Editorial
Cattle slaughter ban
Within days of Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa announcing his proposal to ban cattle slaughter but permit beef imports at a meeting of the government parliamentary group, where it touched a responsive chord among most MPs, the government got into reverse mode with spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella telling the post-cabinet news briefing that this matter had been laid by for a month. The government had obviously realized the error of rushed decision making, or had been nudged in that direction perhaps by the president, and decided not to hastily blunder into controversial areas without adequate study. Muslims, a beef eating community that also control beef and mutton stalls countrywide as well as most slaughter houses, would obviously be unhappy about any decision to ban the slaughter of cattle – something they have resisted over the years. They comprise a fair slice of our population and the new government will not wish to antagonize an entire community this early in its tenure. Surprisingly there was no angry outcry against the proposal no sooner it was publicized.
Nevertheless the first shot has been fired across the bows. We publish today a reader’s letter signed by a Muslim asking why only cattle? Saying, maybe tongue in cheek, that he welcomes the slaughter ban proposal, he asks why not also ban the slaughter of goats, pigs, deer, rabbits and what have you. He adds that to be fair on the quadrupeds, why not include the bipeds like fowl, duck, turkey and doves (we have not heard of doves being hunted for meat although snipe and teal-shooting was a popular sport many years ago). He also asks, sarcastically or otherwise we do not know, whether beef imports will not mean encouraging slaughter of cattle elsewhere to feed us. However that be, he has made a point.
A great many of the Buddhists among us do not eat beef. But they do relish mutton, pork, chicken and bush meat whenever available. This can be explained by the fact that although there is no ‘Sacred Cow’ concept here as in India, a lot of Lankans believe that it is sinful to slaughter and eat the flesh of an animal providing us with milk and playing a useful role as a draught animal to plough our fields and haul our loads. Of course bullock carts, hackeries, thirikkales and similar modes of transport are now receding into memory. However we do see the occasional bullock-drawn kerosene cart in Colombo and some of the other bigger cities. During the earlier and middle part of the last century, there were lot of these carts, owned by the father of the famed surgeon, Dr. P.R. Anthonis who had a large business distributing kerosene oil imported by multinational companies like Shell, Caltex and Standard Vacuum Oil Company until the Sirima Bandaranaike government nationalized the business of importing and distributing petroleum products.
Although it is illegal to slaughter buffaloes, who once served a very useful purpose tilling our rice fields, but have now been almost totally replaced by tractors, an illicit trade in buffalo meat has long existed. In addition to their value as a draught animal, buffalo milk which has a higher fat content than cow milk, is preferred for the making of curd with meekiri long enjoying a top ranking in the market. While on the subject of buffaloes, an anecdote related in parliament by the late Mr. Bernard Soysa during the debate on the Paddy Lands Act is worth retelling. The well-loved LSSP MP said that he and his comrades had toured the rice-gowing areas of the country to win over peasant support for the legislation. At Tissamaharama they told a group of farmers that they can till their fields in the future with tractors rather than buffaloes when an old farmer had piped, “but tractors won’t pataw danawa (calve) like buffaloes!”
Cattle thieving, inevitably for supplying illicit slaughter houses and butchers, has been rampant in the country for a very long period of time and continues either unabated or very poorly controlled to this day. A ban on the slaughter of these animals, will deliver a death blow to that menace and this will be widely welcomed in a country where many Buddhists seek merit by saving the lives of cattle bound for the abattoir. People doing such good deeds are often confronted with the problem of finding a safe haven for these animals to live out their natural life spans. The scarcity of such opportunities are known to sometimes result in the tragedy of once saved animals eventually ending under the butcher’s knife.
There are already meat and fish imports into the country to meet high-end demand in the big hotels where imported steaks and salmon are on offer, of course at a price that only the very rich can afford. In fact the domestic food processing industry imports mutton – we wrongly call goat meat mutton whereas mutton is the meat of a sheep or lamb – some of which is converted into corned mutton for export. In fact some non-beef eating Lankans domiciled abroad take back cans of corned mutton from here as corned beef is much more available where they live. Be that as it may, a ban on cattle slaughter will have ramifications that go well beyond the hostility of beef eaters who are not only Muslims. In the Eastern Province, for example, a tough and wiry peasantry has been created on beef and milk. Also, logical progression of a ban on cattle slaughter should eventually develop into a demand to end the fishing industry.
President Premadasa, in his tenure, halted government support for the inland fishing industry and some hatcheries producing fingerlings to stock irrigation reservoirs and tanks were closed. But inland fisheries have prevailed with perhaps some of those hatcheries resurrected. It is unlikely, if not impossible, for any country in the modern world to stop the consumption of animal protein. Even if the ban on cattle slaughter is not eventually imposed, we must ensure humane slaughter as a top priority. That is a must.
Editorial
Carnage, justice and politics
Monday 6th April, 2026
Seven years have almost elapsed since the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, but there are still no answers to some vital questions about the tragedy that shook the world. Several schools of thought have emerged on the mastermind/s behind the 2019 terror strikes. It is being claimed in some quarters that the terror attacks were carried out by National Thowheed Jamaat (NTJ) leader Zahran Hashim and his followers at the behest of Islamic State (IS), which was suffering severe setbacks at the time. This argument has not found favour with others who think that some foreign powers were behind the terror attacks or the handlers of the suicide bombers were on a mission to facilitate the return of the Rajapaksas to power by stoking fears about national security among the people. These allegations, counter allegations, arguments and counterarguments have given rise to various conspiracy theories which have obfuscated the main issue.
There is hardly anything that politicians spare in their quest for power, and they have made the most of many tragedies, from the rape and murder of Premawathi Manamperi during the 1971 counterinsurgency operations against the JVP to the Easter Sunday carnage. The countless extrajudicial killings during the second JVP uprising and the civilian deaths during the Eelam war are issues that politicians have flogged hard to advance their political agendas. The SLPP came to power, promising to uncover the truth about the Easter Sunday carnage, but reneged on its pledge. The JVP/NPP made a solemn pledge to bring the masterminds behind the terror attacks to justice expeditiously, and secured the support of the campaigners for justice, but its promise also remains unfulfilled although it has been in power for nearly one and a half years.
Those who are seeking justice are confused. They first pinned their hopes on the SLPP and backed it in elections. After being ensconced in power, the SLPP insisted that NTJ leader Hashim or Moulavi Nauffer had masterminded the terror strikes; they cited FBI reports, etc., to bolster their claim. Those seeking justice then accused the SLPP of having masterminded the terror attacks to capture power. Now, the leaders of the JVP/NPP who, as Opposition MPs thundered in Parliament, blaming Islamic extremists for the carnage, and urged some Muslim politicians to put the genie back into the bottle, have changed their tune. They have held their immediate predecessors responsible for the terror attacks and are in overdrive, trying to prove their claim.
Partisan politics have stood in the way of efforts to find out the masterminds behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks. There has been a call for a fresh, thorough probe into the carnage, based on the findings of the Presidential Commission of Inquiry (PCOI) which probed it. This, in our view, is a sensible suggestion. Prejudices and political affiliations of some lead investigators have tainted the integrity of the ongoing probe. An investigation must be free from the influence of those who are trying to cover up their own lapses that led to the terror attacks or to settle political scores. The police have impartial, capable officers and they must be entrusted with the task of investigating the 2019 terror strikes.
Meanwhile, Opposition and SJB Leader Sajith Premadasa, in his Easter Sunday message, has said that delivering justice for the victims of the 2019 terror attacks remains a fundamental responsibility of the state. He has lamented that it is a grave failure as a nation that justice has not yet been delivered to those killed, injured and affected by the Easter Sunday terror attacks. What he says is true, but there is no way he and other SJB MPs who were members of the UNP-led Yahapalana government can absolve themselves of the blame for that dysfunctional regime’s failure to prevent the Easter Sunday carnage. They were in the Yahapalana Cabinet. The PCOI report says, “The government, including President Sirisena and Prime Minister [Ranil Wickremesinghe] is accountable for the tragedy” (p. 471). In other words, the PCOI has held all members of the Yahapalana government, including those who are currently in the SJB, accountable for the carnage. The JVP propped up that failed government which could not protect national security.
The former members of the Yahapalana government and others who won elections by promising to serve justice to the Easter Sunday terror victims should now cast their politics aside and make a concerted effort to have the carnage thoroughly investigated and clear doubts in the public mind.
Editorial
Needed: Negotiations, not muscle flexing
The Health Ministry and the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) are playing a game of chicken over doctors’ transfers. The GMOA is protesting against an alleged government move to gain control of doctors’ transfer scheme. It insists that doctors’ transfers must be handled professionally, free from political interference, for the benefit of doctors and the public. Accusing the government of trying to politicise doctors’ transfers for the benefit of the ruling party loyalists in the health service, the GMOA says that such a course of action will plunge the medical service into chaos and place the doctors serving in the ‘difficult areas’ at a disadvantage.
Health Minister Dr. Nalinda Jayatissa has told the GMOA in no uncertain terms that it is his way or the highway. No trade union action would deter him from implementing the new transfer scheme, he said, on Thursday, warning the post-intern doctors that unless they applied for postings by Saturday (04), they would not be allowed to join the state health service.
The GMOA is not entirely blameless for unresolved trade union issues in the health sector. It has been afflicted by what may be described as the Uncle Sam syndrome; it apparently believes that only doctors’ interests must be looked after in the health sector. It has alienated other health workers. However, one cannot but endorse its position on doctors’ transfers, which must be effected systematically, with the participation and concurrence of the trade union representatives of medical officers. Politicians are driven by partisan political interests and known to act according to their whims and fancies. It is thanks to them that the state service finds itself in an unholy mess. There is provision for appeals under the current doctors’ transfer scheme, and the government can intervene in case of complaints of irregularities and injustices.
The doctors’ transfer scheme has worked all these years, and there is no reason why the government should meddle with it. At the time of writing, the GMOA was discussing ways and means of intensifying their trade union to win their struggle. It is likely to resort to a continuous strike if the government leaders try to bulldoze their way through. Its calls for negotiations with the Health Minister have gone unheeded.
The JVP-NPP government’s intransigence, and threats and warnings to workers involved in trade union struggles evoke the dreadful memories of a bygone era when a government, intoxicated with power, rode roughshod over trade unions and resorted to mass sackings to crush strikes and intimidate workers into submission. The politicians of the incumbent government sound just like the ministers in President J. R. Jayewardene’s UNP government. One may recall that in July 1980s, when workers struck work, demanding a pay hike, acting on President Jayewardene’s orders, Prime Minister Ranasinghe Premadasa warned that the workers would be treated as having abandoned their jobs unless they returned to work immediately. More than 40,000 workers who defied the government order were terminated overnight, and the vacancies so created were filled with UNP supporters. Interestingly, the JVP, which had agreed to join that strike, pulled out at the eleventh hour on some flimsy pretext. It was honeymooning with the UNP at the time.
The JVP leaders who came to power, claiming to espouse Marxism and promising to safeguard the interests of workers and resolve all labour issues through negotiations, are emulating their capitalist predecessors, such as Jayewardene and Premadasa, whom they condemned as the worst enemies of the working class. It can also be argued that the current leaders have taken a leaf out of the late LSSP leader Dr. N. M. Perera’s book. In 1972, NM, as the Finance Minister of the SLFP-led United Front (UF) government, chose to wear down the bank employees who launched a strike, demanding better pay and improved service conditions. The UF government invoked emergency regulations and threatened to terminate the strikers who did not return to work. NM succeeded in breaking the strike, which lasted for 108 days. This is how all governments react, regardless of their political ideologies, when their interests are threatened.
The JVP-NPP government should negotiate with the protesting doctors and make a serious effort to resolve the transfer issue amicably. Its intransigence and threats will only prolong the ongoing trade union dispute, causing untold hardships to the public who cannot afford out-of-pocket healthcare expenses.
Editorial
Brouhaha over a book
Saturday 4th April, 2026
Pivithuru Hela Urumaya leader and former minister Udaya Gammanpila is complaining that a fake copy of his book on the Easter Sunday terror attacks, Pasku praharaye mahamolakaru soya yema (“Searching for the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday attacks”), has been released on social media. He says the spurious book in Portable Document Format is based on an incomplete manuscript of his work, sent to former top military intelligence officer Maj. Gen. (Retd.) Suresh Sallay for fact-checking on a specific section. The Criminal Investigation Department (CID) took the incomplete manuscript into custody after Sallay’s arrest, Gammanpila has said, alleging that the fake book is based on that document. He has threatened legal action against the CID for misusing intellectual property and forgery.
The fake book under discussion will perhaps be the least of Gammanpila’s problems. The self-styled Hercule Poirots in the CID and their political masters must be drawing up plans for a witch-hunt against him, for he has ruffled the feathers of the powers that be by challenging the government’s narrative about the Easter Sunday carnage, and taking up the cudgels on behalf of those arrested by the CID, which is headed by a member of the JVP/NPP—retired SSP Shani Abeysekera, who is a member of the NPP’s Retired Police Collective.
The CID has been an appendage of the political party or coalition in power all these years. The JVP/NPP came to power promising a radical departure from the rotten political culture and swift action to depoliticise vital institutions, such as the police, but it is stuck in the same old rut as its predecessors; it keeps all state outfits under its thumb to advance its political agenda. The CID has been doing more political work than criminal investigations, under successive governments; no wonder unsolved crimes abound and the conviction rate remains extremely low (4% to 6%).
The release of the fake book at issue can be considered a propaganda misadventure. The controversy created by that ill-conceived move will help Gammanpila sell more copies of his book and bolster his claim that unable to counter his arguments, the government is trying to create confusion in the public mind about his narrative. Gammanpila’s real book offers fresh insights into the crucial issues surrounding the Easter Sunday carnage and related matters.
Meanwhile, Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa has drawn criticism for attending Gammanpila’s book launch on 31 March. It is being claimed in some quarters that he should not have been there as the SJB does not subscribe to the contention that Zahran Hashim was the mastermind behind the Easter Sunday terror attacks. This argument is not tenable. One’s presence at a book launch is not tantamount to one’s endorsement of the views of the author concerned.
Interestingly, the JVP leaders, including Anura Kumara Dissanayake and Vijitha Herath, vigorously promoted Mahinda Rajapaksa’s presidential election manifesto, Mahinda Chinthanaya, in 2005, as a silver bullet capable of solving all the problems Sri Lanka was facing at that time. Videos of their fiery speeches promoting Mahinda Chinthanaya are available in the digital realm. A few years later, they turned against President Rajapaksa and even tried to topple his government. Today, they are vilifying Mahinda, who would not have been able to secure the executive presidency in 2005, much less become a prominent national leader, without their help. Sajith has not promoted Gammanpila’s book, has he?
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