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Election sends a chilling message

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Sri Lanka rides a Gotabhaya surge and blends to a Sinhala-Buddhist ethos

by Kumar David

Let everyone first congratulate Deshapriya, Hoole, N.J. Abeysekara and the election staff for conducting a truly first-rate election under trying circumstances – COVID, political interference, a not very helpful AG and numerous court challenges by different interest groups against each other. We will be the poorer when their term expires and I dread to think who their replacements will be.

Recently I read somewhere that Abraham Lincoln mused “Elections belong to the people. If they choose to turn their back on the fire and burn their rumps they will have to sit on their blisters”. On August 5 the people of Sri Lanka singed their bums rather badly. The outcome is nothing to be happy about. In broad summary the results point to this:

a) We are a land soaked in Rajapaksa mystique and sodden in Sinhala-Buddhism.

b) The SLPP held on to 72% of the Sinhala-Buddhist vote and will form a strong government with MR as prime minister.

c) GR-MR have cobbled together enough for a new constitution without cross-overs or the need for Sajith who has now been rendered redundant. In this the siblings have defied predictions including even Basil’s; the way is clear for a constitutional dictatorship.

d) Sajith has wiped the floor with Ranil’s shirt and pants. He is in a position to take over the UNP name, Sri Kotha and the Elephant symbol if he is so inclined.

e) Sajith will be ineffective against Mahinda and Gota; he is no fighter. The anti-authoritarian space in Sri Lanka is a vacant lot.

f) A further reason for (e) is that the Sajith-UNP is hobbled by tensions between populists (Champika, Rajitha, Harin, Kiriella) and neo-liberals (Malik, Eran, Harsha, Fowzie). The Sajith-UNP, or SJB if it does not take over the UNP, will replace the Ranil-UNP as the focus of liberalism. From Champika to Fowzie and incorporating Sajith’s mild support of Tamil-rights that’s inevitable. In the 21-st Century liberalism will not dissolve into the village.

g) The poor performance of the JVP-NPP makes mobilisation against authoritarianism an uphill task (Sajith is of limited use for this purpose, but better he is in than out).

This and the next paragraph say things that has been on my mind for a long time but I could not utter due to electoral exigencies. That is, that there is empathy between the politico-cultural character of the people (mainly but not only the Sinhalese) and the Rajapaksa phenomenon (mystique and siblings). There is an intrinsic connection between the ethos of the people and Rajapaksaism. What the Rajapaksas signify and evoke are what Sri Lanka is; it is as comfortable a blend as fish and water. It is too simplistic to reckon that war victory enamoured Gotabhaya to the masses. No, it’s a deeper psyche than that; what the Rajapaksas denote is what the Sinhala masses are; they gel. Despite much corruption, alleged criminality, excesses of the clan and ugly crudeness “They are us; they our ours”. This landslide election victory cannot be assimilated without sensitivity to that nexus.

The formal UNP has been wiped out NOT because of corruption, ineptitude and the bond-scam. There are far bigger and bolder rogues per square centimetre in the SLPP than the UNP or in Sajith’s bandwagon. The seamless blending of Gotabhaya mystique into Sinhala consciousness, the symbiosis of the personal with the political-cultural, this is the true choreography of the drama. What the Rajapaksas emanate is what Sri Lankan polity breathes today. The motto of the government going forward will be Gotabhaya adoration more than Sinhala-Buddhism.

The small upside (c) is tempered by the realisation that MPs can and will if needed be purchased. The big downside is (g). An implacable Executive leaning on an obedient military whose loyalty to the Constitution remains untested, now supplemented by a pliant Legislature, in the context of a feeble Judiciary and a chaotic Court situation is no pretty sight. I am surprised that not many see what I see ‘darkness at noon’. Responses like Mangala Samaraweerra’s Radical Centre (RC) launched on 6 August are inadequate to the task. RC envisages a middle way of democratic decentralised governance, abolishing distrust between communities, and flourishing in pluralism and secularism. “RC is where all can discover a common humanity beyond race, creed and caste”. Decentralisation, that is devolution of administrative and political power is good, and I am pleased by RC’s call for pluralism and secularism. Mangala’s denunciation of saffron-robbed thugs and Harin Fernando’s exposure of the cardinal trickery of the Anti-Christ are in line with my own outlook. It’s high time we in Sri Lanka stood up and denounced these Neanderthal cave dwellers. But . . .

My concern is that a liberal stance will not be adequate to counter the emerging authoritarian threat. Although there are no pogroms or race riots right now, no Kristallnacht and only some state sponsored demonization of Muslims and “Eelamists”, the state of affairs in this country today is more serious than in Germany after the 1932 election. In the April 1932 presidential elections, Hitler polled 1/3 of the votes, but was defeated by Hindenburg in the July runoff. Even in the March 1933, two months after the Nazi seizure of power and after storm troopers unleashed a campaign of violence and terror, the Nazi’s could only muster 44% of the vote in federal elections. The 72% Sinhala Buddhist landslide to the SLPP last week sends a chilling message about what kind of society we are going to be. Have the days of pluralism, multi ethnicity and multi faith been buried? Of greater significance is that this is a repeat message, first broadcast at the November 2019 presidential election. Both left and liberals stand on the common ground of pluralism, but the frightening difference with Nazi Germany is that pluralism in Sri Lanka is being buried not by fascists but by the mass of the Sinhala-Buddhist population. (“Father forgive them for they know not what they do”).

What needs to be done urgently is for the minority communities, the masses who voted for the SJB and will eschew a sell-out, and the left to all pull together on a minimum programme to resist the worst, and the worst is yet to come. The economy will grind down in the coming period and a kilo of onions whether you ask for it in Sinhala, Tamil or Arabic will cost the same. Up to a million jobs will disappear by mid-2021. Whether the government defaults on foreign debt servicing remains to be seen (if it does the rupee will collapse). This is the scenario that the state is preparing to meet and deal with by repression. The people have chosen to turn their backs to a raging fire and to embrace racism, to indulge in adoration of the Rajapaksa cult and to revere antiquated cultural baggage. To use Lincoln’s terminology, they will have their posteriors fried.

Ranil is finished. At this time of writing not all the results are known but it is being said that he may not win a seat at all. The performance of the Sajith-UNP too is surprisingly poor, just 20% to 25% even in some traditional UNP strongholds. The cry of Gotabhayaism and Sinhala Buddhism was not something the Sajith-UNP could withstand. The UNPers who went with Sajith, not Ranil, are traditional greens. It’s as simple as that.

The left was quite unable to withstand the Rajapaksa tidal wave. There was no animosity that I felt during the campaign on the count that we were not Sinhala-Buddhist enough, there was no backlash of that nature at all. (I was on the NPP-JVP platform). It was much simpler, thousands said how wonderful the JVP had been in parliament but then went right ahead and voted otherwise. Ninety-five of every one hundred I spoke to were scathing in their scorn of SLPP and UNP “bloody crooks”. And of that 95%, ninety four proceeded to vote for these crooks. It’s a schizophrenia that I have not seen anywhere else in the world.

The last matter of interest that I will reserve for another day after more information leaks out is how the MR-GR dynamic is panning out. It’s more than a MR-GR thing, its about the balance and sharing of power between Cabinet-Parliament and Executive – Military-Viyathmaga cabals. This tension will be a source of friction in the early months until the new normal settles into place. The elections have strengthened MR’s hand as he is the custodian of Parliament but his health does not seem to be very good to judge from public appearances.

 



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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