TikTok video

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Ano (L) and Amy (R) met for the first time at Rustaveli metro station - they have often chosen similar hairstyles (BBC)

Amy and Ano are identical twins, but just after they were born they were taken from their mother and sold to separate families. Years later, they discovered each other by chance thanks to a TV talent show and a TikTok video. As they delved into their past, they realised they were among thousands of babies in Georgia stolen from hospitals and sold, some as recently as 2005. Now they want answers. 

Amy is pacing up and down in a hotel room in Leipzig. “I’m scared, really scared,” she says, fidgeting nervously. “I haven’t slept all week. This is my chance to finally get some answers about what happened to us.”

Her twin sister, Ano, sits in an armchair, watching TikTok videos on her phone. “This is the woman that could have sold us,” she says, rolling her eyes. Ano admits she is nervous too, but only because she doesn’t know how she will react and if she will be able to control her anger.

It’s the end of a long journey. They have travelled from Georgia to Germany, in the hope of finding the missing piece of the puzzle. They are finally meeting their birth mother.

For the past two years they have been building a picture of what happened. As they unravelled the truth, they realised there were tens of thousands of other people in Georgia who had also been taken from hospitals as babies and sold over the decades. Despite official attempts to investigate what happened, nobody has been held to account yet.

The story of how Amy and Ano discovered each other starts when they were 12.

Amy Khvitia was at her godmother’s house near the Black Sea watching her favourite TV programme, Georgia’s Got Talent. There was a girl dancing the jive who looked exactly like her. Not just like her, in fact, identical.

Amy (L) and Ano (R) aged 12
Amy (L) aged 12 and Ano (R) also aged 12 during her performance on Georgia’s Got Talent (BBC)

“Everyone was calling my mum and asking: ‘Why is Amy dancing under another name?'” she says.

Amy mentioned it to her family but they brushed it off. “Everyone has a doppelganger,” her mother said.

Seven years later, in November 2021, Amy posted a video of herself with blue hair getting her eyebrow pierced on TikTok.

Two hundred miles (320km) away in Tbilisi, another 19-year-old, Ano Sartania, was sent the video by a friend. She thought it was “cool that she looks like me”.

Ano tried to trace the girl with the pierced eyebrow online but couldn’t find her, so she shared the video on a university WhatsApp group to see if anyone could help. Someone who knew Amy saw the message and connected them on Facebook.

Amy instantly knew Ano was the girl she had seen all those years ago on Georgia’s Got Talent.

“I have been looking for you for so long!” she messaged. “Me too,” replied Ano.

Amy Khvitia here aged four
Amy Khvitia, here aged four, says she always had the feeling that something wasn’t right in her life (BBC)

 

Over the next few days, they discovered they had a lot in common, but not all of it made sense.  They were both born in Kirtskhi maternity hospital – which no longer exists –  in western Georgia but, according to their birth certificates, their birthdays were a couple of weeks apart.

They couldn’t be sisters, much less twins. But there were too many similarities.They liked the same music, they both loved dancing and even had the same hairstyle. They discovered they had the same genetic disease, a bone disorder called dysplasia.

It felt like they were unravelling a mystery together. “Every time I learned something new about Ano, things got stranger,” says Amy.

They arranged to meet and a week later, as Amy approached the top of the escalator at Rustaveli metro station in Tbilisi, she and Ano saw each other in the flesh for the very first time. “It was like looking in a mirror, the exact same face, exact same voice. I am her and she is me,” says Amy. She knew then that they were twins.

“I don’t like hugs, but I hugged her,” says Ano.

They decided to confront their families and for the first time they learned the truth. They had been adopted, separately, a few weeks apart in 2002.

Amy was upset and felt her whole life had been a lie. Dressed head to toe in black she looks tough, but she fiddles with her studded choker nervously and wipes a mascara-stained tear away from her cheek. “It’s a crazy story,” she says. “But it’s true.”

Ano was “angry and upset with my family, but I just wanted the difficult conversations to be over so that we could all move on”.

Digging deeper, the twins found the details on their official birth certificates, including the date they were born, were wrong.

Unable to have children, Amy’s mother says a friend told her there was an unwanted baby at the local hospital. She would need to pay the doctors but she could take her home and raise her as her own.

Ano’s mother was told the same story.

Neither of the adoptive families knew the girls were twins and despite paying a lot of money to adopt their daughters, they say they hadn’t realised it was illegal. Georgia was going through a period of turmoil and as hospital staff were involved they thought it was legitimate.

Neither family would reveal how much money was exchanged.

The twins couldn’t help wondering if their biological parents had sold them for profit.

Tamuna Museridze in red jacket standing in the site of a hospital
Tamuna Museridze set up a Facebook group to help people searching for their biological children, siblings and parents (BBC)

Amy wanted to search for their birth mother to find out, but Ano wasn’t sure. “Why do you want to meet the person that could have betrayed us?” she asked.

Amy found a Facebook group dedicated to reuniting Georgian families with children suspected to have been illegally adopted at birth and she shared their story.

A young woman in Germany replied, saying her mother had given birth to twin girls in Kirtskhi Maternity Hospital in 2002 and that despite being told they had died, she now had some doubts.   DNA tests revealed that the girl from the Facebook group was their sister, and was living with their birth mother, Aza, in Germany.

Amy was desperate to meet Aza, but Ano was more sceptical. “This is the person who could have sold you, she’s not going to tell you the truth,” she warned. Even so she agreed to go to Germany with Amy to support her.

The Facebook group the twins had used, Vedzeb, means “I’m searching” in Georgian. It has countless posts from mothers who say hospital staff told them their babies had died, but later discovered the deaths weren’t recorded and their children could still be alive.

Other posts are from children like Amy and Ano, looking for their birth parents.

The group has more than 230,000 members and, along with access to DNA websites, has blown wide open a dark chapter in Georgia’s history.

It was set up by journalist Tamuna Museridze in 2021 after she discovered she was adopted. She found her birth certificate with incorrect details when she was clearing out her late mother’s house. She started the group to search for her own family, but the group has ended up exposing a baby trafficking scandal affecting tens of thousands of people, and spanning decades.

A Georgian sign over a hallway in a derelict hospital
The now derelict Gurjaani maternity hospital is one of at least 20 implicated in the sale of babies (BBC)

 

She has helped to reunite hundreds of families, but has not yet tracked down her own.

Tamuna discovered a black market in adoption that stretched across Georgia and went on from the early 1950s to 2005. She believes it was run by organised criminals and involved people from all sections of society, from taxi drivers to people high up in the government. Corrupt officials would fake the documents needed for the illegal adoptions.

“The scale is unimaginable, up to 100,000 babies were stolen. It was systemic,” she says.

Tamuna explains that she calculated this figure by counting the number of people who have contacted her and combining that with the time frame and the nationwide spread of cases.  With a lack of access to documents – some have been lost and others aren’t being released – it is impossible to verify the exact figure.

Tamuna says many parents told her that when they asked to see the bodies of their dead babies they were told they had already been buried in the hospital grounds. She has since learned that cemeteries at Georgian hospitals never existed. In other cases parents would be shown dead babies who had been frozen in the mortuary.

Irina Otarashvili in her garden
Irina Otarashvili gave birth to twins in 1978 – she was told they had died but now thinks she was lied to (BBC)

Tamuna says it was expensive to buy a child, about the equivalent of a year’s salary. She discovered that some children ended up with foreign families in the US, Canada, Cyprus, Russia and Ukraine.

In 2005 Georgia changed its adoption legislation and in 2006 it strengthened anti-trafficking laws, making illegal adoptions more difficult.

Another person looking for answers is Irina Otarashvili. She gave birth to twin boys in a maternity hospital in Kvareli, in the foothills of Georgia’s Caucasus mountains in 1978.

The doctors told her both boys were healthy but, for reasons that were never explained, they were kept away from her.

Three days after they were born, she was told they had both suddenly died. A doctor said they had respiratory problems.

Irina and her husband couldn’t make sense of it, but especially in Soviet times “you didn’t question authority” she says. She believed everything they said.

Irina's daughter Nino Elizbarashvili stands next to a suitcase and a shovel in the garden
Irina’s daughter Nino Elizbarashvili says she often thought about the suitcase buried in the garden (BBC)

They were asked to bring a suitcase to take the infants’ remains away and to bury it in a cemetery or their back garden, as was common for babies at the time. The doctor told them never to open the case as it would be too upsetting to see the bodies.

Irina did as she was told, but 44 years later her daughter Nino found Tamuna’s Facebook group and grew suspicious.  “What if our brothers didn’t really die?” she wondered. Nino and her sister Nana decided to dig up the suitcase.

“My heart was racing,” she says. “When we opened it there were no bones, just sticks. We didn’t know whether to laugh or cry.”

She says local police confirmed the contents were branches from a grape vine and there was no trace of human remains. She now believes her long-lost brothers could still be alive.

A hand holding vine branches
The family say that local police confirmed the sticks in the suitcase were vine branches (BBC)

In the hotel in Leipzig, Amy and Ano prepare to meet their birth mother. Ano says she’s changed her mind and wants to back out. But it’s a momentary wobble and, taking a deep breath, she decides to go ahead.

Their biological mother, Aza, waits nervously in another room.

Amy opens the door hesitantly and Ano follows, almost pushing her sister into the room.

Aza lunges forward and embraces them tightly, one twin on each side. Minutes pass and locked in embrace, no-one speaks.

Ano, Aza and Amy embrace
Ano (L), Aza (C) and Amy (R) meet for the first time in Leipzig, Germany where Aza now lives (BBC)

Tears stream down Amy’s face but Ano remains stoic and unwavering. She even looks a little irritated.

The three of them sit down to talk in private. Later, the twins say that their mother explained she had been ill after giving birth and fell into a coma. When she awoke, hospital staff told her that shortly after the babies were born, they had died.

She said that meeting Amy and Ano has given her life new meaning. Although they are not close, they are still in touch.

In 2022, the Georgian government launched an investigation into historic child trafficking. It told the BBC it has spoken to more than 40 people but the cases were “very old and historic data has been lost”. Journalist Tamuna Museridze says she has shared information but the government hasn’t said when it will release its report.

It has made at least four attempts to get to the bottom of what happened. These include an investigation in 2003 into international child trafficking which led to a number of  arrests but little information has been made public. And in 2015, after another investigation, Georgian media reported that the general director of the Rustavi maternity hospital, Aleksandre Baravkovi, was arrested but cleared and returned to work.

The BBC approached the Georgian Interior Ministry for further information on individual cases but we were told that specific details would not be released due to data protection.

Tamuna has now joined forces with human rights lawyer Lia Mukhashavria to take the cases of a group of victims to the Georgian courts. They want the right to access their birth documents – something not currently possible under Georgian law.

They hope that this will help lay ghosts to rest. “I always felt like there was something or someone missing in my life,” says Ano. “I used to dream about a little girl in black who would follow me around and ask me about my day.” That feeling disappeared when she found Amy.

(BBC)


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Rebuilding Sri Lanka: 78 Years of Independence and 78 Modules of Reform

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President Anura Kumara Dissanayke delivering Independence Day speech last Wednesday in Colombo

“The main theme of this year’s Independence Day is “Rebuilding Sri Lanka,” so spoke President Anura Kumara Dissanayaka as he ceremonially commemorated the island’s 78th independence anniversary. That was also President AKD’s second independence anniversary as President. Rebuilding implies that there was already something built. It is not that the NPP government is starting a new building on a vacant land, or whatever that was built earlier should all be destroyed and discarded.

Indeed, making a swift departure from NPP’s usual habit of denouncing Sri Lanka’s entire post independence history as useless, President AKD conceded that “over the 78 years since independence, we have experienced victories and defeats, successes and failures. We will not hesitate to discard what is harmful, nor will we fear embracing what is good. Therefore, I believe that the responsibility of rebuilding Sri Lanka upon the valuable foundations of the past lies with all of us.”

Within the main theme of rebuilding, the President touched on a number of sub-themes. First among them is the he development of the economy predicated on the country’s natural resources and its human resources. Crucial to economic development is the leveraging of our human resource to be internationally competitive, and to be one that prioritises “knowledge over ignorance, progress over outdated prejudices and unity over division.” Educational reform becomes key in this context and the President reiterated his and his government’s intention to “initiate the most transformative era in our education sector.”

He touched on his pet theme of fighting racism and extremism, and insisted that the government “will not allow division, racism, or extremism and that national unity will be established as the foremost strength in rebuilding Sri Lanka.” He laid emphasis on enabling equality before the law and ensuring the supremacy of the law, which are both necessary and remarkable given the skepticism that is still out there among pundits

Special mention was given to the Central Highlands that have become the site of repeated devastations caused by heavy rainfall, worse than poor drainage and inappropriate construction. Rebuilding in the wake of cyclone Ditwah takes a special meaning for physical development. Nowhere is this more critical than the hill slopes of the Central Highlands. The President touched on all the right buttons and called for environmentally sustainable construction to become “a central responsibility in the ‘Rebuilding Sri Lanka’ initiative.”. Recognizing “strong international cooperation is essential” for the rebuilding initiative, the President stated that his government’s goal is to “establish international relations that strengthen the security of our homeland, enhance the lives of our people and bring recognition to our country on a new level.”

The President also permitted himself some economic plaudits, listing his government’s achievements in 2025, its first year in office. To wit, “the lowest budget deficit since 1977, record-high government revenue after 2006, the largest current account balances in Sri Lanka’s history, the highest tax revenue collected by the Department of Inland Revenue and the sustained maintenance of bank interest rates at a long-term target, demonstrating remarkable economic stability.” He was also careful enough to note that “an economy’s success is not measured by data alone.”

Remember the old Brazilian quip that “the economy is doing well but not the people.” President AKD spoke to the importance of converting “the gains at the top levels of the economy … into improved living standards for every citizen,” and projected “the vision for a renewed Sri Lanka … where the benefits of economic growth flow to all people, creating a nation in which prosperity is shared equitably and inclusively.”

Rhetoric, Reform and Reality

For political rhetoric with more than a touch of authenticity, President AKD has no rival among the current political contenders and prospects. There were pundits and even academics who considered Mahinda Rajapaksa to be the first authentic leadership manifestation of Sinhala nationalism after independence, and that he was the first to repair the rupture between the Sri Lankan state and Sinhala nationalism that was apparently caused by JR Jayewardene and his agreement with India to end the constitutional crisis in Sri Lanka.

To be cynical, the NPP or AKD were not the first to claim that everything before them had been failures and betrayals. And it is not at all cynical to say that the 20-year Rajapaksa era was one in which the politics of Sinhala nationalism objectively served the interests of family bandyism, facilitated corruption, and enabled environmentally and economically unsustainable infrastructure development. The more positive question, however, is to ask the same pundits and academics – how they would view the political authenticity of the current President and the NPP government. Especially in terms of rejecting chauvinism and bigotry and rejuvenating national inclusiveness, eschewing corruption and enabling good governance, and ensuring environmental stewardship and not environmental slaughter.

The challenge to the NPP government is not about that it is different from and better than the Rajapaksa regime, or than any other government this century for that matter. The global, regional and local contexts are vastly different to make any meaningful comparison to the governments of the 20th century. Even the linkages to the JVP of the 1970s and 1980s are becoming tenuous if not increasingly irrelevant in the current context and circumstances. So, the NPP’s real challenge is not about demonstrating that it is something better than anything in the past, but to provide its own road map for governing, indicating milestones that are to be achieved and demonstrating the real steps of progress that the government is making towards each milestone.

There are plenty of critics and commentators who will not miss a beat in picking on the government. Yet there is no oppositional resonance to all the criticisms that are levelled against the government. The reason is not only the political inability of the opposition parties to take a position of advantage against the government on any issue where the government is seen to be vulnerable. The real reason could be that the criticisms against the government are not resonating with the people at large. The general attitude among the people is one of relief that this government is not as corrupt as any government could be and that it is not focused on helping family and friends as past governments have been doing.

While this is a good situation for any government to be in, there is also the risk of the NPP becoming too complacent for its good. The good old Mao’s Red Book quote that “complacency is the enemy of study,” could be extended to be read as the enemy of electoral success as well. In addition, political favouritism can be easily transitioned from the sphere of family and friends to the sphere of party cadres and members. The public will not notice the difference but will only lose its tolerance when stuff hits the fan and the smell becomes odious. It matters little whether the stuff and the smell emanate from family and friends, on the one hand, or party members on the other.

It is also important to keep the party bureaucracy and the government bureaucracy separate. Sri Lanka’s government bureaucracy is as old as modern Sri Lanka. No party bureaucracy can ever supplant it the way it is done in polities where one-party rule is the norm. A prudent approach in Sri Lanka would be for the party bureaucracy to keep its members in check and not let them throw their weight around in government offices. The government bureaucracy in Sri Lanka has many and severe problems but it is not totally dysfunctional as it often made out to be. Making government efficient is important but that should be achieved through internal processes and not by political party hacks.

Besides counterposing rhetoric and reality, the NPP government is also awash in a spate of reforms of its own making. The President spoke of economic reform, educational reform and sustainable development reform. There is also the elephant-in-the-room sized electricity reform. Independence day editorials have alluded to other reforms involving the constitution and the electoral processes. Even broad sociopolitical reforms are seen as needed to engender fundamental attitudinal changes among the people regarding involving both the lofty civic duties and responsibilities, as well as the day to day road habits and showing respect to women and children using public transport.

Education is fundamental to all of this, but I am not suggesting another new module or website linkages for that. Of course, the government has not created 78 reform modules as I say tongue-in-cheek in the title, but there are close to half of them, by my count, in the education reform proposals. The government has its work cut out in furthering its education reform proposals amidst all the criticisms ranged against them. In a different way, it has also to deal with trade union inertia that is stymieing reform efforts in the electricity sector. The government needs to demonstrate that it can not only answer its critics, but also keep its reform proposals positively moving ahead. After 78 years, it should not be too difficult to harness and harmonize – political rhetoric, reform proposals, and the realities of the people.

by Rajan Philips

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Our diplomatic missions success in bringing Ditwah relief while crocodiles gather in Colombo hotels

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The Sunday newspapers are instructive: a lead story carries the excellent work of our Ambassador in Geneva raising humanitarian assistance for Sri Lanka in the aftermath of Ditwah. The release states that our Sri Lankan community has taken the lead in dispatching disaster relief items along with financial assistance to the Rebuilding Sri Lanka fund from individual donors as well as members of various community organizations.

The International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies In Geneva had initially launched an appeal for Swiss francs CHF 5 million and the revised appeal has been tripled to CHF 14 million to provide life saving assistance and long term resilience building for nearly 600,000 of the most vulnerable individuals; the UN office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs has contributed US$4.5 million; the WHO has channeled US$175,000; In addition, our mission is working closely with other UN and International organizations in Geneva for technical support to improve disaster preparedness capacity in the long term in Sri Lanka such as through enhanced forecasting to mitigate risks and strengthen disaster preparedness capacities.

In stark contrast it is ironic to see in the same newspaper, a press release from a leading think tank in Colombo giving prominence to their hosting a seminar in a five star hotel to promote the extraction of Sri Lanka’s critical minerals to foreign companies under the guise of “international partners”. Those countries participating in this so called International Study Group are Australia, India, Japan and the US, all members of a regional defence pact that sees China as its main adversary. Is it wise for Sri Lanka to be drawn into such controversial regional arrangements?

This initiative is calling for exploitation of Sri Lanka’s graphite, mineral sands, apatite, quartiz, mica and rare earth elements and urging the Government to introduce investor friendly approval mechanisms to address licencing delays and establish speedy timelines. Why no mention here of the mandatory Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) or traditional public consultations even though such extraction will probably take place in areas like Mannar with its mainly vulnerable coastal areas? Is it not likely that such mining projects will renew commotion among poor mainly minority communities already badly affected by Ditwah?

It would be indeed pertinent to find out whether the think tank leading this initiative is doing so with its own funds or whether this initiative is being driven by foreign government funds spent on behalf of their multinational companies? Underlying this initiative is the misguided thinking defying all international scientific assessments and quoting President Trump that there is no global climate crisis and hence environmental safeguards need not be applied. Sri Lanka which has experienced both the tsunami and cyclone Ditwah is in the eye of the storm and has been long classified as one of the most vulnerable of islands likely to be effected in terms of natural disasters created by climate change.

Sri Lanka’s mining industry has so far been in local hands and therefore it has been done under some due process protecting both local workers involved in handling hazardous materials and with some revenue coming to the government. What is now being proposed for Sri Lanka is something in the same spirit as President Donald Trump visualized for redeveloping Gaza as a Riviera without taking into consultation the wishes of the people in that land and devoid of any consideration for local customs and traditions. Pity our beautiful land in the hands of these foreigners who only want to exploit our treasure for their own profit and leave behind a desolate landscape with desperate people.

by Dr Sarala Fernando

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The Architect of Minds – An Exclusive Interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala on the Legacy of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya

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Professor J. E. Jayasuriya

This year marks a significant milestone as we commemorate the 35th death anniversary of a titan in the field of education, Professor J. E. Jayasuriya. While his name is etched onto the covers of countless textbooks and cited in every major policy document in Sri Lanka, the man behind the name remains a mystery to many. To honour his legacy, we are joined today for a special commemorative interview. This is a slightly expanded version of the interview with Professor Elsie Kothelawala. As a former student who rose to become a close professional colleague, she offers a rare, personal glimpse into his life during his most influential years at the University of Peradeniya.

Dr. S. N. Jayasinghe – Professor Kothelawala, to begin our tribute, could you tell us about the early years of Professor J. E. Jayasuriya? Where did his journey start?

Prof. Elsie Kothelawala – He was born on February 14, 1918, in Ahangama. His primary education actually began at Nawalapitiya Anuruddha Vidyalaya. He then moved to Dharmasoka College in Ambalangoda and eventually transitioned to Wesley College in Colombo. He was a brilliant student, in 1933, he came third in the British Empire at the Cambridge Senior Examination. This earned him a scholarship to University College, Colombo, where he graduated in 1939 with a First-Class degree in Mathematics.

Q: – His professional rise was meteoric. Could you trace his work life from school leadership into high academia?

A: – It was a blend of school leadership and pioneering academia. At just 22, he was the first principal of Dharmapala Vidyalaya, Pannipitiya. He later served as Deputy Principal of Sri Sumangala College, Panadura.

A turning point came when Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara invited him to lead the new central school in the Minister’s own electorate, Matugama Central College. Later, he served as Principal of Wadduwa Central College. In 1947, he traveled to London for advanced studies at the Institute of Education, University of London. There, he earned a Post Graduate Diploma in Education and a Master of Arts in Education. Upon returning, he became a lecturer in mathematics at the Government Teachers’ Training College in Maharagama. He joined the University of Ceylon’s Faculty of Education as a lecturer in 1952 and later, in 1957, he advanced to the role of Professor of Education. Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was the first Sri Lankan to hold the position of Professor of Education and lead the Department of Education at the University of Ceylon.

The commencement of this department was a result of a proposal from the Special Committee of Education in 1943, commonly known as the Kannangara Committee.

Q: – We know he left the university in 1971. Can you tell us about his work for the United Nations and UNESCO?

A: – That was a massive chapter in his life. After retiring from Peradeniya, he went global. He moved to Bangkok to serve as the Regional Advisor on Population Education for UNESCO. He spent five years traveling across Asia, to countries like Pakistan, the Philippines, Indonesia, and Malaysia, helping them build their educational frameworks from the ground up.

Even after that, his relationship with the United Nations continued. He returned to Sri Lanka and served as a United Nations Advisor to the Ministry of Education for two years. He was essentially a global consultant, bringing the lessons he learned in Sri Lanka to the rest of the world.

Q: – How did you personally come to know him, and what was the nature of your professional relationship?

A: – I first encountered him at Peradeniya during my Diploma in Education and later my MA. He personally taught me Psychology, and I completed my postgraduate studies under his direct supervision. He was notoriously strict, but it was a strictness born out of respect for the subject. The tutorials were the highlight. Every day, he would select one student’s answer and read it to the class. It kept us on our toes! He relied heavily on references, and his guidance was always “on point.” After my MA, he encouraged me to apply for a vacancy in the department. Even as a lecturer, he supervised me, I had to show him my lecture notes before entering a hall.

Q: – He sounds quite imposing! Was there any room for humor in his classroom?

A: – He had a very sharp, dry wit. Back then, there was a fashion where ladies pinned their hair in high, elaborate piles. He once remarked, “Where there is nothing inside, they will pile it all up on the outside.” Needless to say, that hairstyle was never seen in his class again!

Q: – Looking at the 1960s and 70s, what reforms did he promote that were considered innovative for that time?

A: – As Chairman of the National Education Commission (1961), he was a visionary. He promoted the Neighborhood School Concept to end the scramble for prestige schools. He also proposed a Unified National System of education and argued for a flexible school calendar. He believed holidays should vary by region, matching agricultural harvest cycles so rural children wouldn’t have to miss school.

Q: – One of his major contributions was in “Intelligence Testing.” How did he change that field?

A: – He felt Western IQ tests were culturally biased. He developed the National Education Society Intelligence Test, the first standardized test in national languages, and adapted the Raven’s Non-Verbal Test for Sri Lankan children. He wanted to measure raw potential fairly, regardless of a child’s social or linguistic background.

Q: – How would you describe his specific contribution to the transition to national languages in schools?

A: – He didn’t just support the change, he made it possible. When English was replaced as the medium of instruction, there was a desperate lack of materials. He authored 12 simplified Mathematics textbooks in Sinhala, including the Veeja Ganithaya (Algebra) and Seegra Jyamithiya (Geometry) series. He ensured that “language” would no longer be a barrier to “logic.”

Q: – After his work with the UN and UNESCO, why did he become known as the “Father of Population Education”?

A: – While in Bangkok, he developed the conceptual framework for Population Education for the entire Asian region. He helped dozens of countries integrate population dynamics into their school curricula. He saw that education wasn’t just about reading and writing, it was about understanding the social and demographic realities of one’s country.

Q: – Madam, can you recall how Professor Jayasuriya’s legacy was honoured?

A: – Professor Jayasuriya was truly a unique personality. He was actually one of the first Asians to be elected as a Chartered Psychologist in the U.K., and his lectures on educational psychology and statistics were incredibly popular. During his time at the University of Ceylon, he held significant leadership roles, serving as the Dean of the Faculty of Arts and even as acting Vice Chancellor. His impact was so profound that the Professor J. E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture Theatre at the Faculty of Education in Peradeniya was named in his honor.

Beyond his institutional roles, he received immense recognition for his service, including honorary D. Lit and D. Sc degrees from the University of Colombo and the Open University, respectively. Perhaps his most global contribution was his ‘quality of life’ approach to population education developed for UNESCO in the mid-1970s. As O. J. Sikes of UNFPA noted in the International Encyclopedia on Education, it became the predominant teaching method across Asia and is still considered the fastest-growing approach to the subject worldwide.

Q: – Finally, what is the most profound message from his life that today’s educators and policymakers should carry forward?

A: – The lesson is intellectual integrity. When the government’s 1964 White Paper distorted his 1961 recommendations for political gain, he didn’t stay silent, he wrote Some Issues in Ceylon Education to set the record straight.

He believed education was a birthright, not a competitive filter. Today’s policymakers must learn that education policy should be driven by pedagogical evidence, not political expediency. As our conversation came to a close, Professor Elsie Kothelawala sat back, a reflective smile on her face. It became clear that while Professor J. E. Jayasuriya was a man of rigid logic, and uncompromising discipline, his ultimate goal was deeply human, the upliftment of every Sri Lankan child.

Thirty-five years after his passing, his presence is still felt, not just in the archives of UNESCO or the halls of Peradeniya, but in the very structure of our classrooms. He was a pioneer who taught us that education is the most powerful tool for social mobility, provided it is handled with honesty. As we commemorate this 35th memorial, perhaps the best way to honor his legacy is not just by remembering his name, but by reclaiming his courage, the courage to put the needs of the student above the convenience of the system.

Professor Jayasuriya’s life reminds us that a true educator’s work is never finished, it lives on in the teachers he trained, the policies he shaped, and the national intellect he helped ignite.

by the Secretary J.E.Jayasuriya Memorial Foundation : Dr S.N Jayasinghe

 

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