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Economic blunders

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How prudent is it to let go of a power station and let it be sold for scrap at this juncture in Sri Lanka? In the middle of a power crisis of catastrophic proportions? Where industries are staring at a dark abyss of continued power cuts. In the midst of a massive economic downturn? I am referring to a power plant in Sapugaskanda, which is currently nonoperational, waiting either to be commissioned again, or scrapped.

Scrapping seems to be its fate going by the reluctance of government to get it online again. This power station has let go of the engineers and personnel already. Only the power station awaits its fate, gleaming and maintained in impeccable spruce condition. How prudent is it to let go of a 50 MW such power station and scrap it? At the same breath we are moaning that no power stations have been added to the grid in the last five years! And we’re suffering the repercussions of it, like power cuts lasting about four to five hours. What sense does it make to scrap an existing operational power plant maintained in prime condition? This is not an emergency power genset. I think the government is smudging the line between emergency power and standard regular power suppliers. The PUCSL has started to call the three IPP’s currently standing decommissioned as emergency power. They are not emergency power suppliers. They have been a part and parcel of power generation plan of Sri Lanka for the past 22 years. The one in Sapugaskanda is a power station built in 1998 at an exorbitant cost at the time. The people of Sri Lanka has paid for building it. As well as for operating it and supplying electricity for the last 22 years. They should be the rightful owners of this fully paid up power station by now. It is fully capable of generating for another few good years to come. Having recovered the investment and costs, the company is able to offer CEB unparalleled thermal electricity unit rates of Rs 20/. It also is an IPP operating on cheap heavy fuel oil, which is only a byproduct of CPC’s refinery processes. Even if it was imported it’s the cheap leftover stuff in the petroleum industry, unlike diesel. A ministerial visit by the current Power Minister saw the startlingly new condition of it compared to other state-run power plants. So, it beats all reason and credibility that at the next turn, the Power Minister is seen shedding tears the country lacks power generation plants. This, while they are letting go of 50 MW generation plant for no apparent reason, beats all rhyme and reason. In fact, all the three IPPs have laid idle for nearly an year, leading up to the current power situation in the country, by over using hydroelectricity. And they are still idle in the midst of the power crisis.

The shuffling and reshuffling of this ministry also would have added fuel to the already burning power ministry. The plans have changed along with each minister sitting at the helm. Three ministers in two years. Dallas Alahapperuma saw the long-term generation paths clearly, alongside the President’s renewable energy proposals. He proposed viable plans, even in the back drop of the looming power crisis with screaming consumer demand no match for the frugal supply available with the CEB, for not just for now, but for a few more years to come. He fore saw the current blackout looming then, and made plans accordingly. I think they must have been scuttled when bungling Lokuge came in and bungled there for a few months before being replaced with Rajapaksa faithful, Pavithra Wanniarachchi. What her plans are, if any, nobody knows yet.

In the middle of this chaos somehow the Cabinet approved the commissioning of the three IPPs which have been idling last year. This happened only two weeks ago. The CEB welcomed this decision with a huge sigh of relief as a short-term measure to handle the power crisis in full swing by now. The directors of the company heeded the appeal of the government to help the country in its hour of need. They complied. It conceded a one-year contract, to a six months contract. It further reduced the rates. Everything was ready to get started to supply electricity to a country starved of power, 180 MW altogether in a few days, it seemed. We, the public of Sri Lanka, could have finally breathed a sigh of relief of coming out of the darkness of five-hour power cuts. The factories, restaurants, etc. could get going about their business again. But No! The devil struck this time, in the form of the PUCSL guru. He threw a spanner in the plans by demanding to cut down of prices further. He wants to purchase electricity like we buy peanuts or pineapples from a street vendor. A Little ‘gotta’ at a time. Even CEB-operated power stations will not accept such terms he is demanding. For example, now he wants this particular power station to come online for a few weeks only. The reason, just to use up some CPC fuel stored in their silos! He wants a power station to recruit a whole team of operational personnel for just three weeks of operation! Where does Sri Lanka go after three weeks? Back to darkness. Its clear PUCSL head is incapable of seeing the bigger plan at all. He’s got the blinkered view of his job, that is only to cut the costs. Even at the expense of people suffering power cuts. Funnily, In Friday’s papers, PUCSL is warning Sri Lankans to expect power cuts even if all power stations in Sri Lanka are running!! What a joke. May be its cheaper for them to keep the people in the dark.

So unfortunately, at this juncture, this particular IPP Company is saying enough is enough. They have made their money. And recovered their costs. They are going to dismantle it and sell it. To Africa or Asia somewhere and make some more money. This is a power station that should rightfully belong to the people of Sri Lanka who have already paid for it. To facilitate this, the company have offered the whole plant for one dollar to the CEB at the end of a one year’s contract. Alternatively, they have offered to operate it, even for three more years and give power at an unmatched price of Rs 20/ per unit. But the government is not interested in either of these proposals. They are too busy building new power stations at exorbitant costs. Or purchasing power from emergency power suppliers at double the price of the IPPs, which is Rs 45/ per unit!! That was before the diesel price hike. Since these emergency power sets are diesel operated, Now, it would be about Rs 60/ per unit I should think.

How did we end up in such a decision-making mess? Different ministers had different manipulations and schemes after their own hearts. PUCSL have their own tunnel-vision cost saving ideas. The government has the big plans. The CEB have their own long-term least cost plans in their pocket. These don’t amalgamate nor match with each other to give Sri Lanka a cohesive long, medium and short-term power plan. The on again, off again, contract to the IPP s is a prime example of the flaws in governments decision making process. It’s only a week ago that it came up in the newspapers of the cabinet approval for re commissioning of IPPs. But this week, PUCSL’s cost saving plan for the government, has scuttled it. The ministers might have a different game plan altogether. She seems to pinning her hopes in the sky, the rains, just like her predecessor Ravi Karunanayake did. He even squandered millions of rupees on cloud seeding/ rain-making because that was his own pet idea. He managed to plunge the country into unprecedented darkness not seen since 1997. How can Sri Lanka come out of darkness in midst of such chaotic decisions? And indecisions? Over to you, Mr President, and Power Minister. You are the decision-makers Sri Lanka appointed two years ago. Sri Lanka trusted you to get them out of the darkness, not just physically, but of ministerial incompetence, lack of planning and corrupt officials. Please do your job. Make the right decisions.

Concerned citizen



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Opinion

War with Iran and unravelling of the global order – II

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A US airstrike on Iran

Broader Strategic Consequences

One of the most significant strategic consequences of the war is the accelerated erosion of U.S. political and moral hegemony. This is not a sudden phenomenon precipitated solely by the present conflict; rather, the war has served to illuminate an already evolving global reality—that the era of uncontested U.S. dominance is in decline. The resurgence of Donald Trump and the reassertion of his “America First” doctrine reflect deep-seated domestic economic and political challenges within the United States. These internal pressures have, in turn, shaped a more unilateral and inward-looking foreign policy posture, further constraining Washington’s capacity to exercise global leadership.

Moreover, the conduct of the war has significantly undermined the political and moral authority of the United States. Perceived violations of international humanitarian law, coupled with the selective application of international norms, have weakened the credibility of U.S. advocacy for a “rules-based international order.” Such inconsistencies have reinforced perceptions of double standards, particularly among states in the Global South. Skepticism toward Western normative leadership is expected to deepen, contributing to the gradual fragmentation of the international system. In this broader context, the ongoing crisis can be seen as symptomatic of a more fundamental transformation: the progressive waning of a global order historically anchored in U.S. hegemony and the emergence of a more contested and pluralistic international landscape.

The regional implications of the crisis are likely to be profound, particularly given the centrality of the Persian Gulf to the global political economy. As a critical hub of energy production and maritime trade, instability in this region carries systemic consequences that extend far beyond its immediate geography. Whatever may be the outcome, whether through the decisive weakening of Iran or the inability of external powers to dismantle its leadership and strategic capabilities, the post-conflict regional order will differ markedly from its pre-war configuration. In this evolving context, traditional power hierarchies, alliance structures, and deterrence dynamics are likely to undergo significant recalibration.

A key lesson underscored by the war is the deep interconnectivity of the contemporary global economic order. In an era of highly integrated production networks and supply chains, disruptions in a single strategic node can generate cascading effects across the global system. As such, regional conflicts increasingly assume global significance. The structural realities of globalisation make it difficult to contain economic and strategic shocks within regional boundaries, as impacts rapidly transmit through trade, energy, and financial networks. In this context, peace and stability are no longer purely regional concerns but global public goods, essential to the functioning and resilience of the international system

The conflict highlights the emergence of a new paradigm of warfare shaped by the integration of artificial intelligence, cyber capabilities, and unmanned systems. The extensive use of unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs)—a trend previously demonstrated in the Russia–Ukraine War—has been further validated in this theatre. However, unlike the Ukraine conflict, where Western powers have provided sustained military, technological, and financial backing, the present confrontation reflects a more direct asymmetry between a dominant global hegemon and a Global South state. Iran’s deployment of drone swarms and AI-enabled targeting systems illustrates that key elements of Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) warfare are no longer confined to technologically advanced Western states. These capabilities are increasingly accessible to Global South actors, lowering barriers to entry and significantly enhancing their capacity to wage effective asymmetric warfare. In this evolving context, technological diffusion is reshaping the strategic landscape, challenging traditional military hierarchies and altering the balance between conventional superiority and innovative, cost-effective combat strategies.

The war further exposed and deepened the weakening of global governance institutions, particularly the United Nations. Many of these institutions were established in 1945, reflecting the balance of power and geopolitical realities of the immediate post-Second World War era. However, the profound transformations in the international system since then have rendered aspects of this institutional architecture increasingly outdated and less effective.

The war has underscored the urgent need for comprehensive international governance reforms to ensure that international institutions remain credible, representative, and capable of addressing contemporary security challenges. The perceived ineffectiveness of UN human rights mechanisms in responding to violations of international humanitarian law—particularly in contexts such as the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and more recently in Iran—has amplified calls for institutional renewal or the development of alternative frameworks for maintaining international peace and security. Moreover, the selective enforcement of international law and the persistent paralysis in conflict resolution mechanisms risk accelerating the fragmentation of global norms. If sustained, this trajectory would signal not merely the weakening but the possible demise of the so-called liberal international order, accelerating the erosion of both the legitimacy and the effective authority of existing multilateral institutions, and deepening the crisis of global governance.

Historically, major wars have often served as harbingers of new eras in international politics, marking painful yet decisive transitions from one order to another. Periods of systemic decline are typically accompanied by instability, uncertainty, and profound disruption; yet, it is through such crises that the contours of an emerging order begin to take shape. The present conflict appears to reflect such a moment of transition, where the strains within the existing global system are becoming increasingly visible.

Notably, key European powers are exhibiting a gradual shift away from exclusive reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, seeking instead a more autonomous and assertive role in global affairs. At the same time, the war is likely to create strategic space for China to expand its influence. As the United States becomes more deeply entangled militarily and politically, China may consolidate its position as a stabilising economic actor and an alternative strategic partner. This could be reflected in intensified energy diplomacy, expanded infrastructure investments, and a more proactive role in regional conflict management, advancing Beijing’s long-term objective of reshaping global governance structures.

However, this transition does not imply a simple replacement of Pax Americana with Pax Sinica. Rather, the emerging global order is likely to be more diffuse, pluralistic, and multilateral in character. In this sense, the ongoing transformation aligns with broader narratives of an “Asian Century,” in which power is redistributed across multiple centers rather than concentrated in a single hegemon. The war, therefore, may ultimately be understood not merely as a geopolitical crisis, but as a defining inflection point in the reconfiguration of the global order.

Conclusion: A New Era on the Horizon

History shows that major wars often signal the birth of new eras—painful, disruptive, yet transformative. The present conflict is no exception. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the existing world order, challenged U.S. dominance, and revealed the limits of established global governance.

European powers are beginning to chart a more independent course, reducing reliance on the U.S. security umbrella, while China is poised to expand its influence as an economic stabiliser and strategic partner. Through energy diplomacy, infrastructure investments, and active engagement in regional conflicts, Beijing is quietly shaping the contours of a more multipolar world. Yet this is not the rise of Pax Sinica replacing Pax Americana. The emerging order is likely to be multilateral, fluid, and competitive—a world in which multiple powers, old and new, share the stage. The war, in all its turbulence, may therefore mark the dawn of a genuinely new global era, one where uncertainty coexists with opportunity, and where the next chapter of international politics is being written before our eyes.

by Gamini Keerawella
(First part of this article appeared yesterday (08 April)

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Opinion

University admission crisis: Academics must lead the way

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130,000 students are left out each year—academics hold the key

Each year, Sri Lanka’s G.C.E. Advanced Level examination produces a wave of hope—this year, nearly 175,000 students qualified for university entrance. Yet only 45,000 will be admitted to state universities. That leaves more than 130,000 young people stranded—qualified, ambitious, but excluded. This is not just a statistic; it is a national crisis. And while policymakers debate infrastructure and funding, the country’s academics must step forward as catalysts of change.

Beyond the Numbers: A National Responsibility

Education is the backbone of Sri Lanka’s development. Denying access to tens of thousands of qualified students risks wasting talent, fueling inequality, and undermining national progress. The gap is not simply about seats in lecture halls—it is about the future of a generation. Academics, as custodians of knowledge, cannot remain passive observers. They must reimagine the delivery of higher education to ensure opportunity is not a privilege for the few.

Expanding Pathways, Not Just Campuses

The traditional model of four-year degrees in brick-and-mortar universities cannot absorb the demand. Academics can design short-term diplomas and certificate programmes that provide immediate access to learning. These programmes, focused on employable skills, would allow thousands to continue their education while easing pressure on degree programmes. Equally important is the digital transformation of education. Online and blended learning modules can extend access to rural students, breaking the monopoly of physical campuses. With academic leadership, Sri Lanka can build a reliable system of credit transfers, enabling students to begin their studies at affiliated institutions and later transfer to state universities.

Partnerships That Protect Quality

Private universities and vocational institutes already absorb many students who miss out on state admissions. But concerns about quality and recognition persist. Academics can bridge this divide by providing quality assurance and standardised curricula, supervising joint degree programmes, and expanding the Open University system. These partnerships would ensure that students outside the state system receive affordable, credible, and internationally recognised education.

Research and Advocacy: Shaping Policy

Academics are not only teachers—they are researchers and thought leaders. By conducting labour market studies, they can align higher education expansion with employability. Evidence-based recommendations to the University Grants Commission (UGC) can guide strategic intake increases, regional university expansion, and government investment in digital infrastructure. In this way, academics can ensure reforms are not reactive, but visionary.

Industry Engagement: Learning Beyond the Classroom

Sri Lanka’s universities must become entrepreneurship hubs and innovation labs. Academics can design programmes that connect students directly with industries, offering internship-based learning and applied research opportunities. This approach reduces reliance on classroom capacity while equipping students with practical skills. It also reframes education as a partnership between universities and the economy, rather than a closed system.

Making the Most of What We Have

Even within existing constraints, academics can expand capacity. Training junior lecturers and adjunct faculty, sharing facilities across universities, and building international collaborations for joint programmes and scholarships are practical steps. These measures maximise resources while opening new avenues for students.

A Call to Action

Sri Lanka’s university admission crisis is not just about numbers—it is about fairness, opportunity, and national development. Academics must lead the way in transforming exclusion into empowerment. By expanding pathways, strengthening partnerships, advocating for policy reform, engaging with industry, and optimizing resources, they can ensure that qualified students are not left behind.

“Education for all, not just the fortunate few.”

Dr. Arosh Bandula (Ph.D. Nottingham), Senior Lecturer, Department of Agricultural Economics & Agribusiness, Faculty of Agriculture, University of Ruhuna

by Dr. Arosh Bandula

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Opinion

Post-Easter Sri Lanka: Between memory, narrative, and National security

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As Sri Lanka approaches the seventh commemoration of the Easter Sunday attacks, the national mood is once again marked by grief, reflection, and an enduring sense of incompleteness. Nearly seven years later, the tragedy continues to cast a long shadow not only over the victims and their families, but over the institutions and narratives that have since emerged.

Commemoration, however, must go beyond ritual. It must be anchored in clarity, accountability, and restraint. What is increasingly evident in the post-Easter landscape is not merely a search for truth, but a contest over how that truth is framed, interpreted, and presented to the public.

In recent times, public discourse has been shaped by book launches, panel discussions, and media interventions that claim to offer new insights into the attacks. While such contributions are not inherently problematic, the manner in which certain narratives are advanced raises legitimate concerns. The selective disclosure of information particularly when it touches on intelligence operations demands careful scrutiny.

Sri Lanka’s legal and institutional framework is clear on the sensitivity of such matters. The Official Secrets Act (No. 32 of 1955) places strict obligations on the handling of information related to national security. Similarly, the Police Ordinance and internal administrative regulations governing intelligence units emphasize confidentiality, chain of command, and the responsible use of information. These are not mere formalities; they exist to safeguard both operational integrity and national interest.

When individual particularly those with prior access to intelligence structures enter the public domain with claims that are not subject to verification, it raises critical questions. Are these disclosures contributing to justice and accountability, or are they inadvertently compromising institutional credibility and future operational capacity?

The challenge lies in distinguishing between constructive transparency and selective exposure.

The Presidential Commission of Inquiry into the Easter Sunday Attacks provided one of the most comprehensive official examinations of the attacks. Its findings highlighted a complex web of failures: lapses in intelligence sharing, breakdowns in inter-agency coordination, and serious deficiencies in political oversight. Importantly, it underscored that the attacks were not the result of a single point of failure, but a systemic collapse across multiple levels of governance.

Yet, despite the existence of such detailed institutional findings, public discourse often gravitates toward simplified narratives. There is a tendency to identify singular “masterminds” or to attribute responsibility in ways that align with prevailing political or ideological positions. While such narratives may be compelling, they risk obscuring the deeper structural issues that enabled the attacks to occur.

Equally significant is the broader socio-political context in which these narratives are unfolding. Sri Lanka today remains a society marked by fragile intercommunal relations. The aftermath of the Easter attacks saw heightened suspicion, polarisation, and, in some instances, collective blame directed at entire communities. Although there have been efforts toward reconciliation, these fault lines have not entirely disappeared.

In this environment, the language and tone of public discourse carry immense weight. The framing of terrorism whether as a localized phenomenon or as part of a broader ideological construct must be handled with precision and responsibility. Overgeneralization or the uncritical use of labels can have far-reaching consequences, including the marginalization of communities and the erosion of social cohesion.

At the same time, it is essential to acknowledge that the global discourse on terrorism is itself contested. Competing narratives, geopolitical interests, and selective historiography often shape how events are interpreted. For Sri Lanka, the challenge is to avoid becoming a passive recipient of external frameworks that may not fully reflect its own realities.

A professional and unbiased approach requires a commitment to evidence-based analysis. This includes:

· Engaging with primary sources, including official reports and judicial findings
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· Cross-referencing claims with verifiable data
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· Recognizing the limits of publicly available information, particularly in intelligence matters

It also requires intellectual discipline the willingness to question assumptions, to resist convenient conclusions, and to remain open to complexity.

The role of former officials and subject-matter experts in this discourse is particularly important. Their experience can provide valuable insights, but it also carries a responsibility. Public interventions must be guided by professional ethics, respect for institutional boundaries, and an awareness of the potential impact on national security.

There is a fine balance to be maintained. On one hand, democratic societies require transparency and accountability. On the other, the premature or uncontextualized release of sensitive information can undermine the very systems that are meant to protect the public.

As Sri Lanka reflects on the events of April 2019, it must resist the temptation to reduce a national tragedy into competing narratives or political instruments. The pursuit of truth must be methodical, inclusive, and grounded in law.

Easter is not only a moment of remembrance. It is a test of institutional maturity and societal resilience.

The real question is not whether new narratives will emerge they inevitably will. The question is whether Sri Lanka has the capacity to engage with them critically, responsibly, and in a manner that strengthens, rather than weakens, the foundations of its national security and social harmony.

In the end, justice is not served by noise or conjecture. It is served by patience, rigor, and an unwavering commitment to truth.

Mahil Dole is a former senior law enforcement officer and national security analyst, with over four decades of experience in policing and intelligence, including serving as Head of Counter-Intelligence at the State Intelligence Service of Sri Lanka and a graduate of the Asia Pacific Center for Security Studies in Hawai, USA.

by Mahil Dole
Former Senior Law Enforcement Officer National Security Analyst; Former Head of Counter-Intelligence, State Intelligence Service)

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