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Opinion

Economic revival and accountability in governance

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by Harim Peiris

As we approach the end of 2023 and with about a year to go for the next presidential election due before end 2024, President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s frequent refrain and indeed the rationale for his administration is the revival of the national economy after it was spectacularly destroyed by his predecessor’s administration, ironically elected on the platform of bringing about vistas of “prosperity and splendor”. Instead, the third Rajapaksa administration bankrupted the state, impoverished the nation and plunged about 40 percent of the population, especially its most vulnerable lower income sections, into relative poverty, food insecurity and malnutrition, according to UN research and other sources.

A few weeks ago, Sri Lanka’s Supreme Court, in a landmark ruling, given in a public interest fundamental rights application filed by several social activists, found the Rajapaksas, namely siblings Gotabaya, Mahinda and Basil, respectively president, prime minister and finance minister in the third Rajapaksa administration, as well as several of their key political appointees and officials, including the then Governor of the Central Bank, the Treasury and President’s secretaries, responsible and liable for and/or causing the collapse of the nation’s economy through gross mismanagement and deliberate actions of commission and omission. Argued in a lengthy over 200-page judgment, a five-judge bench of the Supreme Court, headed by Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, delivered the landmark ruling. The lone dissenter did not contest the substance of the culpability but argued more narrowly that it did not constitute an infringement of fundamental rights, the basis for the case.

Link between governance and the economy

The Supreme Court judgement, Sri Lanka’s agreement with the IMF and the public debate around economic revival and its various components from enhancing tax revenues, to reducing inflation to restructuring state owned enterprises, all focus on one key factor, the importance of public sector governance in the performance of the national economy. Sri Lanka during its two and a half decade long civil conflict, for all the economic and political challenges posed by it, recorded on average a 5.2% annualized economic growth in real terms. However, as President Mahinda Rajapakse was to note in 2009 at the end of the war, there was now no conflict to blame for economic non-performance and Sri Lankans can and will rightfully expect an economic renaissance and revival. That this did not occur and instead that the opposite became true, namely that the economy was destroyed, is surely largely due to both corrupt and inept stewardship of the nation’s public affairs. In rather staid, legal language and with judicial restraint, Sri Lanka’s highest judiciary argues lengthily and convincingly that deliberate actions and inactions of the Rajapakses and their key acolytes were responsible for Sri Lanka’s economic collapse.

The issues that arise in the context of remedial measures and non-reoccurrence is that there exists in Sri Lanka laws and institutions which are supposed to act as a check and balance on the executive’s arbitrary and ad-hoc decision making, including the Central Bank, its monetary board, parliamentary oversight and civil society. However, these institutions failed to be an effective check or balance on arbitrary, ad-hoc and entirely unreasonable actions of an all-powerful presidential administration. These arbitrary actions included ill-conceived tax cuts of December 2019, the refusal to go to the IMF when government finances were running down, the ad-hoc banning of chemical fertiliser impoverishing farmers and especially continuing to pay off Sri Lanka’s foreign currency obligations to the point of letting the fuel pumps run dry and hospitals run out of medicines rather than pulling the plug earlier on foreign debt obligations while previously increasing the amount of foreign, mainly Chinese debt, on white elephant projects of dubious economic and utility value.

Powerful presidency the cause rather than the preventor of national collapse

Sri Lanka’s economic collapse of 2022, was by far the worst national disaster to have occurred in our nation’s post-independence history and the Supreme Court, has after much deliberation, judicially informed us, what everyone on the streets, during the “Aragalaya,” more instinctively knew that this was a man-made disaster by a small coterie of overly powerful and popularly elected politicians. Sri Lanka has a democratically elected government, but not democratic, participatory or accountable governance.

There has been and continues to be much debate about Sri Lanka’s all-powerful executive presidency. The argument has been that such an all-powerful centre was required for our national wellbeing. However, our national experience has now been that this all-powerful centre, became an unaccountable centre of power, which overshadowed all other institutions, overran all checks and balances and finally became the architect and vehicle of disastrous national collapse. There is a democratic deficit and a lack of accountability in Sri Lanka’s public governance, that still persists in the reconfigured regime which assumed state power after the Rajapakse retreat. The administration lacks both a popular mandate and public confidence, though having perhaps elite support, sufficient for it to govern, increasingly repressively till the next election. It has postponed all elections, local and provincial, until the day of reconning a year hence. The real debate on economic revival is about strengthening Sri Lanka’s national governance, to make it more accountable, transparent and responsive rather than what we have at present.

(The writer served as Presidential Spokesman and Advisor to the Minister of Foreign Affairs)



Opinion

Buddhist insights into the extended mind thesis – Some observations

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It is both an honour and a pleasure to address you on this occasion as we gather to celebrate International Philosophy Day. Established by UNESCO and supported by the United Nations, this day serves as a global reminder that philosophy is not merely an academic discipline confined to universities or scholarly journals. It is, rather, a critical human practice—one that enables societies to reflect upon themselves, to question inherited assumptions, and to navigate periods of intellectual, technological, and moral transformation.

In moments of rapid change, philosophy performs a particularly vital role. It slows us down. It invites us to ask not only how things work, but what they mean, why they matter, and how we ought to live. I therefore wish to begin by expressing my appreciation to UNESCO, the United Nations, and the organisers of this year’s programme for sustaining this tradition and for selecting a theme that invites sustained reflection on mind, consciousness, and human agency.

We inhabit a world increasingly shaped by artificial intelligence, neuroscience, cognitive science, and digital technologies. These developments are not neutral. They reshape how we think, how we communicate, how we remember, and even how we imagine ourselves. As machines simulate cognitive functions once thought uniquely human, we are compelled to ask foundational philosophical questions anew:

What is the mind? Where does thinking occur? Is cognition something enclosed within the brain, or does it arise through our bodily engagement with the world? And what does it mean to be an ethical and responsible agent in a technologically extended environment?

Sri Lanka’s Philosophical Inheritance

On a day such as this, it is especially appropriate to recall that Sri Lanka possesses a long and distinguished tradition of philosophical reflection. From early Buddhist scholasticism to modern comparative philosophy, Sri Lankan thinkers have consistently engaged questions concerning knowledge, consciousness, suffering, agency, and liberation.

Within this modern intellectual history, the University of Peradeniya occupies a unique place. It has served as a centre where Buddhist philosophy, Western thought, psychology, and logic have met in creative dialogue. Scholars such as T. R. V. Murti, K. N. Jayatilleke, Padmasiri de Silva, R. D. Gunaratne, and Sarathchandra did not merely interpret Buddhist texts; they brought them into conversation with global philosophy, thereby enriching both traditions.

It is within this intellectual lineage—and with deep respect for it—that I offer the reflections that follow.

Setting the Philosophical Problem

My topic today is “Embodied Cognition and Viññāṇasota: Buddhist Insights on the Extended Mind Thesis – Some Observations.” This is not a purely historical inquiry. It is an attempt to bring Buddhist philosophy into dialogue with some of the most pressing debates in contemporary philosophy of mind and cognitive science.

At the centre of these debates lies a deceptively simple question: Where is the mind?

For much of modern philosophy, the dominant answer was clear: the mind resides inside the head. Thinking was understood as an internal process, private and hidden, occurring within the boundaries of the skull. The body was often treated as a mere vessel, and the world as an external stage upon which cognition operated.

However, this picture has increasingly come under pressure.

The Extended Mind Thesis and the 4E Turn

One of the most influential challenges to this internalist model is the Extended Mind Thesis, proposed by Andy Clark and David Chalmers. Their argument is provocative but deceptively simple: if an external tool performs the same functional role as a cognitive process inside the brain, then it should be considered part of the mind itself.

From this insight emerges the now well-known 4E framework, according to which cognition is:

Embodied – shaped by the structure and capacities of the body

Embedded – situated within physical, social, and cultural environments

Enactive – constituted through action and interaction

Extended – distributed across tools, artefacts, and practices

This framework invites us to rethink the mind not as a thing, but as an activity—something we do, rather than something we have.

Earlier Western Challenges to Internalism

It is important to note that this critique of the “mind in the head” model did not begin with cognitive science. It has deep philosophical roots.

Ludwig Wittgenstein

famously warned philosophers against imagining thought as something occurring in a hidden inner space. Such metaphors, he suggested, mystify rather than clarify our understanding of mind.

Similarly, Franz Brentano’s notion of intentionality—his claim that all mental states are about something—shifted attention away from inner substances toward relational processes. This insight shaped Husserl’s phenomenology, where consciousness is always world-directed, and Freud’s psychoanalysis, where mental life is dynamic, conflicted, and socially embedded.

Together, these thinkers prepared the conceptual ground for a more process-oriented, relational understanding of mind.

Varela and the Enactive Turn

A decisive moment in this shift came with Francisco J. Varela, whose work on enactivism challenged computational models of mind. For Varela, cognition is not the passive representation of a pre-given world, but the active bringing forth of meaning through embodied engagement.

Cognition, on this view, arises from the dynamic coupling of organism and environment. Importantly, Varela explicitly acknowledged his intellectual debt to Buddhist philosophy, particularly its insights into impermanence, non-self, and dependent origination.

Buddhist Philosophy and the Minding Process

Buddhist thought offers a remarkably sophisticated account of mind—one that is non-substantialist, relational, and processual. Across its diverse traditions, we find a consistent emphasis on mind as dependently arisen, embodied through the six sense bases, and shaped by intention and contact.

Crucially, Buddhism does not speak of a static “mind-entity”. Instead, it employs metaphors of streams, flows, and continuities, suggesting a dynamic process unfolding in relation to conditions.

Key Buddhist Concepts for Contemporary Dialogue

Let me now highlight several Buddhist concepts that are particularly relevant to contemporary discussions of embodied and extended cognition.

The notion of prapañca, as elaborated by Bhikkhu Ñāṇananda, captures the mind’s tendency toward conceptual proliferation. Through naming, interpretation, and narrative construction, the mind extends itself, creating entire experiential worlds. This is not merely a linguistic process; it is an existential one.

The Abhidhamma concept of viññāṇasota, the stream of consciousness, rejects the idea of an inner mental core. Consciousness arises and ceases moment by moment, dependent on conditions—much like a river that has no fixed identity apart from its flow.

The Yogācāra doctrine of ālayaviññāṇa adds a further dimension, recognising deep-seated dispositions, habits, and affective tendencies accumulated through experience. This anticipates modern discussions of implicit cognition, embodied memory, and learned behaviour.

Finally, the Buddhist distinction between mindful and unmindful cognition reveals a layered model of mental life—one that resonates strongly with contemporary dual-process theories.

A Buddhist Cognitive Ecology

Taken together, these insights point toward a Buddhist cognitive ecology in which mind is not an inner object but a relational activity unfolding across body, world, history, and practice.

As the Buddha famously observed, “In this fathom-long body, with its perceptions and thoughts, I declare there is the world.” This is perhaps one of the earliest and most profound articulations of an embodied, enacted, and extended conception of mind.

Conclusion

The Extended Mind Thesis challenges the idea that the mind is confined within the skull. Buddhist philosophy goes further. It invites us to reconsider whether the mind was ever “inside” to begin with.

In an age shaped by artificial intelligence, cognitive technologies, and digital environments, this question is not merely theoretical. It is ethically urgent. How we understand mind shapes how we design technologies, structure societies, and conceive human responsibility.

Buddhist philosophy offers not only conceptual clarity but also ethical guidance—reminding us that cognition is inseparable from suffering, intention, and liberation.

Dr. Charitha Herath is a former Member of Parliament of Sri Lanka (2020–2024) and an academic philosopher. Prior to entering Parliament, he served as Professor (Chair) of Philosophy at the University of Peradeniya. He was Chairman of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) from 2020 to 2022, playing a key role in parliamentary oversight of public finance and state institutions. Dr. Herath previously served as Secretary to the Ministry of Mass Media and Information (2013–2015) and is the Founder and Chair of Nexus Research Group, a platform for interdisciplinary research, policy dialogue, and public intellectual engagement.

He holds a BA from the University of Peradeniya (Sri Lanka), MA degrees from Sichuan University (China) and Ohio University (USA), and a PhD from the University of Kelaniya (Sri Lanka).

(This article has been adapted from the keynote address delivered
by Dr. Charitha Herath
at the International Philosophy Day Conference at the University of Peradeniya.)

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Opinion

We do not want to be press-ganged 

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Reference ,the Indian High Commissioner’s recent comments ( The Island, 9th Jan. ) on strong India-Sri Lanka relationship and the assistance granted on recovering from the financial collapse of Sri Lanka and yet again for cyclone recovery., Sri Lankans should express their  thanks to India for standing up as a friendly neighbour.

On the Defence Cooperation agreement, the Indian High Commissioner’s assertion was that there was nothing beyond that which had been included in the text. But, dear High Commissioner, we Sri Lankans have burnt our fingers when we signed agreements with the European nations who invaded our country; they took our leaders around the Mulberry bush and made our nation pay a very high price by controlling our destiny for hundreds of years. When the Opposition parties in the Parliament requested the Sri Lankan government to reveal the contents of the Defence agreements signed with India as per the prevalent common practice, the government’s strange response was  that India did not want them disclosed.

Even the terms of the one-sided infamous Indo-Sri Lanka agreement, signed in 1987, were disclosed to the public.

Mr. High Commissioner, we are not satisfied with your reply as we are weak, economically, and unable to clearly understand your “India’s Neighbourhood First and  Mahasagar policies” . We need the details of the defence agreements signed with our government, early.

 

RANJITH SOYSA 

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Opinion

When will we learn?

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At every election—general or presidential—we do not truly vote, we simply outvote. We push out the incumbent and bring in another, whether recycled from the past or presented as “fresh.” The last time, we chose a newcomer who had spent years criticising others, conveniently ignoring the centuries of damage they inflicted during successive governments. Only now do we realise that governing is far more difficult than criticising.

There is a saying: “Even with elephants, you cannot bring back the wisdom that has passed.” But are we learning? Among our legislators, there have been individuals accused of murder, fraud, and countless illegal acts. True, the courts did not punish them—but are we so blind as to remain naive in the face of such allegations? These fraudsters and criminals, and any sane citizen living in this decade, cannot deny those realities.

Meanwhile, many of our compatriots abroad, living comfortably with their families, ignore these past crimes with blind devotion and campaign for different parties. For most of us, the wish during an election is not the welfare of the country, but simply to send our personal favourite to the council. The clearest example was the election of a teledrama actress—someone who did not even understand the Constitution—over experienced and honest politicians.

It is time to stop this bogus hero worship. Vote not for personalities, but for the country. Vote for integrity, for competence, and for the future we deserve.

 

Deshapriya Rajapaksha

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