Midweek Review

CENTENARY CELEBRATION OF CT FERNANDO The Choir Master of Sinhala Song

Published

4 years ago

2021/03/31

BY Dr D. Chandraratna

One of the most uplifting moments during this COVID time, living under numerous restrictions, was to watch an episode of a Sri Lankan musical show reminiscing CT Fernando, with the lovers of Sinhala songs. Right around the world it is rare for an audience of all three generations to sing in unison to the music of half a century ago. The grandson of the music virtuoso CT, flamboyantly apparelled like his forebears, was with the microphone and captured the spirit and quality of the grandfather artiste. Perhaps, only a few can ride the zeitgeist like a progeny gifted by the genome. The audience, one and all, granddaughters with grandmothers and grandfathers, sang like the ‘Nations Choir’. People who otherwise would not meet in groups, found an occasion to sing together, and if given the cue, would have shuffled their feet in dance.

In the early months of the pandemic we saw Italians singing from their balconies John Denver’s Country Road, the karaoke renditions of Tom Jones’ Green Green Grass of Home and, in Dublin, the famous Danny Boy, and in Athens the ‘White Roses of Athens’ by Nana Mouskouri, and in Detroit, USA, Louis Armstrong’s ‘What a Wonderful World’. In Sri Lanka, Army bands performed in front of apartment blocks, professional orchestras dominated the digital sphere, and these will be the nicer things that remain after the vaccine hopefully makes the corona crisis a distant dream.

But, from a long distance, here Down Under, for Sri Lankans the CT Fernando two-hour long musical show, traversing the repertoire from Ambili Mame to Piyumehi peni bothi, sung to the Bossa Nova dance steps, was the ultimate. The enjoyable show was the fastest two hours I have experienced lately, and the fastest you can imagine. It was a programme of absolute delight, filled with a kaleidoscope of feelings, ideas and emotions. Given that 2021 is the birth centenary of CT, that experience prompted me to pen this appreciation

The early years – The
warbling melodist

In this retrospection, emphasis is to aspects of his songs, which get little mention in Sri Lankan books and articles about this nation’s most loved musician of all times. With utmost respect to all other great musicians, he was the bard, the lead chorister and the entire nation his choir, and hence my caption to this appreciation. Rising to fame in the 1950’s he was in the same genre of Sri Lankan artistes who followed in the footsteps of Sunil Shantha. There is a famous story in Tissa Abeysekera’s book ‘Ayale giya Sithuwili’, where he writes that CT must have been eternally indebted to Sunil Shantha for pushing him to the top category in the Sinhala singers ‘A’ grade at Radio Ceylon. Sunil Shantha, one of the three examiners, had the courage of his convictions to push him up against the opposition of the other examiners who found CT’s singing lacking in the finesse of the North Indian tradition. It is even rumoured that the gap between his front two teeth made certain intonations not ‘pitch perfect’.

This episode may have influenced him to draw inspiration from the originality of Sunil Santa’s ‘Handapane’ ‘Suwanda rosa mal nela’ and ‘Emba ganga’ like tunes, for which he reciprocated with Ambili mame, Suwada Rosa Mal Nela and Pin Siduwanne.

He was then the talented warbling songster in the tradition of many others, such as Sydney Attygala, Kanthi Wakwella, and Chitra Somapala to the musical backing of directors — R. A Chandrasena, Master Mohammed Ghouse, Master Rocksamy, stalwarts of that era. These talented music directors were superb in spotlighting CT’s voice, while enhancing the combination of percussion and strings to provide the glorious harmony. CT like many others of his ilk, were no doubt offered an administrative helping hand by public broadcasters like Neville Jayaweera at the Radio Ceylon and M.J. Perera, as the Director of the Sinhala service at the Rupavahini, and I belieeve there were many others.

CT Fernando’s career of creativity, persistence and resilience arrived with the fortuitous ensemble of talent that he mustered in the early 50s. B.S. Perera, Patrick Denipitiya, with whom he had a Bhathiya-Santush like relationship (according to his son, equally talented Mahesh Denipitiya), Claude Fernando, playing the organ, and Ranjith Perera at the saxophone. This was a combination of enormous talent that added appeal and colour to his musical artistry. On his arrival in Colombo, from the sleepy town of Nawalapitiya, after his tempestuous marriage to an adulating listener in Dhanawathie Fernando, he blossomed. With Patrick Denipitiya, in particular, CT produced a number of catchy tunes to the rhythm of the Hawaiian guitar, combined with the mandolin, and bongo drums, and he heralded a revolutionary change in the idiom of the Sinhala song.

As the novelist J. Wijayatunga wrote in his ‘Grass for my Feet’, CT’s songs tell snippets of village life with all the simplicity, warmth, charm, familiar to anyone who has ever lived in a village anywhere. His songs capture the innocence of the village folk as sympathetically as one can. The romantic interludes they are enveloped in, makes one feel as if the night skies are lit up, lighting up a romantic mood. You are instantly transported to another universe through his beautiful melodies, embracing the gentle love of the village with his adorable osariya clad menike, which naturally electrifies the senses no end, making you a creature of impulse. Whether the simplicity of it made us underestimate this great performer in his time, is a nagging doubt in many of our minds. If so, to adulate him in his centenary year, hopefully will recompense our debt.

Revolutionary songster
and lyricist

His revolutionary style (dubbed badly into Sinhala as dadabbara) included a fusion of the Eastern music with the Calypso tradition. Calypso, the West Indian music, originated as a form of protest against the authoritarian colonial culture. This music genre was made appealing by its commercial variant, with pop songs like the Banana Boat song and Day O day O, sung by the musical maestro Harry Belafonte. One point rarely mentioned in the books referring to CT’s synthetic swirls, percussive combined with the lush electronic clangs, were brought to the elitist Sri Lankan homes not so much through Radio Ceylon but the 78″ RPM records. Later in the late 60s, Dr Nithi Kanagaratnam, from Jaffna, sang calypso-styled songs in Tamil, which earned him the title “Father of Tamil Popular Music”. His Aiyaiyo aval vendam, Rosy, Sweet Marie, kallukadai pakkam pokaathe came on the 78 RPMs, which combined Tamil, Sinhala and English, was ably assisted by Claude Fernando in the orchestra. If you like, they were more successful as Sanhindiyawa than the artificial variants of sanhindiyawa foisted on suspecting people.

CT created a new generation of music lovers in the Sri Lankan middle classes, hitherto averse to many things local; who as Professor Sarachchandra once mentioned, considered the Sinhala theatre and music suitable only as a cultural spittoon, appreciated by the unendowed multitude. But contrary to all that within a short time period, helped by the successes of CT’s performances at the Little Hut, GOH and Galle Face hotels endeared him to many in the elitist homes, and bridged two worlds through discography and numerous hits.

Discography and CT’s
Calypso beat

For amateur dance lovers, Sinhala music is as equally suitable as any other. While those who love to dance slow Waltzes and Fox Trots to the tunes like olu pipeela, bilinda nelawe ukule, and, suwanda rosa mal nela, the fast beats fit in with the West Indian Latin dances such as the swing, cha cha, samba, bossa nova and mamba. To those Latin dance lovers his revolutionary songs fit the bill nicely. With the Bongos reverberating in the background Mal loke rani, Ranwan rankendi peerala, Ane dingak Innako, Laksana Pura handa paya dilenne, are beautiful tunes. One is enticed by the beat but the appeal has obviously something to do with the lyrics as well.

D.C Jayasinghe (90 years) who was interviewed during that show, said that he wrote the lyrics after an uneventful happenstance. He was holidaying in Ibbagamuwa at his father’s bungalow called out to a bevy of young girls rushing to the fields. He said Ane dingak innako,(not daetha poddak dennako) aeyida kalabala, ahaka bala bala and so on. This urbane youngster followed them to the field to see the girls in cloth and jacket were helping the punchi mamage kumbure, replanting paddy. The lyricist went along with the girls to the punchi mama’s field and recited exactly how the farmers bathed in the stream (dola), flowing by the kumbuk tree lining the bata kele and returned to relax on the swings.

Back to the discography, here in Australia at a time when obesity was the issue, the government sponsored a programme titled Norm, (how not to be like Norman, binging with a beer in front of the Tele) in every organization to encourage exercise programs. In my university, a group of us initiated a Latin-Western dance class in the lunch break, and was a tremendous hit going on for years. For the Latin dances, I offered a cassette of CT to my dance instructor, and though, at first he was unsure whether it will suit the rest of the class, it caught on except for one minutia and it was when the swing came on he shouted — This is Sri Lankan, remember the hesitation at 6 (before you count 7). When I said I find it perfect he shouted, jokingly of course, ‘you are bloody Sri Lankan’. I still think it is pitch perfect. But unperturbed, I am unashamed of my sentimentality.

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Midweek Review

Courtroom killings:From Attanagalle to Aluthkade

Published

6 days ago

2025/03/5

Thilina Walpola

Policemen carry wounded Ganemulle Sanjeewa out of Aluthkade court to a waiting STF jeep

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Since the mid-1970s this country has seen so much bloodshed, beginning with the cold blooded killing of SLFP Jaffna Mayor Alfred Duraiappah on 27 July, 1975, by the LTTE, that even many of us journos, who have lived through and recorded much of that gory past, too, have literally lost the exact count from our memories, so no wonder having read last week’s midweek piece ‘A second killing in a courtroom, a question of national security and overall deterioration of law enforcement’ former Irida Divaina editor and one time colleague in our sister paper, Anura Soloman, reawakened the writer’s memory to the Wavulkelle killings. The writer inadvertently failed to at least refer to the Wavulkelle massacre that was also a grim reminder of the direct nexus between the party in power and law enforcers that had also become a cancer in this country, whether the rulers are corrupt capitalists or fake Marxists and opportunists or those somewhere in between.

We must also note that over the years our rulers also exacerbated feelings of resentment among Tamils as a result of many rotten cops, or those deemed politically undesirable, being posted to faraway places on punishment transfers. One can imagine how they would have taken out their own frustrations when discharging their duties in such places if they were so bad here, to start with. And that practice ironically continues to this day.

Sub Inspector Dhammika Amarasena, who had been interdicted over the Wavulkelle massacre, was shot dead inside the Attanagalle Magistrate court in Nov. 1991. Amarasena, who had been one of the accused in the Wavulkelle carnage where 12 persons were shot dead in late Feb. 1990, was the first suspect to die in a courtroom. Among the Wavulkelle victims had been a young woman who, according to the only survivor, was sexually abused by several male prisoners at the behest of a posse of bestial policemen before being killed.

The media reported at that time that the victims had been stripped naked and shot in single file by two gunmen. Amarasena had been among the gang of policemen responsible for the heinous crime that was carried out after the eradication of the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna’s second armed uprising 1987-89. The victims were believed to be sympathizers of the then main Opposition Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

Of the 13 people abducted and taken to a clearing, 12 had been shot dead and their naked and charred bodies were found by villagers. The crime would have remained a mystery if not for one of the abductees managing to flee from the clutches of those killers.

Solomon emphasized that the recent high profile courtroom killing of Sanjeewa Kumara Samararatne aka Ganemulle Sanjeewa, the fourth inside a courtroom, couldn’t be discussed without examining the killings carried out in the Attanagalle Magistrate court. Amarasena’s father-in-law, who had been seated next to the interdicted policeman, was also killed. The killer escaped.

Of the 14 suspects attached to the Weeragula and Attanagalla police taken into custody in connection with the CID investigation, the Attanagalle Magistrate discharged seven of the suspects and the remaining were charged with unlawful assembly, abduction, murder and lesser charges. The mastermind was never punished.

The Wavulkelle killings and the subsequent Attanagalla courtroom killing attracted international attention. The London headquartered Amnesty International (AI) dealt with this issue. It would be pertinent to stress that the Wavulkelle killings were carried out several months after the arrest and the execution of JVP leader Rohana Wijeweera and the elimination of its top leadership, barring Somawansa Amarasinghe, who managed to escape with clandestine Indian help.

The Nov. 1991 Attanagalle courtroom killings, during Ranasinghe Premadasa’s presidency, were followed up by the elimination of Dhamamika Amarasinghe in January 2004 during Chandrika Kumaratunga presidency, inside the Hulftsdorp court complex, and the most recent killing of Ganemulle Sanjeewa (Anura Kumara Dissanayake presidency/Aluthkade court complex).

The Attanagalle hit is widely believed to have been ordered by a businessman whose family happened to be among the victims of the Wavulkelle massacre. During the second JVP-led insurgency (1987-1990) both the government and the insurgents perpetrated heinous crimes. There cannot be any dispute that the ruling UNP exploited a murderous counter insurgency campaign to eliminate its political rivals as well. However, courtroom killings have to be thoroughly investigated and perpetrators (read masterminds) arrested and punished. The Attanagalle courtroom killings mastermind must have taken the law into his own hands as he felt the perpetrators of the Wavulkelle carnage wouldn’t be punished.

Parties in Parliament, as well as those not represented, have conveniently forgotten the murderous political culture that prevailed during that time. The Wavulkelle carnage never received the public attention it deserved. The police and successive governments never made an honest effort to investigate law enforcement officers’ alleged involvement in extrajudicial killings.

The second Aluthkade hit

Over the past three decades, the law and order situation has deteriorated to such an extent, that the corrupt elements in the police are now directly enmeshed in the underworld. Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s killing underscored the responsibility on the part of the National People’s Power (NPP) government to conduct a no holds barred investigation, particularly against the backdrop of the disclosure that the Colombo Chief Magistrate Court hadn’t directed the Prions Department to produce Ganemulle Sanjeewa in court on the morning of 19th February.

Colombo Chief Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali is on record as having questioned the senior Prisons Department officer present in court as to why Ganemulle Sanjeewa was produced in court in the absence of a specific court order in that regard.

Let me remind you what police constable Hewapathiranage Tharanga told the inquest into Ganemulle Sanjeewa killing held before Colombo Chief Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali on 24th February. PC Tharanga, of the Keselwatta police, said that the gunman, who had been dressed as a lawyer, fired several shots in rapid succession at Ganemulle Sanjeewa the moment Magistrate Thanuja Lakmali asked for an explanation from a Prisons’ Department officer. What the Colombo Chief Magistrate said was that Ganemulle Sanjeewa had been brought to Hulftsdorp from maximum security Boossa prison without a court order.

The Magistrate’s shocking declaration should be examined taking into consideration IGP Priyantha Weerasooriya revelation that he intervened to prevent Ganemulle Sanjeewa being produced in the Gampaha court the previous week following intelligence warning of a possible attempt on the underworld kingpin’s life. Therefore, the crux of the matter is who decided to produce Ganemulle Sanjeewa in court without any such order. That issue has to be addressed without further delay.

The possibility of the assassin – a legally discharged soldier who had undergone the basic commando training course – having access to those in charge of Ganemulle Sanjeewa’s security cannot be ruled out. If notorious underworld figure Kehelbaddara Padme, operating from overseas, had ordered the elimination of Ganemulle Sanjeewa to avenge the killing of his father, as alleged by some, targeting him while being escorted by a squad of elite police commandos wouldn’t have been feasible. In addition to police commandos, Ganemulle Sanjeewa ostensibly also received armed protection from the Prisons Department.

The latest underworld hit exposed glaring shortcomings in security. The police and the Bar Association of Sri Lanka (BASL) owed the public an explanation why lawyers weren’t subject to routine security checks before entering courtrooms during high profile cases.

Especially against the backdrop of IGP Weerasooriya’s disclosure that they had been aware of an attempt that was to be made on the life of Ganemulle Sanjeewa on the previous week at the Gampaha court, why were not special security arrangements made on 19 February?

Perhaps, the Justice Ministry, the police and the judiciary should reach consensus on the deployment of armed police within courts for the protection of criminals under threat. It would be pertinent to mention that police assigned to provide security to judges are authorized to carry side arms in courts.

The Aluthkade killing, coupled with the Middeniya triple murder where the one-time henchman of the Rajapaksas was killed with two of his children, and two deaths in police custody, placed the NPP government in an extremely difficult situation.

Twelve persons have so far been taken into custody in connection with the Aluthkade killing. However, the woman accomplice of the assassin, who smuggled in the weapon into the courtroom, remains at large.

The recent issuance of an order by the Matara Magistrate to arrest eight policemen, including ex-IGP Deshabandu Tennakoon, over an alleged conspiracy to commit murder with regard to an incident at W 15 hotel in Weligama on the night of 31 Dec., 2023. If it is true that further underscores the deterioration of law enforcement. The predicament of a once powerful cop on whose behalf the previous President went to the extent of clashing with even the judiciary stresses the responsibility on the part of all parties to exercise caution.

Midweek Review

Truth and Reconciliation

Published

6 days ago

2025/03/5

Thilina Walpola

By Lynn Ockersz

Ill-concealed by the sands of time,

Skeletons continue to scramble out,

Telling inconvenient, face-reddening truths,

Of smoking guns never brought to justice,

Of equity undelivered or miscarried,

Pointing to the error of the land’s ways,

But also warning it to be reconciled ere long,

Lest the Isle wanders dangerously once again,

Down blood-splattered tracks of self-harm,

And drives home the brutal truth of nation-breaking.

Midweek Review

Armed forces strength: NPP reiterates Ranil’s plan

Published

6 days ago

2025/03/5

Thilina Walpola

Soldiers rehearse for post-war independence day parade

President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, in his capacity as Defence Minister, last week reiterated his government’s commitment to downsize the Army to 100,000 by 2030. Dissanayake, who is also Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, declared that the strength of the Navy and the Air Force, too, would be brought down to 40,000 and 18,000, respectively, by 2030. That commitment was made in Parliament on 28 Feb.

In May 2023, the then State Defence Minister Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon declared that the strength of the Army, the Navy and Air Force would be brought down to 100,000, 30,000 and 20,000, respectively. Obviously, the NPP defence team has amended the proposed Navy and Air Force strength by 2030, though the incumbent government accepted the overall plan.

Declaring that national security wouldn’t be compromised by the move, State Minister Tennakoon told the writer that wartime numbers couldn’t be sustained well over a decade after the conclusion of the conflict. At the time Matale district lawmaker disclosed the move, UNP leader and President Ranil Wickremesinghe also held the Defence portfolio.

In late May 2023, the Defence Ministry quoted Tennakoon as having assured US State Department official, Afreen Akhter, that the security forces would be ‘right-sized’ to perform their classic roles.

In the Biden administration, Afreen Akhter oversaw Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, and the Maldives, as well as the Office of Security and Transnational Affairs.

A few years after the conclusion of the war, in May 2009, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government quietly began downsizing the Army, which was little above 200,000 at the time the war was brought to an end. However, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government officially acknowledged the downsizing of the war-winning Army on 13 January, 2023. The Defence Ministry quoted Tennakoon as having said that the Army strength would be further reduced to 135,000 by the end of 2024 and 100,000 by 2030.

Of course there cannot be an issue over the need to gradually decrease military strength in peace time, taking into consideration post-war national security requirements and the pathetic economic situation confronting the country.

Regardless of the developing political-economic-social crisis, it would be the responsibility of the military top brass to brief the political leadership of the ground situation. Post-war national security requirements shouldn’t be looked at only on the basis of economic indicators. That would be suicidal. In other words, the country is in such a precarious situation, political leadership may tend to conveniently ignore basics, especially to please various interested parties eternally complaining about the military strength, thereby jeopardizing the country’s national security.

Declaration that the SLA would be reduced to 100,000 by 2030 means the total strength would be cut by half, from its peak.

The LTTE couldn’t have been defeated if not for the rapid expansion undertaken during the then Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka’s tenure as Commander of the Army (2005-2009). The SLA lacked the wherewithal to sustain a large-scale ground offensive while deploying sufficient troops on a holding role. For want of adequate infantry battalions, the SLA couldn’t undertake large scale offensives in different theatres, simultaneously. But the rapid expansion, since the launching of operations on multiple fronts, in Vanni, from 2007, paid dividends soon enough.

A question of loyalty

Many eyebrows were raised when President Anura Kumara Dissanayake declared his intention to build a professional military that is loyal to the State rather than individuals. The Commander-in-Chief said so in Parliament on 28 Feb. The JVPer was referring to the celebrated war-winning military that proved to the world that terrorism could be eradicated. Let me also emphasize that the military defeated the JVP twice in 1971 and 1987-1990, and thereby saved parliamentary democracy, whatever shortcomings therein.

Incumbent Defence Secretary Air Vice Marshal (retd.) Sampath Thuyakontha who had served as the wartime Commanding Officer of the famed number 09 Mi- 24 attack helicopter squadron and Deputy Defence Minister Maj. Gen. (retd.) Aruna Jayasekera should be able to address any concerns of the NPP and JVP.

A retired armed forces grouping played a significant role in the NPP’s triumph at the presidential and parliamentary polls last year. AVM Thuyakontha appeared on the NPP stage as a key speaker and sustained his campaign in spite of the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government’s efforts to harass him. The Island stood by Thuyakontha’s right to take a political stand, though the majority of his retired colleagues threw their weight behind the SJB presidential election candidate Sajith Premadasa.

General Shavendra Silva, who retired as the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) recently, hasn’t received seven service extensions, as alleged in Parliament.

Gen. Silva having received appointment as Army Commander during Maithripala Sirisena’s tenure as President on 19 Aug., 2019, he thereafter received three extensions in 2020 (Sirisena), 2021 (Gotabaya Rajapaksa) and 2022 (again Gotabaya Rajapaksa) though he was replaced by Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage on 01 June, when he was elevated to the position of Chief of Defence Staff. As the CDS, Silva received tenures (terms) in line with the CDS Act and served four Presidents (Sirisena, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and Anura Kumara Dissanayake).

Gen. Silva of the Gajaba Regiment who served as the Commander of the Army during the first phase of Aragalaya (31 March-14 July, 2022) was appointed CDS on 01 June, 2022. At the time protesters overran Janadhipathi Mandiraya on 09 July, 2022, Lt. Gen. Vikum Liyanage served as the Commander of the Army.

The public shouldn’t forget how the Army thwarted the JVP-inspired march on Parliament in the wake of Gotabaya Rajapaksa hastily leaving Janadhipathi Mandiraya thereby averting a major catastrophe. Had the Army failed, Sri Lanka would have ended up like Bangladesh, the country created in 1971 from what was formerly East Pakistan with a myriad of problems; being battered by periodic natural disasters, widespread poverty and overburdened by a population of over 100 million with a limited landmass, however was developing rapidly under Premier Sheik Hasina having had good relations with both India and China, when she was toppled by a Western funded Aragalaya type movement there.

It would be pertinent to mention that regardless of various accusations that had been made over the years ,the armed forces loyally served successive governments that battled both Northern and Southern terrorism. The police and its paramilitary wing, the elite Special Task Force (STF), too, made significant contributions towards the eradication of Northern and Southern terrorism. Of course there had been incalculable miscalculations, failures, shortcomings and excesses during both campaigns but the armed forces triumphed over the enemies.

Our armed forces earned the respect of other countries and currently serve under UN command though the treacherous Yahapalana government betrayed them at the Geneva-based Human Rights Commission in Oct. 2015. There had never been any question over the professionalism of our armed forces in battlefield or on the high seas as Mahinda Rajapaksa’s government gradually rolled back the LTTE units from west to east and trapped elusive LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.

It would be pertinent to mention that the JVP had been a key member of the UNP-led coalition that also included one-time LTTE ally Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that supported the then retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature at the 2010 presidential election.