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A tale of two exes: Gota returning en route to US, Trump under siege in the US

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by Rajan Philips

There is nothing even remotely common between the current circumstances of Gotabaya Rajapaksa in Sri Lanka and Donald Trump in the United States of America. In fact, Gotabaya Rajapaksa is not even in Sri Lanka. He has been flying from country to country in search of safer pastures before facing the inevitability of returning home, subject to confirmation by his successor President Ranil Wickremesinghe that the time is opportune for the ultimate return of a runaway president.

The latest news, however, is that Mr. Rajapaksa is planning on returning to Sri Lanka and wait there until he gets a Green Card visa to the US based on his wife’s American citizenship. If that is the plan and all goes well, Mr. Rajapaksa will be in the US soon enough to watch live the unfolding political soap opera invloving Trump. For Sri Lanka and President Wickremesinghe, the sudden decision by Gotabaya Rajapaksa to return to Sri Lanka as early as next week (August 25) and stay there until he gets his US Green Card will create complications and even trigger new waves of protests.

Trump, on the other hand, is dug deep in American politics, and is belligerently urging his supporters to fight on his behalf against the US Department of Justice and the Federal Bureau of Investigation who have taken the unprecedented step of searching Trump’s Florida residence and retreiving classified government and intelligence documents. Trump is known to have taken them with him while leaving the White House in violation of the law and well established traditions. He is now facing potential indictments for violating the US Espionage Act, criminal handling of government documents, and obstruction of justice.

What might be common between Trump and Rajapaksa is that neither held any elected office before being elected as president. In fact, when Trump became US President after unexpectedly winning the 2016 presidential election, Gotabaya Rajapaksa made it known in Sri Lanka that he was making a study of the Trump victory as an example how someone from outside politics could win the support of the people to get elected to political office. Trump was defeated after one term and doesn’t want to leave politics now. Gota was forced to resign after half a term and has no more appetite for politics.

If Gota is a fugitive on the run, Trump is a bully bent on bending the law according to his whim. Gota’s fears are as much over the risk of legal punishments at home and abroad, as much as they are about the people’s wrath. Gota ran away from the people, but Trump is stoking populist resentment against the deep state to get himself out of legal trouble. He is exploiting America’s cultural divisions that have been crystallizing through the last decades of the twentieth century to upend the American political system. He will do everything possible to become president again and pardon himself in perpetuity.

Trumpian Onslaught

America is at war with itself over its own culture and there is no immediate end in sight, at least not before the baby boomers, who came of political age in the sixties and seventies and who have been the main exponents of the current culture war, are all dead and gone. The culture war is over attributes and attitudes on everything ranging from race, religion, voting rights, immigration, guns and abortion. Even the American institutions are caught in this war, and nothing exemplifies the deep divisions in society more than the US Supreme Court. The US economy, however, is still strong, resourceful and diverse enough to survive the current recessionary phase in the global economy, and to subsidize the culture war.

The Sri Lankan situation is entirely different. Ever since independence, Sri Lanka’s political crises have been dampening its economic potential. Now, for the first time, an unprecedented economic crisis is threatening to overhaul the political order. Unlike in the US, the people in Sri Lanka are not divided into pro-Rajapaksa and anti-Rajapaksa camps. Everyone wanted and want the Rajapaksas out. The economic havoc that the Rajapaksa regimes cumulatively created would seem to have provided a new basis for people to overcome their habitual ethno-political differences and achieve an overarching unity against the entire political establishment. To wit, the emergence of Aragalaya and the rhetoric for sacking the whole 225 lot in parliament.

The political questions are also different. In the US, the question is whether the American political system and its institutions can survive the Trumpian onslaught, whether or not Trump is indicted and even punished for his manifest political crimes and violations of the constitution. Last week, the US Attorney General, Merrick Garland, a highly respected jurist who would have been a Supreme Court Judge now but for the machinations of Senate Republicans who thwarted his nomination in 2016, personally authorized the application for warrant (which was approved by a Judge) and the eventual search by FBI of Mar-a-Lago, Trump’s private club-residence in Florida.

The FBI operation created a political furor and although Trump is accusing the Attorney General and the Department of Justice of conducting a witch hunt against him at the behest of President Biden and the Democrats, the truth is just the opposite. It was Trump who throughout his four years in office wanted successive Attorney Generals, the DOJ and the FBI to do his political bidding. He was rebuffed by Attorney Generals appointed by him.

Equally, election officials in States with Republican governments, and many of whom were Trump supporters and voters, rejected his entreaties and threats to maipulate the 2020 presidential election results to make him, and not Biden, the winner. Every court in the US, including Federal judges appointed by Trump, have summarily dismissed applications filed by Trump acolytes challenging the 2020 vote counts in states that Trump won in 2016 but lost in 2020. The Federal Courts and the Supreme Court, with three Trump-appointed judges, have consistently held against Trump’s claims for immunity in other litigations against Trump.

In other words, American institutions have so far withstood the Trumpian onslaught, but the onslaught does not appear to be waning at all, even as the legal nooses around Trump and his accolytes are both multiplying and narrowing. As I noted earlirer, the Trumpian onslaught and the push back against it are being sustained by the underlying culture war. There is no end in sight, but future directions may become clearer after the mid-term elections in November and the next presidential election two years hence.

Sri Lankan Shenanigans

For all its political imperfections including the direct and indirect suppression of voting rights of minorities and immigrants, the US maintains a canonical regularity and fixed timing of any and all elections. Election timing cannot be changed even by the Head of State or Head of Government or even a Legislature at any level in America. In most other countries the timing and conduct of elections are often at the discretion of governing parties, and especially the prime minister in a parliamentary system. In recent years, the discretionary powers of prime ministers to call elections have been curtailed and a number of countries, specifically Britain, have moved towards fixed-term parliaments between elections unless parliament votes to dissolve itself before the fixed term is over.

Before 1977 in Sri Lanka, the timing and conduct of elections were generally to the advantage of governing parties. After 1977, they have always been to the advantage of governing parties with the newly minted executive president exercising near total control over virtually everything about any and all elections. The 19th Amedment rescinded the president’s power to dissolve parliament within four and a half years after a general election, while the 20th Amendment limited that curtailment to two and a half years.

Surprise and no surprise, there is now a tug-of-war between MPs over the presidential powers to dissolve parliament in the 22nd Amendment Bill that is currently before the legislature. The SLPP MPs (who passed 20-A) now want to disable the President from dissolving parliament for four and a half years (as it was under 19-A). On the other hand, the SJB MPs and the SLFP MPs (all of whom take immense credit for passing 19-A) want to disable the President for only two and a half years. The hypocrisy in the alternated positions of the government and opposition MPs should not be shocking. The government MPs do not want an early election, indeed no further election if possible. An early election is all that the opposition MPs are looking for.

President Wickremesinghe is self-inflictedly caught in the middle, muttering his mantra of an all-party government. But he has other tricks up his constitutional sleeve, such as forming a national government for the purpose of bribing MPs with cabinet positions to get them onside with the President. This cheap trick was one of the more despicable provisions in 19-A and it now seems to have crept into 22-A under the drafting wizadry of Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe. What is truly sad is that the majority of law makers have forgotten everything and learnt nothing even in the middle of a crippling economic crisis and so soon after the massive protest wave that got rid of an elected President and his Prime Minister. There is no limit to the capacity of lawmakers for crass shenanigans.

So, in contrast to the US, the question in Sri Lanka is whether the country’s institutions are capable of positively transforming themselves in response to the unmistakable protest wishes of the people. Remarkably, while Aragalaya was able to see off an elected president, it has not been able to shake up the parliament at all. This is rather odd in the context of the Aragalaya outcry for abolishing the presidency and restoring parliamentary democracy, for it is the parliament that seems to have become the bulwark for the ‘ancien regime.’

There is also all manner of rearguard actions by the former political benefactors, as well as beneficiaries, of the Rajapaksas, who somehow want to preserve the old Rajapaksa nationalist political agenda while mercilessly castigating them for their economic mismanagement and familial corruption. They blame Aragalaya for apparently getting the country out of the Rajapaksa frying pan and dropping it into the Ranil Wickremesinghe fire. Would these critics of Aragalaya have wanted the Rajapaksa regime to keep going?

And they blame Ranil Wickremesinghe for rescuing the Rajapaksas and becoming their puppet. Curiously, perhaps not so, their attacks on Ranil Wickremesinghe carry a sting and a tone that never marked their worst attacks on the Rajapaksas for the latter’s worse blunders. The verbal contortions and tongue twists of Rajapaksa supporters turned Aragalaya attackers may have little or no consequence, but their capacity to be disruptive should not be taken lightly.

A recent instance of undiplomatic disruption would seem to involve the cliquish decision making within the Foreign Ministry and the Sri Lankan Mission in Beijing that allegedly led to the controversial visit of the Chinese naval ship Yuan Wang 5 to Hambantota. Leaving aside the controversy surrounding Indian reactions to the visit, it is pertinent to ask whether arranging a port of call for a Chinese satellite tracking ship is the appropriate way to expend government and diplomatic time and resources when Sri Lankans are anxiously waiting for any shipment from anywhere that will bring fuel and other essentials.

There is also the distracted blaming of Basil Rajapaksa for the political behaviour of the SLPP MPs in paraliament. Basil Rajapaksa deserves only blame, and not only blame but also penalty. But those who are blaming him vigorously now were the ones who praised him lavishly from 2018 onward for his prowess as the SLPP’s electoral magician. These pundits could not see through what Basil knew all along and later admitted – that the Rajapaksas might be good at winning elections but never good at governing. Now they, the pundits, are talking! Even now they are misplaced in targeting Basil instead of the real culprits – the SLPP MPs, and parliament itself. In their curiously convergent logic, the current impasse is all due to the faults of Aragalaya and of Basil Rajapaksa.

President Wickremesinghe looms large in the middle of all of this. He is in an unenviable position. He is assailed from all sides and gets no public support from any side. His record during the 2002 peace process and again during the yahapalanaya government (2015-2019) does not easily evoke trust in the man’s promises and confidence in his ability to deliver on them. His record has been one of over-promising and under-delivering. He needs to reverse that quickly and demonstrate it in words, actions and, most of all, results.



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The middle-class money trap: Why looking rich keeps Sri Lankans poor

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Source: https://www.instagram.com/p/DLmfO0mqGoL/

Every January, we make grand resolutions about our finances. We promise ourselves we’ll save more, spend less, and finally get serious about investments. By March, most of these promises were abandoned, alongside our unused gym memberships.

The problem isn’t our intentions, it’s our approach. We treat financial management as a personality flaw that needs fixing, rather than a skill that needs the right strategy. This year let’s try something different. Let’s put actual behavioural science behind how we handle our rupees.

Based on the article ‘Seven proven, realistic ways to improve your finances in 2026’ published on 1news.co.nz, I aim to adapt these recommended financial strategies to the Sri Lankan context.” Here are seven money habits that work because they’re grounded in how humans actually behave, not how we wish we would.

While these strategies offer useful direction for strengthening personal financial management, it is important to acknowledge that they may not be suitable for everyone. Many households face severe financial pressure and cannot realistically follow traditional income allocation frameworks, such as the well-known but outdated Singalovada Sutta guidelines, when even meeting daily food expenses has become a struggle. For individuals and families who are burdened by escalating costs of essentials, including electricity, water, mobile connectivity, transport, and other non-negotiable commitments, strict adherence to prescriptive models is neither practical nor fair to expect. Therefore, readers should remain mindful of their own financial realities and adapt these strategies in ways that align with their income levels, essential obligations, and broader personal circumstances.

1. Your Money Problems Aren’t Moral Failures, They’re Data Points

When every rupee misspent becomes evidence of personal failure, we stop looking for solutions. Shame is a terrible problem-solver. It makes us hide from our bank statements, avoid difficult conversations, and repeat the same mistakes because we’re too embarrassed to examine them.

Instead, try replacing judgment with curiosity. Transform “I’m terrible with money” into “That’s interesting, why did I make that choice?” Suddenly, mistakes become information rather than indictments. You might notice you overspend at Odel or high-end restaurant when stressed about work. Or that you commit to expensive plans when feeling socially pressured. Perhaps your online shopping peaks during power cuts when you’re bored and frustrated.

2. Forget the Year-Long Marathon, Focus on 90-Day Sprints

A Sri Lankan year is densely packed with financial obligations: Sinhala/Tamil Avurudu, Christmas, Vesak, and Poson celebrations; recurring school fees; seasonal festival shopping; wedding and almsgiving periods; yearend festivities; and an evergrowing list of marketing-driven occasions such as Valentine’s Day, Father’s Day, Mother’s Day, and many others. Each of these events carries its own financial weight, often placing additional pressure on already-stretched household budgets.

Research consistently shows that shorter time frames work better. Ninety days is long enough to create a meaningful change, but short enough to maintain focus and momentum. So instead of one overwhelming annual goal, give yourself four quarterly upgrades.

In the first quarter, the focus may be on organising your contributions toward key duties and responsibilities, while also ensuring that you are maximising the available benefits for your designated beneficiaries. Quarter two could be about building a small emergency fund, even Rs. 10,000 provides breathing room. Quarter three might involve auditing your bills and subscriptions to eliminate unnecessary expenses. Quarter four could be when you finally start that investment you’ve been postponing. You don’t need superhuman discipline or complicated spreadsheets, just focused attention, one quarter at a time.

3. Make One Decision That Eliminates Weekly Worry

The best money decisions are the ones you make once but benefit from repeatedly. These are decisions that permanently reduce what behavioural economists call “decision fatigue”, the mental exhaustion that comes from constantly managing money in your head. What’s one choice you could make today that would remove a recurring financial worry?

It might be setting up an automatic standing order to transfer Rs. 10,000 to savings the day your salary arrives, before you can spend it. Maybe it’s consolidating your scattered savings accounts into one that actually pays decent return.

These aren’t dramatic moves that require personality transplants. They’re structural decisions that work with your human tendency toward inertia rather than against it. Most banks now offer seamless digital automation. You can set it up once and benefit from that decision every single month without additional effort or willpower. You make the decision once. You benefit all year. That’s leveraging your energy intelligently.

4. Stop Spending on Who You Think You Should Be

Sri Lankan society comes with heavy expectations. The car you drive, the school your children attend, the hotels you patronise, the brands you wear, all communicate your worth, or so we’re told. Much of our spending isn’t about actual enjoyment. It’s about meeting unspoken expectations, keeping up appearances, or aspiring to a version of us that doesn’t actually exist.

We buy expensive saris we’ll wear once because everyone does. We maintain memberships to clubs we rarely visit because it looks good. We say yes to weekend plans at overpriced restaurants because declining feels like admitting we can’t afford it. We upgrade phones not because ours stopped working, but because others have.

Before your next purchase, ask yourself: do I actually want this, or do I want to want it? If it’s the second one, walk away. You won’t miss it. This isn’t about deprivation, it’s about precision. When you stop spending to perform and start spending to support the life you genuinely enjoy, money pressure eases dramatically. Your resources align with your actual values rather than imagined expectations.

Maybe you don’t care about fancy restaurants, but you love long drives along the southern coast. Maybe branded clothing leaves you cold, but you’d spend any amount on art supplies or books. That’s fine. Spend accordingly.

5. Break One Habit, See If You Actually Miss It

We’re creatures of routine, which serves us well until those routines outlive their usefulness. Sometimes we spend money on habits that started for good reasons but no longer serve us. Alpechchathava, in Buddha’s teaching, means living contentedly with few desires. It guides a person to manage money wisely by avoiding excess spending, unnecessary debt, and craving, and by focusing on essential needs and wholesome priorities. In this way, wealth supports mental cultivation, generosity, and spiritual progress.

The daily kottu roti that once felt like a convenient solution after working late may now have turned into an unnecessary routine. Similarly, frequent P&S or Caravan snack runs, and the habit of picking up sugary treats like cakes and sweets, are not only costly but also wellknown to be unhealthy, as nutritionists consistently point out. Beyond food, other expenses such as magazine subscriptions, the monthly coffee meetup, or weekend mall browsing often continue on autopilot without us realising how much they add up. These seemingly small, habitual expenses can quietly drain your budget while offering very little longterm value.

Try this experiment: keep a money diary for one week. Note every expense, no matter how small. Then identify one regular spend and eliminate it for the following week. If you don’t miss it? Excellent, keep it gone. If you genuinely miss it? Add it back without guilt. This isn’t about permanent sacrifice.

It’s about snapping yourself out of autopilot and checking whether your spending still reflects your current reality, priorities and purchasing power. You might discover you’re spending Rs. 15,000 monthly on things you barely notice.

6. Create Your Crisis Playbook on a Good Day

Many financial disasters don’t happen because we’re careless, they happen because we’re panicked. When crisis strikes, job loss, medical emergency, unexpected business downturn, fear hijacks our decision-making. Our rational brain exists while panic makes expensive choices: high-interest personal loans, selling investments at losses, making commitments we can’t sustain.

The solution? Make your crisis plan before the crisis arrives. On a calm day, sit down and document: If I lost my income tomorrow, what would I do first? Which expenses are truly essential? What’s the absolute minimum I need to function? Who could I call for advice? Which savings are untouchable, which could be accessed if necessary? What government support or loan restructuring options exist (Not in Sri Lanka)? This is a sort of preparation for sudden shocks.

7. Question the Money Stories You Inherited

Sometimes our biggest financial obstacles aren’t failed attempts, they’re the attempts we never make because we’ve internalised limiting stories. “Our family was never good with money.” “Investing is for rich people.” “I’m just not the type who earns more.” “Women don’t understand finance.” These narratives, absorbed from family, culture, or past experiences, become invisible fences.

Question them. Where did this belief originate? Is it actually true, or is it a story you’ve been telling yourself for so long, it feels like fact? What would happen if you tested it? Often, these stories protect us from the discomfort of trying and potentially failing. But they also protect us from the possibility of succeeding. And that’s a far costlier protection than most of us realise.

The Bottom Line

Improving your finances in 2026 doesn’t require becoming a different person. It requires understanding the person you already are, your patterns, triggers, and tendencies, and working with them rather than against them.

These aren’t magic solutions. They’re evidence-based approaches that acknowledge a simple truth: you’re not broken, and your money management doesn’t need fixing through willpower alone. It needs better systems, clearer thinking, and a lot less shame.

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Public scepticism regarding paediatric preventive interventions

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A significant portion of the history of paediatrics is a triumph of prevention. From the simple act of washing hands to the miracle of vaccines, preventive strategies have been the unsung heroes, drastically lowering child mortality rates and setting the stage for healthier, longer lives across the globe. Simple measures like promoting personal hygiene, ensuring the proper use of toilets, and providing Vitamin K immediately after birth to prevent dangerous bleeding, have profound impacts. Advanced interventions like inhalers for asthma, robust trauma care systems, and even cutting-edge genetic manipulations are testament to the relentless and wonderful progress of paediatric science.

A shining beacon that has signified increased survival and marked reductions in mortality across the board in all paediatric age groups has been the development of various preventive strategies in the science of children’s health, from newborns to adolescents. The institution of such proven measures across the globe, has resulted in gains that are almost too good to be true. From a Sri Lankan perspective, these measures have contributed towards the unbelievable reduction of the under-5-year mortality rate from over 100 per 1000 live births in the 1960s to the seminal single-digit figure of 07 per 1000 live births in the 2020s.

Yet for all this, despite the overwhelming evidence of success, a most worrying trend is emerging. That is public scepticism and pessimism regarding these vital interventions. This doubt is not a benign phenomenon; it poses a real danger to the health of our children. At the heart of this challenge lies the potent, often insidious, spread of misinformation and disinformation.

The success of any preventive health strategy in paediatrics rests not just on its scientific efficacy, but on parental cooperation and commitment. When parents hesitate or refuse to follow recommended guidelines, the shield of prevention is compromised. Today, the most potent threat to this partnership is the flood of false information.

Misinformation is false information spread unintentionally. A well-meaning friend sharing a rumour about a vaccine side-effect they heard online is spreading misinformation.

Disinformation is false information deliberately created and disseminated to cause harm or sow doubt. This often comes from organised groups or individuals with vested interests; sometimes financial, sometimes ideological, who seek to undermine public trust in medical institutions and scientific consensus.

The digital age, particularly social media, has become the prime breeding ground for these falsehoods. Complex scientific data is reduced to emotionally charged, simplistic, and often sensationalist soundbites that travel faster and farther than the truth.

The most visible battleground is childhood vaccination. Decades of robust, high-quality research have confirmed vaccines as one of the most cost-effective and successful public health interventions ever conceived. Global vaccination efforts have saved an estimated 150 million lives in the past 50 years, eradicating or drastically controlling diseases like polio, measles, diphtheria, and tetanus.

However, a single, long-retracted, and scientifically debunked paper claiming a link between the Measles-Mumps-Rubella (MMR) vaccine and autism continues to be weaponised by disinformation campaigns. This persistent myth, despite being soundly disproven, taps into deep-seated fears about children’s development. Other common vaccine myths target ingredients such as trace amounts of aluminium or mercury, which are harmless in the quantities used and often less than what is naturally found in food or the idea that “natural immunity” from infection is superior, totally ignoring the fact that natural infection carries the devastating risk of severe complications, long-term disability, and even death. The tangible consequence of this doubt is the dropping of childhood vaccination rates in various communities, leading to the wholly unnecessary re-emergence of vaccine-preventable diseases like measles.

Scepticism is not limited to vaccines. It can touch any area of paediatric preventive care where an intervention might seem unnecessary, invasive, or have perceived risks. Routine screenings for speech disorders, motor skills, or mental health issues can sometimes be perceived as medicalising normal childhood variations or putting a “label” on a child. Parents may resist or delay screening, missing the critical window for early intervention of proven measures that are likely to help. Advice on managing childhood obesity, reducing screen time, or adopting a balanced diet can be viewed by some parents as intrusive or judgmental, leading to poor adherence to essential health-promoting behaviours.

The regular use of inhalers for asthma or other chronic conditions might be looked down upon due to the fear of “dependency”, “addiction”, or long-term side effects, despite medical consensus that these preventive measures keep conditions controlled and prevent life-threatening exacerbations.

The common thread is a lack of understanding of the risk-benefit ratio. Parents, bombarded by fear-mongering narratives, often overestimate the rare, mild risks of an intervention while catastrophically underestimating the severe and permanent risks of the disease or condition itself.

The power of paediatric preventive medicine is not in a single shot or pill, but in the consistent, committed partnership between healthcare providers and parents. Paediatric science, driven by rigorous evidence-based medicine, do continue to refine guidelines, conduct transparent research, and communicate its findings clearly. When guidelines are confusing or lack robust evidence, it naturally creates openings for doubt. The scientific community’s commitment to continuous quality improvement and accessibility is paramount.

Ultimately, the success of prevention rests with the parents. Parenting, as a vital form of preventive care, includes all activities that raise happy, healthy, and capable children. The simple, non-medical steps mentioned in the introduction, proper handwashing, good sanitation, and encouraging exercise, are all forms of parental preventive intervention.

For more complex interventions, parental commitment requires several actions. They need to seek and trust the guidance provided by qualified healthcare professionals over anonymous, unsubstantiated online claims. They need to engage in an open dialogue by asking relevant questions and expressing concerns to doctors in an open, non-confrontational manner. A good healthcare provider will use this as an opportunity to educate and build trust, and not a portal to simply dismiss concerns. Then, of course, there is the spectre of adherence to various protocols and actions by the parents. These include consistently following recommended schedules, whether for well-child checkups, vaccinations, or daily medication protocols.

Addressing public scepticism requires a multi-pronged, collaborative strategy. It is not just about correcting false facts (debunking), but about building resilience against future falsehoods (prebunking). The single most influential voice in a parent’s decision-making process is their paediatrician or primary care provider. Clinicians must move beyond simply reciting facts. They need to use empathetic communication techniques, like Motivational Interviewing (MI), which focuses on active listening, validating parental concerns, and then collaboratively guiding them toward evidence-based decisions. For example, responding with, “I hear you’re worried about the side-effects you read about. Can I share what we know from decades of safety monitoring?” Being open about common, minor side effects such as a short-lasting fever after a vaccine pre-empts the shock and distrust that occurs when an expected, yet unmentioned, reaction happens.

Public health campaigns must go on the offensive, not just a defensive fact-checking spree. Teaching the general public how disinformation works, the use of “fake experts”, selective cherry-picked data, and conspiracy theories all add up to a most powerful form of inoculation (prebunking) against future exposure. Health institutions must simplify their communications and make verified, high-quality information easily accessible on platforms where parents are already looking.

Parents often trust their peers as much as their doctors. Engaging local community leaders, faith leaders, and even trusted social media influencers to share accurate, positive messages about paediatric health can shift the public narrative at a grassroots level. While protecting privacy, sharing aggregate data and stories about the dramatic decline in childhood diseases thanks to prevention can re-emphasise the collective good.

The battle against child mortality and morbidity has been one of the great human achievements, a testament to scientific ingenuity and collective effort. Today, the greatest threat to maintaining these gains is not a new virus, but a breakdown of trust fuelled by unchecked falsehoods.

Paediatric preventive interventions, from a cake of soap and a proper toilet to the most sophisticated genetic therapies, are the foundation of a healthy future for every child. To secure this future, the scientific community must remain transparent, the healthcare system must lead with empathy, and the public must commit to informed, critical thinking. By rejecting the noise of disinformation and embracing the clear, evidence-based consensus of science, we can ensure that every child continues to benefit from the life-saving progress that defines modern paediatrics. The well-being of the next generation demands nothing less than this renewed commitment.

Little children are not in a position to make abiding decisions regarding their health, especially regarding preventive strategies in health. It is ultimately the crucial decisions made by responsible parents regarding the health of their children that really matter. As doctors, our commitment is never to leave any child behind.

by Dr B. J. C. Perera  ✍️
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal

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Attacks on PM vulgar, misogynistic; education reforms welcome

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PM Amarasuriya

We express our profound concern and deep outrage at the vulgar, misogynistic, and defamatory attacks being directed at the Prime Minister and Minister of Education, Dr. Harini Amarasuriya.

Dr. Harini Amarasuriya is not merely a political leader; she is a scholar, public intellectual, and lifelong advocate of social justice, equality, and education. Attempts to discredit her through personal abuse rather than reasoned policy debate are not only an insult to her, but an assault on democratic values, women’s leadership, and intellectual integrity in public life.

Such attacks are unjust and unethical, and they corrode democratic discourse. We are deeply disappointed that certain political actors and their supporters continue to rely on misinformation, prejudice, and emotional manipulation, instead of engaging in rational, evidence-based, and constructive debate.

Sri Lanka has already paid a heavy price for decades of politics rooted in fear, communal division, and sentiment-driven populism. The country’s economic collapse and social breakdown are the direct consequences of these failed approaches. The people decisively rejected this style of politics through the Aragalaya, signaling a clear demand for change. Sri Lanka now stands at a historic turning point. After decades of corruption, ethnic manipulation, and policy paralysis, the people have given a clear mandate for systemic reform.

At this critical moment, Sri Lanka urgently needs structural reforms, particularly in education, which is the foundation of long-term national development, social mobility, and global competitiveness. Yet we observe that the very forces responsible for the country’s decline are once again attempting to block or derail reforms by exploiting religious, cultural, and emotional narratives.

We strongly affirm that no nation can be rebuilt through hatred, fear, or division. Education reform is not a political threat; it is a national necessity. Efforts to undermine reform through personal attacks and manufactured controversies serve only those who seek to return to power by keeping the country weak, divided, and intellectually impoverished.

Those who now attack Dr. Harini Amarasuriya are not defending culture or morality. They are defending privilege and political survival. Having failed the country for over seventy-five years through communalism, patronage, and anti-intellectualism, they now fear that an educated, critical, and empowered generation will render their outdated politics irrelevant.

This is why they target:

=a woman,

=an academic,

=and a reformer.

We therefore state clearly that we:

1. Condemn all forms of character assassination, gender-based attacks, and hate propaganda against the Prime Minister and Minister of Education.

2. Affirm our full support for Dr. Harini Amarasuriya’s leadership in advancing Sri Lanka’s education reforms.

3. Urge the government to proceed firmly and without retreat in implementing the proposed education reforms, in line with national policy and the public mandate.

4. Call upon academics, professionals, teachers, parents, and citizens to stand together against reactionary forces that seek to sabotage reform through fear mongering and disinformation.

A country cannot be rebuilt by those who destroyed it. A future cannot be created by those who fear education reforms.

Sri Lanka’s future must not be sacrificed for the ambitions of a few.Sri Lanka must move forward — with knowledge, dignity, and courage.

Signatories:

1. Markandu Thiruvathavooran, Attorney at law

2. S. Arivalzahan, University of Jaffna

3. Dr S.Ramesh, University of Jaffna

4. Dr. Mariadas Alfred, Former Dean, University of Peradeniya

5. Prof B.Nimalathasan, Senior Professor, University of Jaffna

6. S. Srivakeesan, Station Master, SriLankan Railways

7. A. T. Aravinthan, Branch Manager, Commercial Bank

8. Dr. S. Niththiyaruban, Paediatrician, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna

9. Dr. S. Selvaganesh, Plastic and Reconstructive Surgeon, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna

10. Dr. S. Mathievaanan, Consultant Surgeon, Teaching Hospital, Jaffna

11. Prof. P. Iyngaran, University of Jaffna

12. Eng. M. Sooriasegaram, President, Education Development Consortium

13. Dr. S. Raviraj, Senior Consultant Surgeon, Former Dean, Faculty of Medicine, University, Jaffna.

14. Mr. Saminadan Wimal, University of Jaffna

15. Dr. A. Antonyrajan, University of Jaffna

16. P. Regno, Attorney at Law

17. Prof. J. Prince Jeyadevan, University of Jaffna

18. Prof. S. Muhunthan, University of Jaffna

19. Prof. R. Kapilan, University of Jaffna

20. Dr. S. Jeevasuthan, University of Jaffna

21. J.S. Thevaruban, University of Jaffna

22. S. Balaputhiran, University of Jaffna

23. Dr. N. Sivapalan, Retired Senior lecturer, University of Jaffna

24. I. P. Dhanushiyan, University of Jaffna

25. Dr. K. Thabotharan, University of Jaffna

26. Dr. Bahirathy J. Rasanen, University of Jaffna

27. Perinpanayagam Ronibus, Vice Secretary, Change Charitable Trust, Jaffna

28. Dr. S. Maheswaran, University of Peradeniya

29. Mr. S. Laleesan, Principal, Kopay Teachers’ College

30. Victor Antany, Teacher, Kilinochchi

31. K. Shanthakumar, Principal, Technical College, Vavuniya

32. S. Thirikaran, Principal, J/ Puttur Srisomaskanda College

33. Dr. T. Vannarajan, Advanced Technical Institute, Jaffna.

34. X. Don Bosco, Resource person, Piliyandala Educational Zone

35. K. Ravikumar, Regional Manager, Powerhands Pvt Ltd

36. Sathiyapriya Jeyaseelan, DO, Economist

37. A. Kalaichelvan, Chief Accountant, Animal Productive & Health

38. C. Vathanakumar, Retired Project Director

39. P. Kirupakaran, Department of Buildings (NP)

40. A. Antony Pilinton, David Peris Company, Jaffna

41. A. Muralietharan, Social Activist

42. Sinthuja Sritharan, Independent Researcher

43. T. Sritharan, Social Activist

44. Ms. Gnasakthi Sritharan, Social Activist

45. P. Thevatharsan, Management Service Officer

46. . S. Mohan, Social Activist

47. K. Jeyakumaran, Social Activist

48. Dr. N. Nithianandan, Chairman, Ratnam Foundation

49. George Antony Cristy, Social Activist

50. S. Thangarasa, Social Activist

51. N. Bhavan, Retd. Deputy Principal, Mahajana College

52. P. Muthulingam, Executive Director, Institute of Social Development, Kandy

53. M.K. Sivarajah, Social Activist

54. Mr. V. Sivalingam, Human Rights Activist

55. S. Jeyaganeshan, Samuthi Development Officer

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