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Full implementation of 13A– Final solution to ‘national problem’ or end of unitary state? – Part III

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President Wickremesinghe and Prime Minister Modi

By Kalyananda Tiranagama
Executive Director
Lawyers for Human Rights and Development

(Continued from yesterday, 27 Sept.)

TNA Spokesman MP Sumanthiran’s Statement on discussions with the President:

The Island of 02. 08. 23 published a statement issued by TNA spokesman M. A. Sumanthiran, MP, on his party’s demand for enhanced and meaningful devolution, following their discussions with the President. As usual, Sumanthiran has taken care not to be too specific and to cover up their real intention:

“This statement issued in order to clarify our position with regard to the political solution for the national question, the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, the conduct of the long delayed Provincial Council Elections and the All-Party conferences convened by the President.

“The Tamil People have, since 1956, consistently given the Tamil political parties a mandate to work towards a political solution to the Tamil National Question by means of a federal arrangement in the North-East, which was recognized as the ‘historical habitation’ of the Tamil speaking people in the Indo-Lanka Accord that was signed on the 29th July 1987, which provided for a measure of devolution to the provinces, including land and police powers.

“The Govt. of India has actively engaged in this pursuit for the past 40 years after SL accepted the good offices, offered by India, consequent to the 1983 July violence against the Tamils.

“Most recently, too, Indian PM Narendra Modi conveyed to President Ranil Wickremesinghe, India’s hope that the Govt. of Sri Lanka will fulfill the aspirations of the Tamils and drive the process of rebuilding for Equality, Justice and Peace, He also hoped that Sri Lanka will fulfill its commitment to implement the 13th Amendment and conduct the Provincial Council Elections, and will ensure a life of respect and dignity for the Tamil Community of Sri Lanka.

“The Prime Minister clearly expressed our belief that a meaningful devolution of powers and the full implementation of the 13th Amendment are essential components of addressing and facilitating the reconciliation process in Sri Lanka. This has been our consistent position and this was put forward during the meeting between the two leaders.

“Our position is that power sharing must be in a federal structure, consistent with the aspirations of the Tamil People expressed at every election since 1956.

“Thus, the non-implementation of any part of the Constitution is a violation of the whole. To that extent, we insist on the full implementation of the devolution arrangements currently extant in our Constitution. Provincial Council Elections must be held without further delay.’

Sri Lanka High Commissioner to India Milinda Moragoda has, in a statement, confirmed what Sumanthiran said on Indian PM’s stand on Tamil issue:

Milinda Moragoda’ s statement:

“Modi strongly raised the Tamil issue with Wickremesinghe, seeking the implementation of the 13th Amendment for devolution of power and also early provincial elections. He had said India wanted Sri Lanka to ensure a life of dignity for the Tamil community. During his visit Wickremesinghe had shared with Modi his comprehensive proposal for furthering reconciliation and power sharing through devolution.’ (Times of India and The Island – 11. 08. 2023)

From all these resolutions and statements, it clearly appears that the aspiration of all Tamil Political parties in the North-East all along has remained the same from the founding of the Ilankai Thamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) in 1949 up to date and Mr. Sampanthan’s dream never changes in essence.

The components of this never-ending dream are as follows:

a. Tamil Speaking People in Ceylon constitute a nation distinct from that of the Sinhalese;

b. The Northern and Eastern Provinces of Sri Lanka are the areas of traditional, historical habitation of the Tamil speaking people. Sinhala Colonization in the Northern and Eastern Provinces must be stopped immediately. This position cannot be compromised in any structure of government;

c. The Northern and Eastern Provinces must constitute one administrative unit; Any meaningful devolution should go beyond the 13th Amendment to the Constitution, creating a federal rule in the merged Northern and Eastern Provinces;

“All the powers required to ensure the unity and indivisibility of the country – defence, foreign affairs, finance and currency and immigration and emigration would remain with the Central Government. All the other powers, including land and Police powers, would be devolved to the provincial councils enabling them to exercise unrestricted authority to govern their land, protect their own people, and develop their own economy, culture and tradition with enhanced powers.

The Tamil Nation has an Inalienable right to political autonomy/self-determination.

Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Dream

As revealed in President Wickremesinghe’s Address to Parliament on 08 Feb., 2023, both President Wickremesinghe and Sampanthan had a common dream to provide a sustainable solution to the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka. When one examines the various steps taken by President Wickremesinghe at different stages in his political career to end the war and find a solution to the ethnic problem, one can clearly see that both have shared the same dream with more or less same solutions in mind.

This is what the UNP Election Manifesto presented at the General Election of December 5, 2001 stated:

“Our prime objective is peace. We stand for peace and peace alone. We will end the war and build national unity. We will bring about a political solution acceptable to all those who are party to the crisis, within the framework of an undivided Sri Lanka. An interim administration will be set up for the northern and Eastern Provinces.”

One can get a glimpse of his solution to the ethnic problem from the Oslo Declaration and the Ceasefire Agreement signed by Wickremesinghe, as the Prime Minister, on behalf of the government of Sri Lanka and by Anton Balasingham on behalf of the LTTE on February 23, 2002. The Oslo Declaration was drafted by Erik Solheim.

One paragraph of the Oslo Declaration reads thus: Responding to a proposal by the leadership of the LTTE, the parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self-administration in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.

As claimed by Erik Solheim, Balasingham had accepted it and taken it to LTTE leader Prabhakaran, who rejected it because it referred to federalism. LTTE leader’s position was that they were prepared to consider favourably a political framework that offered substantial regional autonomy and self-government from the part of the Sinhala side. It was after the LTTE submitted the ISGA framework, stressing the external dimension of the right to self-determination in its preamble that the ceasefire became effective. During the period when the ceasefire remained effective, the LTTE was allowed to have an internal self-administration in the territory under their control, setting up its own police stations, courts, banks and other institutions and have its border control points issuing entry passes. He did not openly reject the proposals of the LTTE for the establishment of Internal Self Government Authority (ISGA) under the LTTE leadership for the governance of the North-East. However, he could not openly accept the proposal and grant ISGA to LTTE due to strong protests of the other political parties and the people in the South.

The solution proposed by the Ranil Wickremesinghe government in the Oslo Declaration is similar to the one demanded by R. Sampanthan at the ITAK Convention in Batticaloa in 2012 and during his speech at Matara in 2016.

As the Leader of the Opposition, Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2005 had brought pressure on the Kumaratunge government to enter into a Memorandum of Understanding with the LTTE for the establishment of a Post-Tsunami Operational Management Structure (P-TOMS Agreement) under the LTTE leadership for the reconstruction of the Tsunami devastated zones in the six Districts of Jaffna, Kilinochchi, Mulathivu, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Ampara in the North East. That MOU was signed by the Secretary of the Ministry of Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation on behalf of the Govt. of Sri Lanka and by Shanmugalingam Ranjan, Deputy Head of Planning and Development Secretariat, on behalf of the LTTE. However, it could not be implemented due to the Supreme Court order declaring it illegal.

The Northern and Eastern Provinces, which remained merged as one administrative unit since 1987 on a Proclamation made by President J. R. Jayewardene under the Emergency Regulations, were demerged on the Order of the Supreme Court made on 16 Oct., 2006.

As reported in the Daily Mirror of 27. 11. 2006, the Opposition Leader Ranil Wickremesinghe assured TNA leader R. Sampanthan of his Party’s fullest support to merge the Northern and Eastern Provinces if the issue comes before Parliament.

After 2007, while the armed forces were vigorously and successfully carrying out the war for the liberation of the country from the LTTE terrorists, the people stood by them.

But the UNP leaders carried on a vicious campaign aimed at disheartening our armed forces, making public utterances, belittling the heroic victories won by our armed forces such as ‘Thoppigala kiyanne kelewak’, ‘Alimankada yanava kiyala yanne Pamankada’; ‘Kilinochchi yanava kiyala Madavachchi yanava’; and passing disparaging remarks such as ‘ona gonekuta yudhdha karanna puluvan’.

At the 2013 Singapore Conference held to get Tamil support for regime change at the 2015 presidential election, Mangala Samaraweera, representing the UNP, ensured the full implementation of 13th Amendment and a federal state in the North and East of Sri Lanka in return for Tamil support for a regime change.

In October 2015, the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the resolution brought by Western countries for implementation of the recommendations in the Geneva UNHRC Report against Sri Lanka and its armed forces who liberated the country from the terrorists. It took several steps to implement the recommendations in the UNHRC report, such as signing and ratifying the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons and enacting the International Convention on the Enforced Disappearances of Persons Act in 2016 and enacting the Office of the Missing Persons Act and opening the Office of the Missing Persons. All those were demands of Tamil political parties.

In January 2016, a Constitutional Assembly was appointed to draft a new Constitution to accommodate Tamil aspirations.

The Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly headed by PM Wickremesinghe released its Interim Report with its proposed Amendments to the Constitution on 21 Sept., 2017. However, due to differences of opinion among political parties and the upheavals taking place in the political field at that time, the Yahapalana government could not go ahead with it.

It is no secret that the Tamil diaspora, Tamil political parties in the North-East, religious groups supporting the LTTE cause and foreign-funded NGOs involved in various anti-Sri Lanka campaigns played a key role in the Galle Face struggle, which compelled the former President to leave office and brought President Wickremesinghe to power.

After assuming power as the President, Wickremesinghe several times expressed his firm determination to bring about a final solution to the ethnic problem in the North-East within a few months through required constitutional amendments with the consensus of other political parties represented in Parliament. With this aim, he separately met and had discussions with leaders of Tamil political parties representing the North-East. He addressed the Parliament and convened all Party Conferences and tried to bring pressure on MPs to come to a settlement.

In his Address to Parliament on 09 August, 2023, President Wickremesinghe clearly said that he stood for full devolution of power with 13+ , granting all powers, other than Police powers, to the Provincial Councils.

President Wickremesinghe, who has no popular mandate, has come forward to do things which six Presidents elected by popular mandate since 1982 – J. R. Jayewardene, R. Premadasa, Chandrika Kumaratunga, Mahinda Rajapaksa, Maithripala Sirisena and Gatabaya Rajapaksa, did not dare to do, conscious of the consequences of doing so or the feelings of the vast majority of the people in the South.

President J. R. Jayewardene, in his address to Parliament on 20 Feb., 1986 clearly pointed out the danger posed to the country by accepting the demands of Tamil Political parties for self-rule and merger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces as one administrative unit.

When the address of President Wickremesinghe to Parliament on August 9, 2023 is analysed, it becomes clear that he is ready to offer far more than Sampanthan expects.

(To be continued)



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Features

Trade preferences to support post-Ditwah reconstruction

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Ditwah disaster

The manner in which the government succeeded in mobilising support from the international community, immediately after the devastating impact of Cyclone Ditwah, may have surprised many people of this country, particularly because our Opposition politicians were ridiculing our “inexperienced” government, in the recent past, for its inability to deal with the international community effectively. However, by now it is evident that the government, with the assistance of the international community and local nongovernmental actors, like major media organisations, has successfully managed the recovery efforts. So, let me begin by thanking them for what they have done so far.

Yet, some may argue that it is not difficult to mobilise the support for recovery efforts from the international community, immediately after any major disaster, and the real challenge is to sustain that support through the next few weeks, months and years. Because the recovery process, more specifically the post-recovery reconstruction process, requires long-term support. So, the government agencies should start immediately to focus on, in addition to initial disaster relief, a longer-term strategy for reconstruction. This is important because in a few weeks’ time, the focus of the global community may shift elsewhere … to another crisis in another corner of the world. Before that happens, the government should take initiatives to get the support from development partners on appropriate policy measures, including exceptional trade preferences, to help Sri Lanka in the recovery efforts through the medium and the long term.

Use of Trade Preferences to support recovery and reconstruction

In the past, the United States and the European Union used exceptional enhanced trade preferences as part of the assistance packages when countries were devastated by natural disasters, similar to Cyclone Ditwah. For example:

  • After the devastating floods in Pakistan, in July 2010, the EU granted temporary, exceptional trade preferences to Pakistan (autonomous trade preferences) to aid economic recovery. This measure was a de facto waiver on the standard EU GSP (Generalised Scheme of Preferences) rules. The preferences, which were proposed in October 2010 and were applied until the end of 2013, effectively suspended import duties on 75 types of goods, including textiles and apparel items. The available studies on this waiver indicate that though a significant export hike occurred within a few months after the waiver became effective it did not significantly depress exports by competing countries. Subsequently, Pakistan was granted GSP+ status in 2014.

  • Similarly, after the 2015 earthquakes in Nepal, the United States supported Nepal through an extension of unilateral additional preferences, the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP). This was a 10-year initiative to grant duty-free access for up to 77 specific Nepali products to aid economic recovery after the 2015 earthquakes. This was also a de facto waiver on the standard US GSP rules.
  • Earlier, after Hurricanes Mitch and Georges caused massive devastation across the Caribbean Basin nations, in 1998, severely impacting their economies, the United States proposed a long-term strategy for rebuilding the region that focused on trade enhancement. This resulted in the establishment of the US Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA), which was signed into law on 05 October, 2000, as Title II of the Trade and Development Act of 2000. This was a more comprehensive facility than those which were granted to Pakistan and Nepal.

What type of concession should Sri Lanka request from our development partners?

Given these precedents, it is appropriate for Sri Lanka to seek specific trade concessions from the European Union and the United States.

In the European Union, Sri Lanka already benefits from the GSP+ scheme. Under this arrangement Sri Lanka’s exports (theoretically) receive duty-free access into the EU markets. However, in 2023, Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, that is, the ratio of preferential imports to GSP+ eligible imports, stood at 59%. This was significantly below the average utilisation of other GSP beneficiary countries. For example, in 2023, preference utilisation rates for Bangladesh and Pakistan were 90% and 88%, respectively. The main reason for the low utilisation rate of GSP by Sri Lanka is the very strict Rules of Origin requirements for the apparel exports from Sri Lanka. For example, to get GSP benefits, a woven garment from Sri Lanka must be made from fabric that itself had undergone a transformation from yarn to fabric in Sri Lanka or in another qualifying country. However, a similar garment from Bangladesh only requires a single-stage processing (that is, fabric to garment) qualifies for GSP. As a result, less than half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports to the EU were ineligible for the preferences in 2023.

Sri Lanka should request a relaxation of this strict rule of origin to help economic recovery. As such a concession only covers GSP Rules of Origin only it would impact multilateral trade rules and would not require WTO approval. Hence could be granted immediately by the EU.

United States

Sri Lanka should submit a request to the United States for (a) temporary suspension of the recently introduced 20% additional ad valorem duty and (b) for a programme similar to the Nepal Trade Preferences Programme (NTPP), but designed specifically for Sri Lanka’s needs. As NTPP didn’t require WTO approval, similar concessions also can be granted without difficulty.

Similarly, country-specific requests should be carefully designed and submitted to Japan and other major trading partners.

(The writer is a retired public servant and can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

by Gomi Senadhira

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Lasting power and beauty of words

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Novelists, poets, short story writers, lyricists, politicians and columnists use words for different purposes. While some of them use words to inform and elevate us, others use them to bolster their ego. If there was no such thing called words, we cannot even imagine what will happen to us. Whether you like it or not everything rests on words. If the Penal Code does not define a crime and prescribe a punishment, judges will not be able to convict criminals. Even the Constitution of our country is a printed document.

A mother’s lullaby contains snatches of sweet and healing words. The effect is immediate. The baby falls asleep within seconds. A lover’s soft and alluring words go right into his or her beloved. An army commander’s words encourage soldiers to go forward without fear. The British wartime Prime Minister Winston Churchill’s words still ring in our ears: “… we shall defend our Island, whatever the cost may be, we shall fight on the beaches, we shall fight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in the fields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills; we shall never surrender …”

Writers wax eloquent on love. English novelist John Galsworthy wrote: “Love is no hot-house flower, but a wild plant, born of a wet night, born of an hour of sunshine; sprung from wild seed, blown along the road by a wild wind. A wild plant that, when it blooms by chance within the hedge of our gardens, we call a flower; and when it blooms outside we call a weed; but flower or weed, whose scent and colour are always wild.” While living in a world dominated by technology, we often hear a bunch of words that is colourless and often cut to verbal ribbons – “How R U” or “Luv U.” Such words seem to squeeze the life out of language.

Changing medium

Language is a constantly changing medium. New words and forms arrive and old ones die out. Whoever thought that the following Sinhala words would find a place in the Oxford English Dictionary? “Asweddumize, Avurudu, Baila, Kiribath, Kottu Roti, Mallung, Osari, Papare, Walawwa and Watalappan.” With all such borrowed words the English language is expanding and remains beautiful. The language helps us to express subtle ideas clearly and convincingly.

You are judged by the words you use. If you constantly use meaningless little phrases, you will be considered a worthless person. When you read a well-written piece of writing you will note how words jump and laugh on the paper or screen. Some of them wag their tails while others stand back like shy village belles. However, they serve a useful purpose. Words help us to write essays, poems, short stories and novels. If not for the beauty of the language, nobody will read what you write.

If you look at the words meaningfully, you will see some of them tap dancing while others stand to rigid attention. Big or small, all the words you pen form part of the action or part of the narrative. The words you write make your writing readable and exciting. That is why we read our favourite authors again and again.

Editorials

If a marriage is to succeed, partners should respect and love each other. Similarly, if you love words, they will help you to use them intelligently and forcefully. A recent survey in the United States has revealed that only eight per cent of people read the editorial. This is because most editorials are not readable. However, there are some editorials which compel us to read them. Some readers collect such editorials to be read later.

Only a lover of words would notice how some words run smoothly without making a noise. Other words appear to be dancing on the floor. Some words of certain writers are soothing while others set your blood pounding. There is a young monk who is preaching using simple words very effectively. He has a large following of young people addicted to drugs. After listening to his preaching, most of them have given up using illegal drugs. The message is loud and clear. If there is no demand for drugs, nobody will smuggle them into the country.

Some politicians use words so rounded at the edges and softened by wear that they are no longer interesting. The sounds they make are meaningless and listeners get more and more confused. Their expressions are full of expletives the meaning of which is often soiled with careless use of words.

Weather-making

Some words, whether written or spoken, stick like superglue. You will never forget them. William Vergara in his short essay on weather-making says, “Cloud-seeding has touched off one of the most baffling controversies in meteorological history. It has been blamed for or credited with practically all kinds of weather. Some scientists claim seeding can produce floods and hail. Others insist it creates droughts and dissipates clouds. Still others staunchly maintain it has no effect at all. The battle is far from over, but at last one clear conclusion is beginning to emerge: man can change the weather, and he is getting better at it.”

There are words that nurse the ego and heal the heart. The following short paragraph is a good example. S. Radhakrishnan says, “In every religion today we have small minorities who see beyond the horizon of their particular faith, not through religious fellowship is possible, not through the imposition of any one way on the whole but through an all-inclusive recognition that we are all searchers for the truth, pilgrims on the road, that we all aim at the same ethical and spiritual standard.”

There are some words joined together in common phrases. They are so beautiful that they elevate the human race. In the phrase ‘beyond a shadow of doubt’, ‘a shadow’ connotes a dark area covering light. ‘A doubt’ refers to hesitancy in belief. We use such phrases blithely because they are exquisitely beautiful in their structure. The English language is a repository of such miracles of expression that lead to deeper understanding or emphasis.

Social media

Social media use words powerfully. Sometimes they invent new words. Through the social media you can reach millions of viewers without the intervention of the government. Their opinion can stop wars and destroy tyrants. If you use the right words, you can even eliminate poverty to a great extent.

The choice of using powerful words is yours. However, before opening your mouth, tap the computer, unclip a pen, write a lyric or poem, think twice of the effect of your writing. When you talk with a purpose or write with pleasure, you enrich listeners and readers with your marvellous language skills. If you have a command of the language, you will put across your point of view that counts. Always try to find the right words and change the world for a better place for us to live.

By R. S. Karunaratne
karunaratners@gmail.com

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Why Sri Lanka Still Has No Doppler Radar – and Who Should Be Held Accountable

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Eighteen Years of Delay:

Cyclone Ditwah has come and gone, leaving a trail of extensive damage to the country’s infrastructure, including buildings, roads, bridges, and 70% of the railway network. Thousands of hectares of farming land have been destroyed. Last but not least, nearly 1,000 people have lost their lives, and more than two million people have been displaced. The visuals uploaded to social media platforms graphically convey the widespread destruction Cyclone Ditwah has caused in our country.

The purpose of my article is to highlight, for the benefit of readers and the general public, how a project to establish a Doppler Weather Radar system, conceived in 2007, remains incomplete after 18 years. Despite multiple governments, shifting national priorities, and repeated natural disasters, the project remains incomplete.

Over the years, the National Audit Office, the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA), and several print and electronic media outlets have highlighted this failure. The last was an excellent five-minute broadcast by Maharaja Television Network on their News First broadcast in October 2024 under a series “What Happened to Sri Lanka”

The Agreement Between the Government of Sri Lanka and the World Meteorological Organisation in 2007.

The first formal attempt to establish a Doppler Radar system dates back to a Trust Fund agreement signed on 24 May 2007 between the Government of Sri Lanka (GoSL) and the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO). This agreement intended to modernize Sri Lanka’s meteorological infrastructure and bring the country on par with global early-warning standards.

The World Meteorological Organisation (WMO) is a specialized agency of the United Nations established on March 23, 1950. There are 193 member countries of the WMO, including Sri Lanka. Its primary role is to promote the establishment of a worldwide meteorological observation system and to serve as the authoritative voice on the state and behaviour of the Earth’s atmosphere, its interaction with the oceans, and the resulting climate and water resources.

According to the 2018 Performance Audit Report compiled by the National Audit Office, the GoSL entered into a trust fund agreement with the WMO to install a Doppler Radar System. The report states that USD 2,884,274 was deposited into the WMO bank account in Geneva, from which the Department of Metrology received USD 95,108 and an additional USD 113,046 in deposit interest. There is no mention as to who actually provided the funds. Based on available information, WMO does not fund projects of this magnitude.

The WMO was responsible for procuring the radar equipment, which it awarded on 18th June 2009 to an American company for USD 1,681,017. According to the audit report, a copy of the purchase contract was not available.

Monitoring the agreement’s implementation was assigned to the Ministry of Disaster Management, a signatory to the trust fund agreement. The audit report details the members of the steering committee appointed by designation to oversee the project. It consisted of personnel from the Ministry of Disaster Management, the Departments of Metrology, National Budget, External Resources and the Disaster Management Centre.

The Audit Report highlights failures in the core responsibilities that can be summarized as follows:

· Procurement irregularities—including flawed tender processes and inadequate technical evaluations.

· Poor site selection

—proposed radar sites did not meet elevation or clearance requirements.

· Civil works delays

—towers were incomplete or structurally unsuitable.

· Equipment left unused

—in some cases for years, exposing sensitive components to deterioration.

· Lack of inter-agency coordination

—between the Meteorology Department, Disaster Management Centre, and line ministries.

Some of the mistakes highlighted are incomprehensible. There is a mention that no soil test was carried out before the commencement of the construction of the tower. This led to construction halting after poor soil conditions were identified, requiring a shift of 10 to 15 meters from the original site. This resulted in further delays and cost overruns.

The equipment supplier had identified that construction work undertaken by a local contractor was not of acceptable quality for housing sensitive electronic equipment. No action had been taken to rectify these deficiencies. The audit report states, “It was observed that the delay in constructing the tower and the lack of proper quality were one of the main reasons for the failure of the project”.

In October 2012, when the supplier commenced installation, the work was soon abandoned after the vehicle carrying the heavy crane required to lift the radar equipment crashed down the mountain. The next attempt was made in October 2013, one year later. Although the equipment was installed, the system could not be operationalised because electronic connectivity was not provided (as stated in the audit report).

In 2015, following a UNOPS (United Nations Office for Project Services) inspection, it was determined that the equipment needed to be returned to the supplier because some sensitive electronic devices had been damaged due to long-term disuse, and a further 1.5 years had elapsed by 2017, when the equipment was finally returned to the supplier. In March 2018, the estimated repair cost was USD 1,095,935, which was deemed excessive, and the project was abandoned.

COPA proceedings

The Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) discussed the radar project on August 10, 2023, and several press reports state that the GOSL incurred a loss of Rs. 78 million due to the project’s failure. This, I believe, is the cost of constructing the Tower. It is mentioned that Rs. 402 million had been spent on the radar system, of which Rs. 323 million was drawn from the trust fund established with WMO. It was also highlighted that approximately Rs. 8 million worth of equipment had been stolen and that the Police and the Bribery and Corruption Commission were investigating the matter.

JICA support and project stagnation

Despite the project’s failure with WMO, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) entered into an agreement with GOSL on June 30, 2017 to install two Doppler Radar Systems in Puttalam and Pottuvil. JICA has pledged 2.5 billion Japanese yen (LKR 3.4 billion at the time) as a grant. It was envisaged that the project would be completed in 2021.

Once again, the perennial delays that afflict the GOSL and bureaucracy have resulted in the groundbreaking ceremony being held only in December 2024. The delay is attributed to the COVID-19 pandemic and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis.

The seven-year delay between the signing of the agreement and project commencement has led to significant cost increases, forcing JICA to limit the project to installing only one Doppler Radar system in Puttalam.

Impact of the missing radar during Ditwah

As I am not a meteorologist and do not wish to make a judgment on this, I have decided to include the statement issued by JICA after the groundbreaking ceremony on December 24, 2024.

In partnership with the Department of Meteorology (DoM), JICA is spearheading the establishment of the Doppler Weather Radar Network in the Puttalam district, which can realize accurate weather observation and weather prediction based on the collected data by the radar. This initiative is a significant step in strengthening Sri Lanka’s improving its climate resilience including not only reducing risks of floods, landslides, and drought but also agriculture and fishery“.

Based on online research, a Doppler Weather Radar system is designed to observe weather systems in real time. While the technical details are complex, the system essentially provides localized, uptotheminute information on rainfall patterns, storm movements, and approaching severe weather. Countries worldwide rely on such systems to issue timely alerts for monsoons, tropical depressions, and cyclones. It is reported that India has invested in 30 Doppler radar systems, which have helped minimize the loss of life.

Without radar, Sri Lanka must rely primarily on satellite imagery and foreign meteorological centres, which cannot capture the finescale, rapidly changing weather patterns that often cause localized disasters here.

The general consensus is that, while no single system can prevent natural disasters, an operational Doppler Radar almost certainly would have strengthened Sri Lanka’s preparedness and reduced the extent of damage and loss.

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s inability to commission a Doppler Radar system, despite nearly two decades of attempts, represents one of the most significant governance failures in the country’s disastermanagement history.

Audit findings, parliamentary oversight proceedings, and donor records all confirm the same troubling truth: Sri Lanka has spent public money, signed international agreements, received foreign assistance, and still has no operational radar. This raises a critical question: should those responsible for this prolonged failure be held legally accountable?

Now may not be the time to determine the extent to which the current government and bureaucrats failed the people. I believe an independent commission comprising foreign experts in disaster management from India and Japan should be appointed, maybe in six months, to identify failures in managing Cyclone Ditwah.

However, those who governed the country from 2007 to 2024 should be held accountable for their failures, and legal action should be pursued against the politicians and bureaucrats responsible for disaster management for their failure to implement the 2007 project with the WMO successfully.

Sri Lanka cannot afford another 18 years of delay. The time for action, transparency, and responsibility has arrived.

(The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the policy or position of any organization or institution with which the author is affiliated).

By Sanjeewa Jayaweera

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