Features
American Presidential Stakes and the Supreme Court
by Rajan Philips
In a split ruling last Monday, apparently for the ages, the conservative majority of the US Supreme Court gave Donald Trump a get-out-of-jail card and virtually iron clad protection from criminal prosecution. The majority ruling grants Trump and “all occupants of the Oval Office, regardless of politics, policy, or party,” absolute immunity for core constitutional acts, presumed immunity for all other official acts, and no immunity for unofficial acts. The latter immunity is arguably rendered more ostensible than real by the ruling’s rigid guidelines that forbid using facts from the sphere of official acts as evidence to prove criminality in unofficial acts. So much so, writing for the three liberal judges of the Court, Justice Sonia Sotomayor denounced the majority ruling and rejoindered: “With fear for our democracy, I dissent.”
The incumbent president has said that he needs no such immunity as he would always exercise his powers within the law. So has every other president before Trump. Still labouring to survive his debate debacle, President Biden offered his own denunciation of the ruling from the White House and resounded Justice Sotomayor’s dissent with fear for the future of American democracy. Biden accused that the majority ruling has fundamentally undermined the long standing premise of American constitutional democracy: “There are no kings in America. Each, each of us is equal before the law. No one, no one is above the law, not even the president of the United States.”
From the academic end of the spectrum of critics, Harvard University’s Laurence Tribe has opined that the ruling “restructures dramatically the American system of government” and makes way for an “imperial presidency.” For Steve Vladeck at Georgetown University, Washington DC, the ruling “tilts power away from Congress towards the president, away from judges towards the president … (and) most importantly, it tilts the power away from we the people.” Only the impeachment process is left behind as a safeguard against presidential “high crimes and misdemeanours”, and one that has proved itself to be weak and ineffective – especially “in a late second term of a presidency, just as we saw how ineffective it was late in President Trump’s first term.”
Unitary Executive
There is much more to this ruling than Donald Trump. Trump provided a convenient pretext for the ruling and has become its more than accidental beneficiary. The six conservative judges seized the opportunity given to them by Trump and used it to further extend the ‘unitary executive’ agenda of establishing a strong executive president to rein in the allegedly overgrown and over-regulatory Administrative State. In the process, the majority deliberately overlooked the appalling facts of the Trump case, dismissing them “as present exigencies” and pronouncing that “focusing on ‘transient facts’ may have profound consequences for the separation of powers and for the future of our Republic.” Be that as it may.
The unitary executive agenda is a Republican agenda that pre-dates Trump, which the current Roberts Court has been incrementally fulfilling for over a decade now. Monday’s ruling extends this agenda by conferring immunity on the office of the president in addition to empowering it. The notion of unitary executive has long been a matter for the Supreme Court in delineating the boundaries of power between the executive and legislative branches.
The term ‘unitary’ stems from the constitution’s vesting of all executive power in a single person rather than an executive council or a presidium. This is contrasted with the bicameral balancing of the legislative power between the House of Representatives and the Senate. Historically the Supreme Court has used this contrast to somewhat privilege the authority and actions of a president – on matters involving the entire executive branch – over the checks of the legislative branch.
Past disputes have mostly been about a president’s ‘removal powers’ vis a vis state officials in the executive branch and the ability of the legislative branch to check these powers. But lofty court rulings even on prosaic facts such as a president’s removal of a federal functionary have invariably created the usual universe of legal discourse on the unitary executive. Two schools of judicial thought – the maximalist and the minimalist – have emerged over time. None of this mattered much for the ordinary citizens, until now.
The unitary executive theory made its way to the White House as a companion to deregulation during the Reagan presidency and found almost full resonance during the second Bush Administration. Then Vice President Dick Cheney and Defence Secretary Rumsfeld were its prime proponents. Republican presidents would have had reasons to be annoyed with persistent Democratic majorities in the House and the Senate. Republican business supporters, on the other hand, were annoyed with the regulations of the Administrative State that hamstring industries from having a free run on the environment and natural resources.
President Bill Clinton expanded the oversight capacity of the federal Environmental Protection Agency, one of the singular creations of President Nixon in 1971, by hiring thousands of field inspectors and deploying them all across the land to protect the nation’s rich natural heritage. All the new hires of Clinton were fired by his Republican successor, Bush the younger. The process was replicated in the areas of health, housing, education and wherever the government was believed to have become the problem. The present Chief Justice John Roberts and Associate Justice Samuel Alito were exposed to embracing the unitary executive ethos during the Reagan Administration.
Judicial Pedigrees
Roberts continued under the younger Bush’s Administration along with present Associate Justice Brett Kavanaugh. Both men were part of Bush’s legal team in the Florida presidential election case in 2000, and Kavanaugh had been part of Kenneth Starr’s investigation of President Clinton in the Monica Lewinsky scandal. These career pedigrees provide insights into the workings of the Supreme Court and what judicial principles and philosophies they tend to embrace and what they choose to jettison in individual cases.
On the other hand, justices do not necessarily stay loyal to the presidents who appoint them. “That never happens” said the folksy President Harry Truman, even though presidents may think it would. Justices Sotomayor and Barret in a recent public discussion asserted that judges are not beholden to presidents or their parties who appointed them – for because of their lifetime appointment, judges far outlast their appointers who are done after four years or at most eight years.
Of the six conservative justices in the current Court, Clarence Thomas, the right wing maverick and the second African American justice after the great Thurgood Marshall, was appointed by President Bush the elder; Roberts (CJ) and Alito by Bush the younger; and the remaining three – Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh and Amy Coney Barrett were appointed by Trump. Of the three liberal justices, Sonia Sotomayor and Eva Kegan were appointed by Obama, and the most recent addition, Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, is a Biden appointee.
In fairness, the apex court receives about 7,000 appeal requests an year and selects fewer than 150 appeal cases for adjudication. Of the 150, only a handful of cases rise to prominence on the political radar, exiting ideological passions and heightening political controversies. The rest are decided more amicably and the rulings on them pass unnoticed except by law professionals and litigators. In the vast majority of the cases, the rulings are respected and are reflective of the manifestly serious, erudite and even brilliant legal minds at work. It is in the few politically charged cases that justices are known to split along ideological and political lines, and their rulings are scrutinized for social judgment, judicial hubris and political prejudices.
Although the six-three split in the Trump case has become well known as the Court’s ideological fault (or default) line, there have been other split combinations. Three of the six conservative justices – Chief Justice Roberts and Justices Kavanaugh and Barrett have joined the three liberal judges to constitute judicial majority in a number of key cases, including cases involving abortion medication and care as well as gun restrictions. Sometimes, Roberts and Barrett join the liberals to form a five-four majority. Justice Barett, the only female judge among the conservatives and the only judge from the South, has shown a tendency to carve her own space – sometimes joining her three female liberal colleagues and not infrequently distinguishing herself from her male conservative colleagues, especially the inflexibly conservative Clarence Thomas. If the next appointee, potentially succeeding Clarence Thomas, were to be a female justice, the Court will have more women than men for the first time in history – and a different five-four split.
The jostling, pairing and splits among the justices are also reflective of the political and cultural divisions in American society. Five of the six conservative judges are Catholics, and their collective elevation in the judiciary cannot be unrelated to the upward social mobility of American Catholics and the emergence of influential Catholic schools of thought on the political right – going by such names as “Catholic Post-Liberalism,” “Common Good Constitutionalism,” etc. Not to mention the voting shifts among American Catholics.
Traditionally, a good majority of American Catholics voted Democratic, but that stopped after the election of President Carter in 1976. Starting with the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, a majority of Catholics have been voting Republican. Catholics became an important cohort of the so called Reagan Democrats. President Joe Biden is the second Catholic president after President Kennedy and perhaps more devout than the Boston playboy. Yet there is no Catholic embracing of Biden either by the clerics or the laity of the Church, as it was with Kennedy. Biden’s support of abortion rights and gender rights wins no favours from the church hierarchy or the court hierarchy.
Embattled Executive
The election of Trump as President implicated the Supreme Court at three levels. First, Trump had the rare opportunity to appoint three new judges in four years and that gave the conservatives a clear majority on the bench. Second, there was Trump’s MAGA (Make America Great Again) agenda without which the rolling back of some of the longstanding judicial precedents would not have been possible. Although only two of the conservative judges, Thomas and Alito who are also the oldest, are considered to be real MAGA enthusiasts, the other four justices have not been hesitant at all in joining forces to pronounce majority rulings in furtherance of their shared social conservative agenda.
The outcomes are the regressive rulings on abortion and on gun rights. The more recent ‘Chevron ruling’ belongs to the old Republican agenda that unites the traditional Republican and the new MAGA forces in achieving common ends. The new ruling handed down on June 28 overturns a 40-year old judicial precedent that has provided the framework for regulatory decision making in the federal government. The 1984 case was between Chevron Corporation, specializing in oil and gas industries, and the Natural Resources Defence Council, an environmental advocacy group, and was about a change in the interpretation of the word “source”, by the federal Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), for assessing and addressing air pollution.
At issue was the EPA’s authority to make the interpretive change in the absence specific provisions in the law. In a unanimous landmark ruling, the Court rejected the appeal, confirmed the EPA’s authority to fill gaps in the law, and established what has come to be known as the “Chevron deference,” requiring judges and courts to defer to the expertise of officials at federal regulatory agencies. The overturning of the Chevron ruling will undermine the ability of government agencies to regulate everything from clean water and air quality to health care. In addition to empowering the executive president to rein in the Administrative State, the Roberts Court has arrogated to itself the power to review and reject expert opinions.
The third implication of the Trump presidency for the Court is what might be called the embattlement of the executive; specifically, the Trump presidency. There is a load of truth in Trump’s often repeated protestation that no other American president has been targeted by the impeachment and judicial processes the way he has been, both in and out of office. What is even truer is that no other American president has conducted himself as Trump did, flouting every rule and convention and abusing the power of office to personal ends. The political reality is also that the sense of embattlement is widely shared by those on the political right and including judges on the Supreme Court.
To wit, Trump’s growing popular support after every indictment and conviction. To wit as well, the assumption of judicial responsibility in the majority ruling – to rescue the unitary executive from future harassment by the zealous prosecutors and the lower courts. This the majority did by deliberately ignoring the stark facts of the case against Trump for his insurrectionary attempt to overthrow the results of the 2020 presidential election. The ruling dismissed the nationally witnessed and well documented attempts of Trump as “present exigencies” and “transient facts,” and proceeded to provide a solution to a problem that only Trump had created, and which the Court could and should have ended with Trump.
In opting to protect all future presidents, the Court has not contributed to resolving any of the current exigencies and transient facts. It has only aggravated them and turned the transient into something more permanent. No one knows what Special Counsel Jack Smith is planning to do to restart his case against Trump after he has been quite severely handicapped by the Supreme Court. It is the same with all the other prosecutors and lower courts battling Trump.
The uncertainties over Trump’s cases are new additions to the already confused state of the American judicial system because of the Supreme Court’s overturning of longstanding precedents on abortion, gun restrictions, voting rights, affirmative action, and now in administrative law. The great resolution either way is being left to the people in the November presidential election. But the people are also handicapped in a presidential election in America because they cannot directly determine the outcome, but must filter it through the Electoral College system.
Features
We banned phone; we kept surveillance; teenagers noticed
THE GREAT DIGITAL RETHINK : PART III OF V
The Teenage Battleground
Secondary school has always been a battlefield of sorts, competing loyalties, volatile friendships, the daily theatre of adolescent identity. But in the past decade it acquired a new and uniquely modern dimension: the smartphone in the pocket, the social media feed refreshing every few minutes, the group chat that never sleeps.
The numbers, when they arrived, were not subtle. PISA 2022 data, drawn from students in over 80 countries, found that around 65 percent of students reported being distracted by their own digital devices in mathematics lessons, and 59 percent said a classmate’s device had pulled their attention away. Students who reported being distracted by peers’ phones scored, on average, 15 points lower in mathematics than those who said it never happened. Fifteen points is not a rounding error. It is a meaningful, measurable, recurring gap that appears consistently across countries with very different education systems.
Governments took notice of the situation. In a pattern that will be familiar to readers of this series, a number of them reached for the most visible, most politically satisfying tool available – the ban in Finland, Sweden, Australia, and France. The UK, in a characteristically chaotic way, involving years of guidance, and pilots, eventually legalised. One by one, secondary schools across the wealthy world have begun confiscating phones at the gate, storing them in pouches, locking them up in boxes, and discovering, somewhat to their own surprise, that this works.
When the Ban Actually Works
A 2025 survey of nearly a thousand principals in New South Wales found that 87 percent reported students were less distracted after the ban was introduced, and 81 percent said learning had improved. South Australia recorded a 63 percent decline in critical incidents involving social media and a 54 percent reduction in behavioural issues. These are striking figures, and they align with what common sense would predict: if you remove the distraction, concentration improves.
What is also emerging from Australian, Finnish and Swedish schools is something less expected and more interesting: the character of break times has changed. Teachers and principals report that when phones disappear from pockets, something older reappears in their place. Students talk to each other. They play. They argue, resolve disputes, make and lose friendships in the ancient, messy, face-to-face way that adolescence has always demanded but that the smartphone had been quietly crowding out. The playground, it turns out, was not broken. It was just occupied.
Sweden’s nationwide policy, coming into effect in autumn 2026, will require schools to collect phones for the full day, not just during lessons. This is the more ambitious intervention, and the one that addresses what the Australian experience has already demonstrated: that the damage done by constant connectivity is not confined to the classroom. It happens at lunch. It happens between periods. It happens in the 10 minutes before the bell when a group of 14-year-olds are supposedly in the building but are actually, in every meaningful sense, somewhere else entirely.
87% of Australian principals said students were less distracted after the ban. The other 13% presumably hadn’t tried it yet.
But Here Is What Nobody Wants to Talk About
Here is the part that the ministers’ press releases do not mention. While the smartphone, the device the student owns, controls and carries, has been banned from the secondary classroom, the institution’s own digital apparatus has been expanding at an impressive pace throughout the same period. Learning management systems now mediate most of secondary school life in high-income countries. Assignments are distributed digitally. Work is submitted digitally. Attendance is recorded digitally. Grades are published on portals that students, parents and administrators can access in real time. The school that bans your personal phone may simultaneously be recording precisely how long you spent on each page of the online reading assignment last Tuesday.
Learning analytics, the practice of harvesting data from student interactions with digital platforms to inform teaching and school management, has moved from a niche research curiosity to a mainstream tool. PISA 2022 data show that virtually all 15-year-olds in OECD countries attend schools with some form of digital infrastructure. Behind that infrastructure sits a layer of data collection that most students and many parents are only dimly aware of: log-in times, click patterns, quiz scores, time-on-task measures, platform engagement metrics. These are assembled into dashboards, fed into algorithms, and used, with genuinely good intentions, in most cases, to identify struggling students early.
The genuinely good intentions do not resolve the underlying problem. Research on learning analytics raises serious concerns about privacy, about the opacity of algorithmic decision-making, and about what happens when a teenager is quietly flagged as ‘at risk’ by a system they never knew was watching. The irony of secondary de-digitalisation is not lost on those paying attention: we have removed the device the student controls, while expanding the systems that observe and score them.
The AI Proctor in the Room
During the pandemic, when exams moved online, a number of education authorities adopted software that monitored students through their webcams, flagging unusual eye movements, background sounds, or the presence of other people in the room as potential signs of cheating. The systems were sold as efficient, scalable and objective. They were, in practice, frequently absurd.
The software flagged students who looked away from the screen to think. It penalised students whose rooms were small, shared or noisy, disproportionately those from less privileged backgrounds. It struggled with students of colour, whose features were less well-represented in the training data. It was contested, appealed, gamed, and eventually abandoned by a significant number of institutions that had initially adopted it with enthusiasm. By 2024 and 2025, the rollback was visible. Universities and some school systems were returning, with minimal fanfare, to supervised in-person examinations, handwritten, on paper, in a room with a human invigilator, partly to solve the AI cheating problem, partly to solve the AI proctoring problem. The wheel had, somewhat dizzingly, turned full circle.
We banned the student’s phone. We kept the webcam that monitors their eye movements during exams. Progress.
The Equity Problem That Bans Cannot Solve
Beneath the headline politics of phone bans lies a more uncomfortable question about who, exactly, benefits from secondary school de-digitalisation, and who pays a cost that is rarely acknowledged. The argument for phone bans on equity grounds is real: unrestricted phone use in schools amplifies social hierarchies. The student with the latest device, the most followers, the most compelling social media presence occupies a different social universe from the student without. Removing phones during the school day levels that particular playing field.
But the equity argument runs the other way, too, once you look beyond school hours. Secondary schools in high-income systems have steadily increased their dependence on digital platforms for homework, assessment preparation and communication. If a school bans phones during the day and then sends students home to complete digitally-mediated assignments, the burden of that homework falls unequally.
There is also the growing phenomenon of what researchers are beginning to call ‘shadow digital education’: the private online tutoring platforms, AI-powered study tools and exam preparation services that affluent families use to supplement and extend what school provides. While secondary schools debate whether students should be allowed to use AI for essay drafts, some of those students’ wealthier peers are already using it, skillfully, privately and with considerable academic advantage. The phone ban, whatever its merits in the classroom, does not touch this market. It may even quietly accelerate it.
Two Worlds, Still Diverging
In Finland, Sweden and Australia, the policy conversation is about how to manage the excesses of a generation that grew up digitally saturated, how to restore concentration, how to protect wellbeing, how to ensure that institutional platforms serve learning rather than merely monitor it.
Elsewhere, across much of Southeast Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America and parts of the Middle East, the secondary school conversation remains anchored to a different set of concerns: how to get enough devices into enough classrooms, how to train enough teachers to use them, how to ensure that the smartboard contract does not expire before the teachers learn to turn it on. Vendors are present, helpful and commercially motivated. Development banks are funding rollouts. Government ministers are visiting showrooms. The playbook being followed is the one that Finland and Sweden wrote in 2010 and are now revising.
SERIES ROADMAP:
Part I: From Ed-Tech Enthusiasm to De-Digitalisation | Part II: Phones, Pens & Early Literacy | Part III: Attention, Algorithms & Adolescents (this article) | Part IV: Universities, AI & the Handwritten Exam | Part V: A Critical Theory of Educational De-Digitalisation
Features
A Buddhist perspective on ageing and decay
Buddhism is renowned for its profound insights into ageing and decay, known as jara in Pali. Through its teachings and practices, Buddhism cultivates the wisdom and mental clarity necessary to accept and prepare for the inevitability of ageing. The formula jati paccayaā jaraāmaranaṃ translates to “dependent on birth arise ageing and death,” clearly illustrating that birth inevitably leads to ageing and death, accompanied by sorrow, lamentation, pain, grief, and despair. Without birth, there would be no ageing and death. Therefore, ageing is a fundamental aspect of suffering as outlined in the Four Noble Truths.
Buddhism encourages us to confront the realities of ageing, illness, and mortality head-on. Old age is recognised as an unavoidable aspect of dukkha (suffering). Old age is fundamentally and inextricably entwined with the concept of impermanence(annicca), serving as the most visible, undeniable evidence that all conditioned things are in a state of flux and decay. Ageing, illness and death create in us an awareness not only of dukkha but also impermanence. The Buddha taught, “I teach suffering and the way out of suffering.” Here, “suffering” encompasses not only physical pain but also the profound discomfort that arises when our attempts to escape or remedy pain stemming from old age are thwarted. Instead of fearing old age, Buddhists are encouraged to embrace it, release attachments to youth, and cultivate wisdom, gratitude, and inner peace.
Ageing is a complex process shaped by both genetic and environmental factors. From a Buddhist viewpoint, we should perceive the body realistically. Fundamentally, the human body can be seen as a vessel of impurities, subject to old age, disease, decay, and death. The natural process of ageing is gradual, irreversible, and inevitable. Every individual must ultimately come to terms with the reality of growing old, as change is an essential fact of life.
In Buddhism, impermanence (anicca) holds a central position. Everything that exists is unstable and transient; nothing endures forever—including our bodies and all conditioned phenomena. Thus, anicca, dukkha, and anattaā (non-self or selflessness) are the three characteristics common to all conditioned existence. The reality of impermanence can often evoke pain, yet a wise Buddhist fully understands and appreciates this simple yet profound truth.
The Greek philosopher Heraclitus encapsulated this notion when he stated, “No man ever steps in the same river twice, for it is not the same river, and he is not the same man.” Old age was one of the four sights that prompted Prince Siddhartha Gautama to seek enlightenment, alongside sickness, death, and the wandering ascetic. Coming to terms with these aspects of existence was pivotal in his transformation into the Buddha.
At Sāvatthi, King Pasenadi of Kosala once asked the Buddha, “Venerable sir, is there anyone who is born who is free from old age and death?” The Buddha replied, “Great King, no one who is born is free from ageing and death. Even those affluent khattiyas—rich in wealth and property, with abundant gold and silver—are not exempt from ageing and death simply because they have been born.” This interaction underscores the universal challenge of ageing, transcending societal divisions of wealth or status.
Ageing presents one of the greatest challenges in human experience. Physically, the body begins to deteriorate; socially, we may find ourselves marginalised or discounted, sometimes subtly and sometimes explicitly. Some may encounter dismissal or condescension. Ageism remains one of the most persistent forms of discrimination. The physical and social difficulties associated with ageism can undermine our self-image and sense of self-worth. Common perceptions often portray old age as a stage where the best years are behind us, reducing the remaining years to a form of “bonus years” frequently presented in sentimental or patronising ways.
The suffering associated with ageing can serve as a powerful motivation to engage in practices that directly address this suffering, allowing us to gradually transform it or, at the very least, make it more bearable and manageable. We must recognise that this principle applies equally to our own bodies. The human body undergoes countless subtle changes every moment from the time you are born, never remaining the same even for two consecutive moments, as it is subject to the universal law of impermanence.
Whatever your age. However young-looking you try to remain through external means, the truth is that you are getting older every minute. Every minute, every second, our lives are getting shorter and closer to death. Since you were conceived in your mother’s womb, your life is getting shorter. We see external things going by rapidly, but never reflect on our own lives. No matter what we do, we cannot fully control what happens in our lives or to our bodies. With time, we all develop lines and wrinkles. We become frail, and our skin becomes thinner and drier. We lose teeth. Our physical strength and sometimes our mental faculties decline. In old age, we are subject to multiple diseases.
Many people live under the illusion that the body remains constant and is inherently attractive and desirable. Modern society, in particular, has become increasingly obsessed with the quest for eternal youth and the reversal of the ageing process. Many women feel inadequate about their physical appearance and constantly think about how to look younger and more attractive. Enormous sums of money are spent on cosmetic procedures, skincare, and grooming products to remain presentable and desirable. The global beauty and cosmetics industries thrive on this ideal, often promoting unrealistic standards of beauty and youthfulness. But no amount of products available in the world can truly restore lost youth, as time inevitably leaves its mark.
Therefore, in Buddhism, mindful reflection on ageing and the human body is considered essential for overall well-being. This contemplation provides insight into impermanence as we navigate life. Reflecting on the nature of the body—its true condition and its delicate, changing state—is a fundamental aspect of the Buddha’s teachings. By understanding the body accurately, we support both wisdom and peace of mind.
Buddhism recognises forty subjects of meditation which can differ according to the temperaments of persons. Contemplation of the human body is one of them. Of all the subjects of meditation, reflection on the human body as a subject is not popular among certain people particularly in the western world as they think such contemplation would lead to a melancholic morbid and pessimistic outlook on life. They regard it as a subject that may be somewhat unpleasant and not conducive to human wellbeing. Normally, people who are infatuated and intoxicated with sensual pleasures develop an aversion towards this subject of meditation. In Buddhism this mode of contemplation is called asuba bhavana or mindfulness of the impurities of the body. It is all about our physiology and individual body parts and organs internal as well as external. This subject of meditation is unique to the Buddhist teachings.
To appreciate the body as it truly is, we must set aside preconceived notions and engage in a calm and honest inquiry: Is this body genuinely attractive or not? What is it composed of? Is it lasting or subject to decay?
In embracing the teachings of Buddhism, we find the wisdom to navigate the journey of ageing with grace, transforming our understanding of this natural process into an opportunity for growth and acceptance.
When our fears centre on ageing, decay, and disease, we cannot overcome them by pretending they do not exist. True relief comes only from facing these realities directly.
Reflecting on the body’s unattractive and impermanent nature can help us gain a realistic perspective. In an age when the mass media constantly bombards people with sensual images, stimulating lust, greed, and attachment, contemplation of the body’s true nature can bring calm and clarity.
All beings that are born must eventually die. Every creature on earth, regardless of status, shares this common fate. After death, the body undergoes a series of biological changes and decomposes, returning to the earth as organic matter. It is part of the earth and ultimately dissolves back into it.

Understanding this, we can meet ageing, decay, and death with greater wisdom, less fear, and a deeper sense of peace.
by Dr. Justice Chandradasa Nanayakkara
Features
Partnering India without dependence
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi once again signaled the priority India places on Sri Lanka by swiftly dispatching a shipload of petrol following a telephone conversation with President Anura Kumara Dissanayake. The Indian Prime Minister’s gesture came at a cost to India, where there have been periodic supply constraints and regional imbalances in fuel distribution, even if not a countrywide shortage. Under Prime Minister Modi, India has demonstrated to Sri Lanka an abundance of goodwill, whether it be the USD 4 billion it extended in assistance to Sri Lanka when it faced international bankruptcy in 2022 or its support in the aftermath of the Ditwah cyclone disaster that affected large parts of the country four months ago. India’s assistance in 2022 was widely acknowledged as critical in stabilising Sri Lanka at a moment of acute crisis.
This record of assistance suggests that India sees Sri Lanka not merely as a neighbour but as a partner whose stability is in its own interest. In contrast to Sri Lanka’s roughly USD 90 billion economy, India’s USD 4,500 billion economy, growing at over 6 percent, underlines the vast asymmetry in economic scale and the importance of Sri Lanka engaging India. A study by the Germany-based Kiel Institute for the World Economy identifies Sri Lanka as the second most vulnerable country in the world to severe food price surges due to its heavy reliance on imported energy and fertilisers. Income per capita remains around the 2018 level after the economic collapse of 2022. The poverty level has risen sharply and includes a quarter of the population. These indicators underline the urgency of sustained economic recovery and the importance of external partnerships, including with India.
It is, however, important for Sri Lanka not to abdicate its own responsibilities for improving the lives of its people or become dependent and take this Indian assistance for granted. A long unresolved issue that Sri Lanka has been content to leave the burden to India concerns the approximately 90,000 Sri Lankan refugees who continue to live in India, many of them for over three decades. Only recently has a government leader, Minister Bimal Rathnayake, publicly acknowledged their existence and called on them to return. This is a reminder that even as Sri Lanka receives support, it must also take ownership of its own unfinished responsibilities.
Missing Investment
A missing factor in Sri Lanka’s economic development has long been the paucity of foreign investment. In the past this was due to political instability caused by internal conflict, weaknesses in the rule of law, and high levels of corruption. There are now significant improvements in this regard. There is now a window to attract investment from development partners, including India. In his discussions with President Dissanayake, Prime Minister Modi is reported to have referred to the British era oil storage tanks in Trincomalee. These were originally constructed to service the British naval fleet in the Indian Ocean. In 1987, under the Indo Lanka Peace Accord, Sri Lanka agreed to develop these tanks in partnership with India. A further agreement was signed in 2022 involving the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation and the Lanka Indian Oil Corporation to jointly develop the facility.
However, progress has been slow and the project remains only partially implemented. The value of these oil storage tanks has become clearer in the context of global energy uncertainty and tensions in the Middle East. Energy analysts have pointed out that strategic storage facilities can provide countries with greater resilience in times of supply disruption. The Trincomalee tanks could become a significant strategic asset not only for Sri Lanka but also for regional energy security. However, historical baggage continues to stand in the way of Sri Lanka’s deeper economic linkage with India. Both ancient and modern history shape perceptions on both sides.
The asymmetry in size and power between the two countries is a persistent concern within Sri Lanka. India is a regional power, while Sri Lanka is a small country. This imbalance creates both opportunities for partnership and anxieties about overdependence. The present government too has entered into economic and infrastructure agreements with India, but many of these have yet to move beyond initial stages. This has caused frustration to the Indian government, which sees its efforts to support Sri Lanka’s development as not being sufficiently appreciated or effectively utilised. From India’s perspective, delays and hesitation can appear as a lack of commitment. From Sri Lanka’s perspective, caution is often driven by domestic political sensitivities and concerns about sovereignty.
Power Imbalance
At the same time, global developments offer a cautionary lesson. The behaviour of major powers in the contemporary international system shows that states often act in their own interests, sometimes at the expense of smaller partners. What is being seen in the world today is that past friendships and commitments can be abandoned if a bigger and more powerful country can see an opportunity for itself. The plight of Denmark (Greenland) and Canada (51st state) give disturbing messages. Analysts in the field of International Relations frequently point out that power asymmetries shape outcomes in bilateral relations. As one widely cited observation by Lord Parlmeston, a 19th century prime minister of Great Britain is that “nations have no permanent friends or allies, they only have permanent interests.” While this may be an overly stark formulation, it captures an underlying reality that small states must navigate carefully.
For Sri Lanka, this means maintaining a balance. It needs to clearly acknowledge the partnership that India is offering in the area of economic development, as well as in education, connectivity, and technological advancement. India has extended scholarships, supported digital infrastructure, and promoted cross border links that can contribute to Sri Lanka’s long term growth. These are tangible benefits that should not be undervalued. At the same time, Sri Lanka needs to ensure that it does not become overly dependent on Indian largesse or drift into a position where it functions as an appendage of its much larger neighbour. Economic dependence can translate into political vulnerability if not carefully managed. The appropriate response is not to distance itself from India, but to broaden its partnerships. Engaging with a diverse range of countries and institutions can provide Sri Lanka with greater autonomy and resilience.
A hard headed assessment would recognise that India’s support is both genuine and interest driven. India has a clear stake in ensuring that Sri Lanka remains stable, prosperous, and aligned with its broader regional outlook. Sri Lanka needs to move forward with agreed projects such as the Trincomalee oil tanks, improve implementation capacity, and demonstrate reliability as a partner. This does not preclude it from actively seeking investment and cooperation from other partners in Asia and beyond. The path ahead is therefore one of balanced engagement. Sri Lanka can and should welcome India’s partnership while strengthening its own institutions, fulfilling its domestic responsibilities, and diversifying its external relations. This approach can transform a relationship shaped by asymmetry into one defined by mutual benefit and confidence.
by Jehan Perera
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Opinion5 days agoWhen elephants fight, it is the grass that suffers
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Features5 days agoLest we forget
