Midweek Review

‘Brandix eruption’ close on the heels of Matara corona scare

Published

4 years ago

2020/10/14

Colombo Municipal Council Public Health Department personnel conducted random PCR tests at the Fort Railway Station, Monday, Oct 12. Pic by Kamal Bogoda

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Over a week before the coronavirus eruption at the Brandix apparel manufacturing facility, in Minuwangoda, a 52-year-old foreigner was tested positive, in Matara. He had been among the crew of an aircraft that arrived at the Mattala airport on Sept 13 and was moving freely, in Matara, before being quarantined at the Amaloh boutique resort, in Polhena, a popular tourist destination, minutes away from the town. The flight had touched down in India before flying to Mattala.

The President of the Public Health Inspectors’ Union of Sri Lanka, Upul Rohana, is on record as having said that local Public Health Inspectors (PHIs) or Medical Officers of Health (MOHs) were not told the crew was to be quarantined at Amaloh hotel. Rohana declared that the crew hadn’t been supervised by any PHI or MOH officers, in the area, since they were sent to the hotel, without alerting the relevant health officials.

The foreigner was tested positive, on Sept. 23, during the required second RT PCR test carried out by health authorities, before the departure of the crew. On arrival, airline crews are tested at the airport before being moved to a private hotel, until they leave. Before the day of their departure, they are subjected to RT PCR tests.

From that group of airline crew, two had taken a three-wheeler to an Arpico supermarket, on Sept 20, and to a Keells Super on or about the same day.

A subsequent RT PCR test, conducted at the Hambantota hospital, hadn’t shown the crew member to be infected with coronavirus. The first test on the foreigner had been carried out by a private hospital.

Although the foreigner had been later cleared, the Matara incident revealed the shortcomings in the system. How did those supposed to be staying indoors visit supermarkets? Did anyone bother to inquire into Public Health Inspectors’ allegations that they weren’t informed of the decision to move the airline crew to Amaloh hotel?

Russian Ambassador in Colombo, Yuri Borissovich Materiy, inquired from the writer about the Matara incident in the wake of the Sept 25th edition of The Island report, headlined ‘Covid-19 scare grips Matara as Russian crew member tests positive’ by Priyan de Silva. With the world battling coronavirus, a relevant foreign mission being interested in even an isolated case is not surprising.

Brandix crisis far worse than

Welisara cluster

The Matara scare was quickly forgotten. The Minuwangoda eruption, within days of that false scare, is continuing to cause quite a crisis. It is certainly far worse than what was called the Welisara Navy cluster that threatened to overwhelm the system during the first corona wave. While 950 officers and men, attached to the Welisara base, had been infected with the highly contagious virus, during a period of six weeks, beginning the third week of April 2020, the Brandix cluster has so far infected more than 1,200 within a week. The Gampaha hospital made the first detection on Oct 2 as a result of a routine RT PCR test done on 39-year-old supervisor, Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, when she was leaving the hospital. The mother of four was faulted for the crisis though quickly health authorities established the truth. She was not the first Brandix employee infected.

Health Minister Pavitra Wanniarachchi, on Oct 4, told the media that the Brandix employee, tested positive at the Gampaha hospital, had been detected, thanks to a decision to test persons with fever/fever symptoms randomly at government hospitals. The government on Oct 4 imposed curfew in the Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya (Bomugammana) police areas, where the Brandix employee resides.

Later, it was revealed she had received medical treatment at a dispensary, near her home, at Bomugammana, on Sept. 28, after she fell ill at the factory. In an interview with Mawbima (Oct 11, 2020 edition) over the phone, the woman, who had been with Brandix for nine years, maintained over a dozen workers, attached to her section, fell sick on Sept 19-20 before she too got affected, a couple of days later. Those attached to her section, CM 23, had received treatment at the medical centre at Brandix before Pradeepa, too, received treatment at the same medical centre, on Sept. 27. On the following day, she received medical treatment at a dispensary, near her home. Mawbima quoted her as having said that in spite of the developing situation within the facility, none of them were directed to a government hospital until she demanded that she be taken to Gampaha, on September 30. She had even worked on September 30 though she was receiving treatment.

She was taken from the Brandix facility, to Gampaha hospital, on September 30, and released from hospital on the following day. By then, a substantial number of workers had been affected. Brandix, in its first statement, issued on Oct 4, placed the number of affected at 45, in addition to the person first tested positive. It meant at the time the first detection was made there were at least 45 others affected, within the facility.

Authorities haven’t been able yet to establish how the coronavirus eruption took place in Brandix. For nearly two weeks, the cause of the Brandix eruption remains a mystery. The Brandix eruption delivered a massive blow to the country’s struggling economy.

The Brandix crisis will further undermine Sri Lanka’s economy. There is no dispute over the contribution made by Brandix over the years to the national economy.

Indian HC, Brandix respond

to accusations

The writer, on Oct 7, morning raised growing accusations, with the Indian High Commission in Colombo, that Indian workers, employed by Brandix, at its Minuwangoda manufacturing facility, caused the crisis.

The Island asked whether the IHC had been aware of the number of Indian workers at Minuwangoda and whether they had arrived there this year. The IHC spokesperson, Neha Singh, said: “As far as our understanding goes all international arrivals are subjected to health protocols and procedures stipulated by the government of Sri Lanka in view of the Covid-19 pandemic. Any question in this regard may be directed to concerned authorities.”

Due to the rapid deterioration of the situation, police headquarters on Oct 7 extended the curfew to over a dozen police areas in the Gampaha administrative district. The police brought Ganemulla, Kiridiwela,

Dompe, Malwathuhiripitiya, Mirigama, Nittambuwa, Pugoda, Weeragula, Weliweriya, Pallewala, Yakkala, Kandana, Ja–Ela and Seeduwa under curfew, in addition to the curfew imposed on Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya.

Brandix issued its first statement, as regards the corona attack, on Oct 4. The statement, headlined ‘Early detection of COVID-19 positive patient at Brandix facility in Minuwangoda declared: “The rigorous protocol implemented across Brandix, and the immediate response and support received from the PHI and relevant health authorities of Sri Lanka enabled the early detection of the patient, ensuring her timely transfer to IDH for immediate treatment and mitigation of any further spread of the virus.”

At the time of the issuance of the first statement, the number of Brandix affected was placed at 45, in addition to the first detected.

The media received the second Brandix statement on Oct 6. The company said that 1,394 Brandix employees at its Minuwangoda facility had been tested by Oct 5 and of them 567 confirmed as corona positive.

Three chartered flights,

341 persons return

The writer raised continuing concerns as regards developments at the Minuwangoda facility with Assad Omar, of Brandix, on Oct 7. Omar responded to issues raised by The Island while assuring a comprehensive statement would be issued during the day. It dealt with a number of issues, including accusations regarding the arrival of Indians, at the Brandix facility at Minuwangoda, in the run-up to the devastating corona eruption. Brandix denied allegations that foreigners, including Indians, had been to its Minuwangoda facility, under any circumstances. Brandix also denied claims that fabric, required by Brandix, had been brought from India, or accepted orders from its facility in India.

As regards those Sri Lankans employed in the Brandix facility, at Visakhapatnam, Andhara Pradesh, and their families returning to Sri Lanka in the recent past, the leading apparel manufacturer revealed that there had been three chartered flights from Visakhapatnam. Brandix assured all of them followed government stipulated procedures, including RT PCR testing and a 14-day mandatory quarantine at a government regulated quarantine facility, as well as the 14-day self-quarantine process, supervised by respective PHIs. Brandix further emphasized that none of those, who had returned from Andhra Pradesh, visited the Minuwangoda manufacturing facility.

The writer sought clarification from Brandix, on Oct 11, regarding a number of issues. The Island submitted the following questions to Brandix: “We received three media statements from you regarding the Covid-19 eruption. In the third statement, you mentioned the arrival of three flights from India carrying Sri Lankans and their families. Can you please provide (1) the dates flights arrived at the Mattala airport (2) the number of passengers on each flight (3) where were they quarantined for two weeks and (4) who supervised the remaining 14-day self-quarantine period? Brandix, in a statement issued the same day, while reiterating all protocols were followed, revealed that altogether 341 Sri Lankans, both workers and their families, returned on three chartered flights on June 25, August 8 and Sept.22. The flight that is causing a puzzle is UL 1159 that was expected to bring in 60 persons though only 48 arrived aboard it.

Brandix, in its fourth statement, said: “Upon completion of the 14-day mandatory period at a government regulated quarantine facility, a certification, signed by the Head of the National Operation Centre for Prevention of COVID-19 and the Director General of Health Services has been issued to each individual confirming the same. The passengers of the first two flights then underwent the 14-day self-quarantine process under the supervision of the respective PHIs. A certificate confirming the completion of the self-quarantine process has been issued to each passenger of these two flights by the Office of the Medical Officer of Health for the respective area, which is signed off by the respective Public Health Inspector and the Medical Officer of Health. The 48 passengers that travelled to Sri Lanka on 22nd September 2020 are currently undergoing the 14-day self-quarantine process, under the supervision of the respective PHIs, and will be issued the same certificate upon completion of the process. The certificates regarding all passengers can be produced for verification to any Government authority investigating the matter.”

Brandix also said that the company continues to operate a quarantine centre provided by them in Punani, Batticaloa, during the COVID-19 outbreak earlier this year, which also presently houses employees, family members, and any others affected.

However, when Chathura Alwis interviewed Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva, who heads the National Operation Centre for the Prevention of Covid-19 Outbreak (NOCPCO), the Derana anchor said that the third contingent was accommodated at Sheraton hotel, Waskaduwa, where Durdens Hospital staff subjected them to RT PCR. Lt. Gen. Silva pointed out that contrary to reports that 60 returned on the Sept 22 flight, there were only 48. Did those who returned on June 25 and Aug 8, too, stay at Sheraton? Wouldn’t it be relevant to ask whether any of those who had returned from India were accommodated at the Punani facility before the corona eruption?

Perhaps, the most important line in the fourth Brandix statement is the following. The relevant section verbatim: “We are also thoroughly investigating any lapses in this regard and will share our learning and take the necessary action in the event of any violation.”

Subsequently, Brandix told The Island on Oct 12 (Monday) that those who had returned from India (three contingents) were accommodated at Sheraton Hotel, Kosgoda, and TI, Wadduwa, Long Beach Hotel, Koggala, and again Sheraton Hotel, Kosgoda, respectively.

Welisara Navy cluster

The second, far worse wave couldn’t have happened at a worse time for Sri Lanka, struggling to cope up with the unprecedented economic fallout. The government, too, should inquire into possible lapses on its part in line with overall measures meant to prevent further outbreaks. The Welisara corona cluster was caused by congestion, within the Navy base there, though it was conveniently blamed on heroin addicts of Suduwella. Those responsible suppressed severe congestion within the vital base that compelled the Navy to evacuate the base in the third week of May 2020, a month after the detection of the first infected sailor. Well over 2,000 officers and men had to be shifted to bases in various parts of the country, including the north. This was done in terms of instructions issued by the health authorities.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa categorized the Welisara cluster as a mistake when he addressed a group of officials. The coronavirus outbreak revealed the pathetic situation, within the base, where sailors were denied even basic facilities. They lacked sufficient bathroom and toilet facilities in addition to proper sleeping quarters. Even today, residents of Suduwella are blamed for what befell on the Welisara Navy base.

Against the backdrop of the recent Brandix eruption, some of those who had been accommodated at the Welisara Navy base were moved to other bases.

Indian poaching, smuggling

across Palk Straits

In spite of regular naval patrols, smuggling continues across the Palk Straits. Contacts between the Indians and Sri Lankan smugglers posed quite a threat against the backdrop of India reeling from corona cases. With over 7 mn cases reported so far, and the death toll at 109,150, by Oct 12, India is really struggling to bring the situation under control. Globally, the infections topped 37.3 million. Sri Lanka also placed some restrictions on its fishing community to prevent contacts with the Indians.

Fisheries Minister Douglas Devananda announced restrictions following discussions at cabinet level, in this regard. The Navy continues to make regular detections in the seas off the northwestern province and northern districts. During recent talks between Indian leader Modi and Sri Lankan Premier Mahinda Rajapaksa, the contentious issue of Indian poaching, too, has been taken up.

Amidst the corona crisis, a high level Chinese visit took place with the main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) questioning the corona counter measures in place to check the visiting delegation. China provided some much needed relief with additional loans though the Sri Lanka economy remained at a critical point due to serious difficulties in meeting the country’s financial obligations. The Brandix eruption caused further deterioration, rather rapidly, with no end in sight. By Monday, Oct 12, the police had no option but to further expand restrictions as more cases were reported from various districts. Police headquarters placed several villages in Gampaha and Mannar under lockdown conditions. The crisis could have been avoided if basic protocols were followed. Brandix facility at Minuwangoda owed an explanation as regards the claim that workers began to fall sick as early as Sept. 19 -20 and Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake received medical treatment on Sept. 27 within the factory premises. Explanation is also required whether those who had fallen sick reported to work from September 19-20 to Oct 4, when the government declared curfew in Minuwangoda and Divulapitiya areas, over 24 hours after Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake was tested positive. If authorities talked to Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, 45 other workers tested positive (first Brandix statement issued on Oct 4) as well as the person in charge of the Brandix medical centre, they can easily establish when workers first complained of difficulties. When did Brandix Minuwangoda bring the situation to the notice of the MoH and PHIs? If supervisor Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake’s still undisputed assertion that workers, in her section, fell sick on Sept 19-20, how can the failure on the part of those responsible to bring it, immediately to the notice of, health authorities be explained. According to Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake even on Oct 30 she was taken to Gampaha hospital on her insistence.

Army Commander Lt. Gen. Shavendra Silva, who is also the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS), confirmed Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake’s assertion that workers showed symptoms about a week before she was affected by it.

Appearing on Derana ‘360’, Monday night, the Army Chief told anchor Dilka Samanmali that about 10 workers had been infected before a worker was tested positive at the Gampaha hospital. Lt. Gen. Silva said that even if they disregarded a worker showing symptoms on Sept 15, now it was clear infections took place between Sept 10 and 20 with several cases reported on 20th. The Army Chief’s declaration brought to an end the despicable attempt made by some interested parties to blame the corona eruption on Pradeepa Sudarshini Ratnayake, on the basis of her having an illicit affair.

The primary question, the government needs a clear answer is exactly when the workers complained of fever and showed other symptoms? The answer will establish the culpability of those responsible for the devastating corona eruption.

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Midweek Review

North: A change in status ahead of Maaveerar Naal

Published

2 days ago

2024/11/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya receives her letter of appointment from President Dissanayake. The NPP government’s success will largely depend on the duo: AKD, who entered Parliament in 2000 and new entrant HA (pic courtesy PMD).

* One-time LTTE mouthpiece TNA is no more

* N & E Tamil speaking representation enhanced

* Fresh look at Sarath Fonseka’s performance at 2010 Prez poll in North required

The new government’s main challenge is ensuring the full implementation of the IMF-led post-Aragalaya economic recovery in line with the Economic Transformation Bill approved by the previous government without a vote. Whatever the side-shows, the focus not only of the government but the Parliament should be on preparing the country to resume debt repayment in 2028 or be ready to face the consequences.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

In a way it was a great thing for the country that the National People’s Power (NPP) scored an emphatic victory at the Nov. 14 general election. Now the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led NPPers can have no excuses for not being able to fulfill their promises as would have been the case if the preceding September Presidential election outcome was repeated with the combined Opposition having the lion’s share of the vote, which would have left the country with a virtual hung Parliament of no benefit to anyone other than creating a parliamentary stalemate, leading to fresh political chaos.

We will, however, grant the fact they have a very tall order to fulfill after the previous governments having virtually signed away our sovereignty with the deals they had inked during their tenures.

But we do have a nagging suspicion about someone working in not so mysterious ways against us behind the scene, after what the former US Secretary of State, John Kerry, publicly stated not too long after the defeat of President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the 2015 presidential election when he crowed to the whole world how they had spent several hundred million dollars for regime change operations at the time in several countries, including Sri Lanka. Then we also know since then how a US engineered coup ousted the popularly elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan by way of parliamentary and military shenanigans, and then the more publicised way they ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh and then virtually ruined that country as was the case during the Aragalaya here in 2022 to oust the legally elected President, with a wide mandate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The NPP has accomplished the impossible, even in the North, in the form of securing the Jaffna electoral district at the recently concluded parliamentary election. The NPP obtained three seats, nothing but a historic watershed.

The ruling party also won the Vanni electoral district, the scene of some of the bloodiest fighting during the Eelam War IV (Aug 2006-May 2009). Securing Jaffna and Vanni consisting of Vavuniya, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu administrative districts, is as difficult as eradicating the conventional fighting capability of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The NPP won two seats in the Vanni.

The final phase of the ground offensive was conducted in a corner of the Vanni electorate where LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran met his maker.

The NPP secured two seats in Trincomalee and one in the Batticaloa districts, whereas Digamadulla gave President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s party four more seats. Altogether 12 out of 29 parliamentary seats available in the five above-mentioned electoral districts ended up with the NPP.

The NPP delivered the stunning blow to those who still pursued separatist agenda, regardless of the LTTE’s demise over 15 years ago. The combined armed forces brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

The Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that dominated the Northern and Eastern provinces since 2001 hadn’t been in the fray at the 2024 general election. The TNA that had been in the grip of the LTTE, during 2004-2009, disintegrated 15 years after the end of war, with the ITAK unceremoniously ending the partnership. Ex-TNA members, EPRLF, TELO and PLOTE contested the general election under the ticket of Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA).

The ITAK obtained seven seats (Batticaloa three, Jaffna one, Vanni one, Digamadulla one, Trincomalee one) whereas DTNA won just one (Vanni one). It would be pertinent to mention that ITAK and DTNA fielded a common list for the Trincomalee district to ensure a split in the Tamil vote wouldn’t cost the community much valued representation therein. ITAK Trincomalee leader Kathiravelu Shanmugam Kugathasan, who replaced R. Sampanthan in Parliament at the last Parliament, won that seat.

In addition to the seven elected, the ITAK that contested under the ‘House’ symbol won one National List slot. Ahila Ilankai Tamil Congress (AITC) was the only other party to secure a seat (Jaffna/ Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam) while Independent Group 17 (Jaffna/ Ramanathan Archuna) won one. Altogether Tamil political parties obtained 11 seats, one less than the NPP.

M.A. Sumanthiran (ITAK/Jaffna), Dharmalingham Siddharthan (DTNA/Jaffna) and Sashikala Nadarajah (DTNA/Jaffna), widow of slain ITAK MP Nadarajah Raviraj were some of the big losers. In the east, one-time Chief Minister of the Eastern Province Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, formerly of the LTTE, failed to retain his Batticaloa district seat. Former LTTE field commander and ex-lawmaker Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan aka Karuna Amman made an unsuccessful bid to re-enter Parliament also from the Batticaloa district.

In the previous Parliament, there had been 16 MPs representing five Tamil political parties (ITAK, AITC Eelam People’s Democratic Party [EPDP], Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal [TMVP] and Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kuttani [TMTK]. Last week’s poll eliminated EPDP, TMVP and TMTK while new entrant NPP created political history by winning 11 seats.

In spite of the humiliating setback suffered by those who had been previously in Parliament, the NPP tally has increased the total strength of the Tamil-speaking group representing N & E in Parliament. Perhaps, the successful formation of NPP’s Tamil-speaking wing may influence other political parties to re-examine their overall political strategy. They may not have any other alternative as failure to do so can further weaken their position at the forthcoming Provincial Council and Local Government polls. PC and LG polls are expected to be held next year.

Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, who re-entered Parliament with a convincing win in Batticaloa, consolidated his position, within the party and the district, due to ITAK’s admirable performance there. If not for three Batticaloa seats, ITAK aka Federal Party would have been in an utterly embarrassing position. Batticaloa electoral district is the only one that the NPP couldn’t win. Therefore, the outspoken Rasamanickam can be really happy to have thwarted the NPP in the eastern district.

Now to bury the hatchet between the two or, more correctly, the three literally warring communities here, NPP will have to think out of the box to find a solution that may be by way of sharing power at the centre rather than the periphery, as was successfully done under the Donoughmore Constitution.

Accountability issues

At the presidential election held in Sept. the NPP couldn’t win at least one electorate in the North but did so well several weeks later, it could win Jaffna and Vanni electorates. If not for that sterling performance, the NPP couldn’t have secured an unprecedented 2/3 majority. President AKD should be ever grateful to the northern and eastern electorates for facilitating a 2/3 majority.

Since the introduction of the proportional representation at the 1989 Parliamentary election, no party succeeded in securing a 2/3 though many alleged the Rajapaksas abused such huge mandates. They were, of course, referring to the UPFA securing 144 seats and 145 seats at the 2010 and 2020 general elections, respectively. For a simple majority, the winning party needs 113 seats while 2/3 means 150 seats.

Against the backdrop of NPP’s victory in the N & E, the new Parliament should review Sri Lanka’s response to post-war accountability issues. Since the eradication of the LTTE, the TNA propagated politically motivated unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, both here and abroad. Finally, the treacherous Yahapalana government (2015-2019) betrayed the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Oct 2015. The accountability resolution that had been co-sponsored by the US-led grouping and Sri Lanka was meant to pave the way for a new Constitution aimed at doing away with the country’s unitary status.

Interestingly, the war-winning Army Commander, Sarath Fonseka, who had been promoted to the rank of Field Marshal, in March 2015, served in that Yahapalana Cabinet, chaired by President Maithripala Sirisena. The role played by the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and the late Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera in that despicable act is in the public domain. The failure on the part of Fonseka, who served President Sirisena’s Cabinet to vigorously oppose the government move is still a mystery.

The writer repeatedly discussed the failure on the part of Parliament and urged concerned political parties to raise the Yahapalana-TNA Geneva operation after the same lot fielded Fonseka as the common presidential candidate in 2010. Although Fonseka lost the contest by a massive 1.8 mn votes to war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, he handsomely won the Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Digamadulla electoral districts at the same election.

The NPP’s excellent showing in the N & E at the recently concluded general election should be examined taking Fonseka winning the former war zones 14 years ago.

Having alleged Fonseka’s Army of war crimes throughout the northern campaign, the TNA had no qualms in backing the Sinha Regiment veteran. Unfortunately, political parties represented in Parliament never bothered to raise TNA’s duplicity. Instead, all of them shamelessly and brazenly played politics with the issue, seeking petty political advantage at the expense of the armed forces. There hadn’t been a single instance of a war-winning country betraying its armed forces hitherto anywhere in the world. It was only the Maithripala Sirisena/Ranil Wickremesinghe govt. that achieved that dastardly act.

The JVP, though being not part of the Yahapalana Cabinet, never opposed the government’s move against the armed forces. However, the NPP’s victory in the North, perhaps would give an opportunity for President AKD, who is also the Defence Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, to address the issue at hand afresh. President AKD retained the Defence portfolio when the new Cabinet of Ministers was sworn in last Monday.

The developing situation in the North may help post-war national reconciliation efforts. Successive governments deliberately allowed further deterioration of relations between the two communities by not taking apt remedial measures. Those who propagated lies were allowed to do so much to the disappointment of the armed forces. Parliament turned a blind eye even when the US and Australia et al denied visas to retired and serving officers and US imposed travel ban on the then Army Commander Gen. Shavendra Silva, the incumbent Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). Maj. General Chagie Gallage, now retired, is another victim of external reprisals.

Maaveerar Naal (Great Heroes’ day)

The Tamil Diaspora must have been quite surprised by the outcome of the general election. Some interested parties played down the importance of NPP victory in the North on the basis of low turnout of voters. It would be interesting to observe how the Diaspora and political parties here mark this year’s Maaveerar Naal. Commencing 1991, the LTTE used to celebrate Nov. 21-27 week as Great Heroes Week. During the period the group wielded power, the weeklong celebrations and activities received even international media attention.

This year, Maaveerar week is scheduled to commence on Nov 21 (tomorrow), the day the 10th Parliament meets. What would those elected from the NPP, ITAK and other parties do this year? Would interested parties seek to cause some unnecessary commotion in a bid to embarrass the government. Let us hope the government would handle the situation cautiously as opportunistic elements on both sides seek to exploit the developments. ITAK’s Sivagnanam Shritharan paid tribute to fallen Maaveerar at Kanagapuram, Kilinochchi.

The NPP’s unexpected victory in the north may compel not only Tamil Diaspora but Western countries, particularly Canada, to review their position.

Canada declared May 18 as Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day as Premier Justin Trudeau’s government sought to appease Canadian voters of Sri Lankan origin. Canada cannot under any circumstances ignore the Tamil vote received by the NPP as people discarded unsubstantiated war crimes allegations directed at the government, for the second time. Had the northern electorate believed the Army wantonly killed civilians on the Vanni east front in 2009, as alleged by the UN, they wouldn’t have voted for Fonseka. Perhaps, the people wanted the government to bring the war to an end at any cost. Having waged two terror campaigns in 1971 and 1987-1990, the JVP should be able to comprehend the need and the responsibility on the part of the government of the day to take whatever measures necessary to deal with the challenge.

The NPP was formed in 2019 just months ahead of the presidential election as the JVP realized it couldn’t push ahead on its own but needed wider public support. The NPP achieved that with ease within six years.

In August 2006, the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa went ahead with an-all-out campaign against the LTTE after failing to convince them to negotiate for a final settlement. President Rajapaksa had no option but to go on the offensive after the failed LTTE assassination attempts on the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Fonseka (April 2006) and then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Oct. 2006). The TNA remained committed to the LTTE’s murderous cause until the very end.

A matter for serious concern

An unbelievably large number of voters skipped the general election. All political parties, including the NPP, should be concerned over the unprecedented deterioration of voter interest, especially after a thrilling presidential election brought AKD to power just six weeks ago. A substantial increase for the NPP from 5,634,915 votes (42.31 %) at the presidential to 6,863,186 (61.56%) at the general election just weeks later shouldn’t be allowed to divert attention to the massive drop in public interest. Well over half a million rejected votes, too, must worry all.

The NPP won 159 seats, including 18 National List slots, nine more than required for a 2/3 majority. At the presidential election 3,520,438 voters refrained from exercising their franchise. But that figure increased to 5,325,108 at the general election while the number of rejected votes, too, recorded a significant increase. According to the Election Commission, at the presidential poll, the number of rejected votes was 300,300 while the general election recorded 667,240 rejected votes.

What really caused such an increase in the number of rejected votes was when the number of polled votes dropped from 13,619,916 votes (79.46%) to 11,815,246 (68.93%)? In other words of the 17,140,354 people eligible to vote, a staggering percentage decided not to. Voter apathy is not healthy. Not healthy at all.

A rethinking on the part of the SJB and New Democratic Front (NDF/consisted of former SLPP lawmakers and UNP) is necessary as they couldn’t at least retain the number of votes received at the presidential election. SJB that polled 4,363,035 votes (32.76 %) at the presidential poll could muster only 1,968,716 (17.66%) at the general election, while NDF could secure 500,835 (4.49%) having polled 2,299,767 (17.27%) just weeks ago. The SJB and NDF ended up with 40 seats (including five NL slots) and five seats (including 2two NL slots) while the SLPP that won 145 seats at the 2020 general election had to be satisfied with three seats, including one NL slot.

Both Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe should seek remedial measures before the EC announced PC and LG polls. Perhaps, divided groups have to unite under one banner either under SJB or UNP or face annihilation at the PC and LG polls. For Premadasa and Wickremesinghe time seemed to have run out.

The SLPP obtained 350,429 votes (3.14%) at the general election up from 342,781 (2.57 %) at the presidential election. For the SLPP a rapid recovery process will never be possible as its only NL member and leader of the minute group Namal Rajapaksa is likely to be the target of corruption investigations. The SLPP group consists of Namal Rajapaksa, newcomer Chanaka Sampath (Galle) and D.V. Chanaka (Hambantota).

Fifteen political parties represented the last Parliament. They were SLPP (145), SJB (54), ITAK (10), NPP (03), EPDP (02), AITC (02), TMVP (01), SLFP (01), MNA (01), TMTK (01) TMTK, ACMC (01), NC (01), SLMC (01), UNP (01) and OPPP (01). The new Parliament will be represented by 13 political parties and one independent group – namely NPP 159, SJB 40, ITAK 08, NDF 05, SLPP 03, SLMC 03, Sarvajana Balaya (NL), UNP (01), DTNA (01), ACTC (01), ACMC (01), Jaffna Ind. Group 157 (01) and SLLP (01).

Midweek Review

‘Ramayanizing’ Sri Lanka by Courtesy of SriLankan Airlines

Published

2 days ago

2024/11/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Srilankan advertisement

(The author is on X as @sasmester)

SriLankan Airlines’ five-minute commercial promoting the so-called ‘Ramayana Trail’ in Sri Lanka is being accepted very naively as an enticing and heartwarming advertisement by Sri Lankan and Indian viewers across social media. Predictably, the video has also gone viral. It shows a young child being educated about aspects of the Ramayana legend by his grandmother, while zooming in on locations in Sri Lanka where local mythology has made associations with some narratives of the Ramayana. Beyond the rave reviews of the commercial in Sri Lanka and India, an astute observer would in fact see it as a very problematic rendition for one simple reason. That is, when viewed from the perspective that it is paid for by SriLankan Airlines, a government entity funded by local taxpayers, what is said and promoted, in effect, would be through the voice of the state and the government. Therefore, for instance, when the granny tells the child, “all the places in Ramayana are real. Today, we know Lanka as Sri Lanka”, in one careless and ill-thought-out fell swoop, SriLankan Airlines has given credence to belief as evidence, myth as history, fiction as fact, asserting Ramayana’s Lanka as present-day Sri Lanka when numerous Indian renditions of the story locate parts of Ravana’s Lanka well within contemporary India.

Admittedly, the commercial will certainly attract Indian tourists and pilgrims, particularly from the northern parts of the country. The question that comes to mind however is whether this is the only way to promote the trail? Many of my friends have already made the trip without the nudging of the new advert. The advert also begs the question, whether local sensitivities and cultural meanings linked to the Sanskrit epic were ever considered when it was conceptualised, or at any point even after in the process. More importantly, who gave the final seal of approval?

The hegemonic narrative in the commercial is what one might call a ‘North Indian Brahminic’ approach to the Ramayana, which erases other versions of the epic including the Ravana-centric myths in Sri Lanka itself. Unfortunately, it is this hegemonic narrative that has been making the rounds for some time in India with Rama as its protagonist and Ravana as the absolute villain, the all-evil-encompassing antagonist. In this rendition, it is no longer simply an ancient epic or a story of innocence and faith, but a contemporary political narrative with considerable cultural power, authority and reach, performed and used by the state itself. This narrative feeds directly and indirectly into the somewhat imperialist designs of certain contemporary Indian political forces so aptly encapsulated in the hegemonic political concept of Akhand Bharat. However, in real life, understandings of the Ramayana have never been this simple or linear.

The title of Prof A.K. Ramanujan’s seminal essay, ‘Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation’ offers a clear indication into the many versions of the Ramayana and the complex narrative traditions of both India and lands beyond where aspects of the epic have become part of local myths, folktales or performance traditions. Interestingly, Prof Ramanujan’s essay was dropped from the Bachelor of Arts in History (Honours) degree programme at Delhi University in 2011 amidst considerable agitations lead by Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, a right-wing students’ organization, precisely because its contents complicate the way in which the political narrative that is the Ramayana today is presented.

It is truly unfortunate that the narrative given prominence in the Sri Lankan Airlines advert stems from this dominant, parochialized and utterly politicized version of the Ramayana which sweepingly demonizes Ravana. This broad-brush demonization reaches its peak in India during Dussehra, the festival during which effigies of Ravana are burnt to symbolize the vanquishing of evil (Ravana) by good (Rama). However, interestingly, in many of India’s tribal areas, the narrative is closer to that in Sri Lanka, where Ravana is seen as a hero, and importantly as a source of knowledge and ethics. In 2017, in the Katol area in the State of Maharashtra, tribal people forced the local administration to stop the burning of Ravana effigies during Dussehra. In Nashik, also in Maharashtra, tribal folklore suggests that the area was part of Ravana’s kingdom and was governed by his sister Surpanakha along with her husband. This understanding of Ravana’s kingdom is nowhere near Sri Lanka as promoted by SriLankan Airlines. In some tribal Gond villages in Maharashtra, Ravana is worshiped as a god, clearly evident during Dussehra. He is also worshiped in many other locations including, Mandsaur and Ravangram in Madhya Pradesh; Bisrakh in Uttar Pradesh; Kangra in Himachal Pradesh; Mandya and Kolar in Karnataka, and Jodhpur in Rajasthan. Similar practices are seen in the tribal areas of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and West Bengal as well.

In Tamil Nadu in India’s south, there are many people who align themselves with ‘Dravidian’ ideologies, promoting Ravana as a politico-cultural icon. One source of motivation for this stems from the manner in which Ravana is eulogised for his valour in Kambaramayanam – the Tamil version of the Ramayana – even though here, too, the main premise of the hegemonic account is maintained. The more obvious source for this reverence is Ravana Kaaviyam written by Pulavar Kuzhandhai and published in 1946. It is a 20th century attempt to deconstruct the Ramayana based on the argument that the mainstream Ramayana was an attempt to establish the supremacy of the ‘Aryan race’ who lived in northern India, over the ‘Dravidians’ in the south. Here, Ravana is seen as a ‘Dravidian’ king, and in essence very similar to the Sinhala renditions of Ravana. In both these popular Sinhala and Tamil versions, he is presented as a noble king, epitomising justice, courage and compassion, and also a wise person and scholar. While categories such as ‘Dravidian’ and ‘Aryan’ as ethno-cultural references as opposed to linguistic references are not part of my academic vocabulary, the attempted deconstruction is nevertheless interesting as it also offers a glimpse into the manner in which 20th and 21st century hegemonic North Indian politics are understood by some sections in the country’s south.

What is evident is that a counterculture movement is currently mobilising tribal and Dalit communities in several Indian states such as the above to vindicate Ravana and ‘rescue’ him from the negative light in which he has been portrayed in the current dominant version of the Ramayana, the one SriLankan Airlines has blindly based their commercial on. Due to this blindness, these interesting and telling complexities and intriguing political and cultural references have no resonance whatsoever in the SriLankan Airlines advert.

I come again to the question posed at the beginning of this essay: is this the only way to do such a promotion funded by the Sri Lankan government? Cannot the state-funded national carrier attract Indian tourists and pilgrims by presenting the places the local tourism industry and Indian tour and pilgrimage operators want these travellers to visit by offering the local interpretation? After all, Sri Lanka does not have a performance tradition of the Ramayana and hardly any concrete memories of the epic and its numerous episodes as a specific text. Instead, fragments of these exist scattered on the landscape throughout the island as places where specific incidents related to the Ramayana had supposedly happened. These manifest through several local folk tales and myths where Ravana is ever present as a local hero and Rama is virtually absent except when contextually required. Moreover, some of these places refer to many other stories too, which have been historically more prominent locally than the Ramayana-related narratives. However, right now, the Ramayana ‘stories’ are given considerable local and national prominence as a rational economic decision taken by people in these areas in the interest of tourism which translates into simple commercial gain. This is understandable.

The question is, what prevented SriLankan Airlines from beginning its advert with the famed flying machine of Ravana known in Sinhala as dandu monaraya (and in India as Pushpaka Viman), often referred to in influential local interpretations as the first of its kind, and predating the Wright Brothers’ invention? Is it a lamentable lack of imagination and creativity, or sheer ignorance? After all, the logo of Air Lanka, the predecessor to SriLankan Airlines, found its genesis in this story, which continues to date in a different form. This way, potential tourists could have been shown the same locations referred to in the current advert, but viewed from the sky, as if one were flying in the dandu monaraya like Ravana may have done in mythical times. This would also be very similar to the way ancient Sri Lankan poets of the sandesha tradition described local landscapes and built environments from the point of view of a bird in flight taking a message to a king, a Buddhist monk or some other such personality. Salalihini Sandeshaya and Hansa Sandeshaya written in the 15th century during the Kotte Period come to mind.

In this manner, the core places in the ‘Ramayana Trail’ could have been flagged for tourist and pilgrim interest while maintaining a distinct sense of local culture and identity that SriLankan Airlines should ideally be marketing. This is not to make Indian tourists and pilgrims cast aside their own beliefs, narratives and interpretations when visiting Sri Lanka. That is their right and not in any doubt. The crux of the matter is, why would SriLankan Airlines be so north Indian and Brahminic, and willingly succumb to the dominant and exclusivist version of the Ramayana promoted by the Indian state and many ordinary people to the exclusion of all other narratives in India itself? By doing so, SriLankan Airlines is taking itself, the government, the state and by extension all of us Sri Lankans, right into the bosom of the Indian state’s cultural and political colonialism typified by the concept of ‘Akhand Bharat’ as noted earlier. If picked up by opposition forces in the politically polarised Sri Lankan society, the advertisement can become a political statement, which has the potential to create needless rifts within Sri Lanka itself.

But then again, one cannot expect these complexities to be understood by the decision makers at SriLankan Airlines who obviously are far removed from the local cultural terrain as well as existing cultural hegemonism emanating from across the Palk Strait. The national carrier, in its haste to soar, as well as absence of foresight and lack of enlightenment of local culture has imprisoned Sri Lanka in a hegemonic North Indian politico-cultural narrative. This is also a sign of lacking national pride despite constant and oftentimes annoying rhetoric. One can only hope, the Sri Lankan government will revisit how this was done in the first place and ensure this kind of culturally crude reductionism of our own traditions and folklore does not take place in the future in state-sponsored activities carried out with public funds.

I cannot but be reminded of a quote by Voltaire when reflecting on the manner in which politics of this kind flow, emerge, and reemerge in Sri Lanka while nothing is ever learned: “It is difficult to free fools from the chains they revere.”